ili!!-  ■  ;iiiill 


ii 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OE  CALIEORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


Tkc  KAI.1'11  I).  Ki:i:i)  IJIiRAKY 


DEPARTMENT  OF  t;EOLOGY 

UNIVERSITY  of  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES,  CALIF. 


^ijt  of  Oil  Companies  of  Soufhern  Cali- 
Fornio,  Alumni  and  Faculty  of  Geology  Depart- 
ment and  University  Library. 

1940 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NEW    YORK    •    BOSTON    •    CHICAGO    •    DALLAS 
ATLANTA    •    SAN    FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &   CO.,   Limited 

LONDON  •  BOMBAY  •  CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 
OF  CANADA,   Limited 

TORONTO 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


FOUNDED  ON  THE 

HISTORIA  BE  ESPANA   Y  DE  LA  CIVILIZACION  ESPANOLA 

OF  RAFAEL  ALTAMIRA 


BY 

CHARLES   E.   CHAPMAN,   Ph.D. 

ASSISTANT    PROFESSOR   OF    HISTORY 
IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 
1930 


COPTHIGHT,    1918, 

By   the    MACMILLAN   COMPANY. 


All  rights  reserved  —  no  part  of  this 

book  may  be  reproduced  in  any  form 

without  permission   in   writing  from 

the  publisher. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.    Published  October,  191 8.    Reprinted 
October,  1922;  March,  1925;  February,  1927 ;  June,  1930. 


•  PRINTED   m  THE   tTNIIED  STATES  OF  AUEKICA  ' 


TO   MY  SON 
SEVILLE   DUDLEY   CHAPMAN 

BORN   m   THE   CITY   WHOSE   NAMB 
HE   BEAKS 


*^  A  A'  /!■  <'>Q 


PREFACE 

The  present  work  is  an  attempt  to  give  in  one  volume 
the  main  features  of  Spanish  history  from  the  standpoint  of 
America.  It  should  serve  almost  equally  well  for  residents 
of  both  the  English-speaking  and  the  Spanish  American  coun- 
tries, since  the  underlying  idea  has  been  that  Americans 
generally  are  concerned  with  the  growth  of  that  Spanish 
civilization  which  was  transmitted  to  the  new  world.  One 
of  the  chief  factors  in  American  life  today  is  that  of  the  rela- 
tions between  Anglo-Saxon  and  Hispanic  America.  They 
are  becoming  increasingly  important.  The  southern  re- 
publics themselves  are  forging  ahead ;  on  the  other  hand 
many  of  them  are  still  dangerously  weak,  leaving  possible 
openings  for  the  not  unwilling  old  world  powers ;  and  some 
of  the  richest  prospective  markets  of  the  globe  are  in  those 
as  yet  scantily  developed  lands.  The  value  of  a  better 
understanding  between  the  peoples  of  the  two  Americas, 
both  for  the  reasons  just  named  and  for  many  others,  scarcely 
calls  for  argument.  It  is  almost  equally  clear  that  one  of  the 
essentials  to  such  an  understanding  is  a  comprehension  of 
Spanish  civilization,  on  which  that  of  the  Spanish  American 
peoples  so  largely  depends.  That  information  this  volume 
aims  to  provide.  It  confines  itself  to  the  story  of  the  growth 
of  Spanish  civilization  in  Spain,  but  its  ultimate  transfer 
to  the  Americas  has  been  constantly  in  the  writer's  mind 
in  the  choice  of  his  material,  as  will  appear  from  the  frequent 
allusions  in  the  text.  An  attempt  is  made  to  treat  Spanish 
institutions  not  as  static  (which  they  never  were)  but  in 
process  of  evolution,  from  period  to  period.  The  development 
of  Spanish  institutions  in  the  colonies  and  the  later  independ- 
ent states,  it  is  hoped,  will  be  the  subject  of  another  volume. 


Vlii  PREFACE 

Neither  story  has  ever  been  presented  according  to  the 
present  plan  to  the  American  public. 

Emphasis  here  has  been  placed  on  the  growth  of  the  civil- 
ization, or  institutions,  of  Spain  rather  than  on  the  narra- 
tive of  political  events.  The  latter  appears  primarily  as  a  peg 
on  which  to  hang  the  former.  The  volume  is  topically  ar- 
ranged, so  that  one  may  select  those  phases  of  development 
which  interest  him.  Thus  one  may  confine  himself  to  the 
narrative,  or  to  any  one  of  the  institutional  topics,  social, 
political,  religious,  economic,  or  intellectual.  Indeed,  the 
division  may  be  carried  even  further,  so  that  one  may  single 
out  institutions  within  institutions.  As  regards  proportions 
the  principal  weight  is  given  to  the  periods  from  1252  to  1808, 
with  over  half  of  the  volume  devoted  to  the  years  1479  to 
1808.  The  three  centuries  from  the  sixteenth  to  the  nine- 
teenth are  singled  out  for  emphasis,  not  only  because  they 
were  the  years  of  the  transmission  of  Spanish  civiliza- 
tion to  the  Americas,  but  also  because  the  great  body  of 
the  Spanish  institutions  which  affected  the  colonies  did  so 
in  the  form  they  acquired  at  that  time.  To  treat  Spain's 
gift  to  Spanish  America  as  complete  by  the  year  1492  is  as 
incorrect  as  to  say  that  the  English  background  of  United 
States  history  is  necessary  only  to  the  year  1497,  when  John 
Cabot  sailed  along  the  North  American  coast,  or  certainly 
not  later  than  1607,  when  Jamestown  was  founded.  In 
accord  with  the  primary  aim  of  this  work  the  place  of  Spain 
in  general  European  history  is  given  relatively  little  space. 
The  recital  of  minor  events  and  the  introduction  of  the  names 
of  inconsequential  or  slightly  important  persons  have  been 
avoided,  except  in  some  cases  where  an  enumeration  has  been 
made  for  purposes  of  illustration  or  emphasis.  For  these 
reasons,  together  with  the  fact  that  the  whole  account  is  com- 
pressed into  a  single  volume,  it  is  hoped  that  the  book  may 
serve  as  a  class-room  text  as  well  as  a  useful  compendium  for 
the  general  reader. 

The  writer  has  been  fortunate  in  that  there  exists  a  monu- 
mental work  in  Spanish  containing  the  type  of  materials 
which  he  has  wished  to  present.  This  is  the  Historia  de 
Espana  y  de  la  ciDilizacion  espanola,  which  has  won  a  world- 


PREFACE  UC 

wide  reputation  for  its  author,  Rafael  Altamira  y  Crevea.* 
Indeed,  the  present  writer  makes  Httle  claim  to  originality, 
since  for  the  period  down  to  1808  he  has  relied  almost  wholly 
on  Altamira.  Nevertheless,  he  has  made,  not  a  summary, 
but  rather  a  selection  from  the  Historia  (which  is  some  five 
times  the  length  of  this  volume)  of  such  materials  as  were 
appropriate  to  his  point  of  view.  The  chapter  on  the  reign 
of  Charles  III  has  been  based  largely  on  the  writer's  own 
account  of  the  diplomacy  of  that  monarch,  which  lays  special 
emphasis  on  the  relation  oT  Spain  to  the  American  Revolu- 
tion.^ For  the  chapter  dealing  with  Spain  in  the  nineteenth 
century  the  volumes  of  the  Cambridge  modern  history  have 
been  used,  together  with  those  on  modern  Spain  by  Hume  and 
Butler  Clarke.  The  last  chapter,  dealing  with  present-day 
Spain,  is  mainly  the  result  of  the  writer's  observations  diu'ing 
a  two  years'  residence  in  that  country,  1912  to  1914.  In 
the  course  of  his  stay  he  visited  every  part  of  the  peninsula, 
but  spent  most  of  his  time  in  Seville,  wherefore  it  is  quite 
possible  that  his  views  may  have  an  Andalusian  tinge. 

In  the  spelling  of  proper  names  the  English  form  has  been 
adopted  if  it  is  of  well-established  usage.  The  founder  of 
the  Carlists  and  Carlism,  however,  is  retained  as  "Don 
Carlos"  for  obvious  reasons  of  euphony.  In  all  other  cases 
the  Spanish  has  been  preferred.  The  phrase  "  the  Americas  " 
is  often  used  as  a  general  term  for  Spain's  overseas  colonies. 
It  may  therefore  include  the  Philippines  sometimes.  The 
term  "Moslems"  has  been  employed  for  the  Mohammedan 
invaders  of  Spain.  The  word  "  Moors  "  has  been  avoided,  be- 
cause it  is  historically  inaccurate  as  a  general  term  for  all  the 
invaders;  the  Almohades,  or  Moors,  w^ere  a  branch  of  the 
Berber  family,  and  other  INIoslem  peoples  had  preceded  them 
in  Spain  by  upwards  of  four  hundred  years.  Their  influence 
both  as  regards  culture  and  racial  traits  was  far  less  than  that 
of  the  Arabs,  who  were  the  most  important  of  the  conquering 

1  The  Historia,  in  four  volumes,  was  first  publistied  in  the  years 
1900  to  1911,  at  Barcelona.  It  has  now  reached  its  third  edition,  — 
1913  to  1914.  An  excellent  bibliography  eighty-eight  pages  in  length 
with  well  over  a  thousand  items  is  to  be  found  in  the  fourth  volume. 

2  The  founding  of  Spanish  California  (The  Macmillan  Company. 
New  York.     1916),  chap.  IX. 


X  PREFACE 

races,  and  this  fact,  tojijetluT  with  their  late  arrival,  should 
mihtate  against  the  appHcation  of  their  name  to  the  whole 
era  of  Moslem  Spain.  All  of  these  alien  peoples  were 
Mohammedans,  which  would  seem  to  justify  the  use  of  the 
word  "  Moslems."  The  word  "lords"  in  some  cases  indicates 
ecclesiastics  as  well  as  nobles.  "Town"  has  been  employed 
generally  for  "villa,"  ''concejo,"  "pueblo,"  " aldea,"  and 
"ciudad,"  except  when  special  attention  has  been  drawn  to 
the  different  types  of  municipalities.  Spanish  institutional 
terms  have  been  translated  or  explained  at  their  first  use. 
They  also  appear  in  the  index. 

As  on  previous  occasions,  so  now,  the  writer  finds  himself 
under  obligations  to  his  colleagues  in  the  Department  of 
History  of  the  University  of  California.  Professor  Stephens 
has  read  much  of  this  manuscript  and  has  made  helpful  sug- 
gestions as  to  content  and  style.  Professors  Bolton  and 
Priestley  and  Doctor  Hackett,  of  the  "  Bancroft  Library 
group,"  have  displayed  a  spirit  of  cooperation  which  the 
writer  greatly  appreciates.  Professor  Jaen  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Romance  Languages  gave  an  invaluable  criticism  of 
the  chapter  on  contemporary  Spain.  Senor  Jesus  Yanguas, 
the  Sevillian  architect,  furnished  the  lists  of  men  of  letters 
and  artists  appearing  in  that  chapter.  Professor  Shepherd 
of  Columbia  Ihiiversity  kindly  consented  to  allow  certain  of 
the  maps  appearing  in  his  Historiccd  atlas  to  be  copied  here. 
Doctors  R.  G.  Cleland,  C.  L.  Goodwin,  F.  S.  Philbrick,  and 
J.  A.  Robertson  have  aided  me  with  much  valued  criticisms. 
The  writer  is  also  grateful  to  his  pupils,  the  Misses  Bepler 
and  Juda,  for  assistance  rendered. 

CHARLES   E.   CHAPMAN. 

Berkbley,  January  5,  1918. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTEB  PAQB 

Preface          ..........  vii 

Introduction  by  Rafael  Altamira    .....  xiii 

I.    The   Influence   of  Geography   on  the   His- 
tory OF  Spain         ......  1 

II.    The  Early  Peoples,  to  206  b.c.     ...  6 

III.  Roman  Spain,  206  b.c.-409  a.d.        ...  15 

IV.  VisiGOTHic  Spain,  409-713         ....  26 
V.    Moslem  Spain,  711-1031 38 

VI.    Christian  Spain  in  the  Moslem  Period,  711- 

1035 53 

VII.    Era  of  the  Spanish  Crusades,  1031-1276        .  67 
VIII.    Social  and  Political  Organization  in  Spain, 

1031-1276 84 

IX.   Material    and    Intellectual    Progress    in 

Spain,  1031-1276 102 

X.    Development  toward  National  Unity  :  Cas- 
tile, 1252-1479 Ill 

XI.    Development     toward      National      Unity  : 

Aragon,  1276-1479 125 

XII.    Social  Organization  in  Spain,   1252-1479       .  137 

XIII.  The  Castilian  State,   1252-1479      .         .         .151 

XIV.  The  Aragonese  State,  1276-1479    .         .         .166 
XV.    Economic  Organization  in  Spain,  1252-1479  174 

XVI.    Intellectual  Progress  in  Spain.  1252-1479    .     180 
XVII.    Institutions   of   Outlying   Hispanic   States, 

1252-1479 192 

XVIII.    Era  of  the  Catholic  Kings,  1479-1517  .     202 

XIX.    Social  Reforms,  1479-1517       .         .         .         .210 
XX.    Political  Reforms,  1479-1517  .         .         .219 

XXI.    Material  and  Intellectual  Progress,  1479- 

1517 228 

XXII.    Charles  I  of  Spain,  1516-1556        .         .         .234 

-    XXIII.    The  Reign  of  Philip  II,   1556-1598         .         .     246 

XXIV.   A  Century  of  Decline,  1598-1700  .         .     258 

XXV.   Social  Developments,  151&-1700     .         .        .272 

xi 


Xll 


CONTENTS 


XXVI.  Political  Institutions,  1516-1700  . 

XXVII.  RELUiioN  AND  THE  Church,  1516-1700    . 

XXVIII.  Economic  Factors,  1516-1700  .... 

XXIX.  The  Golden  Age  :     Education,  Philosophy, 
History,  and  Science,  1516-1700. 

XXX.  The  Golden  Age  :  Literature  and  Art,  1516- 

1700 

XXXI.  The  Early  Bourbons,  1700-1759     . 

XXXII.  Charles  III  and  England,  1759-1788     . 

XXXIII.  Charles  IV  and  France,  1788-1808 

XXXIV.  Spanish  Society,  1700-1808      .... 
XXXV.  Political  Institutions,  1700-1808  . 

XXXVI.  State  and  Church,  1700-1808 

XXXVII.  Economic  Reforms,  1700-1808 

XXXVIII.  Intellectual  Activities,  1700-1808 

XXXIX.  The  Growth  of  Liberalism,  1808-1898 

XL.  The  Dawn  of  a  New  Day,  1898-1917    . 


Bibliographical  Notes 
Index     .... 


PAGE 

287 
303 
324 

338 

351 

368 
383 
399 
411 
425 
443 
458 
471 
488 
508 

527 
541 


MAPS 

General  Reference  Map    ..... 
Development  Toward  National  Unity,  910-1492 


Frontispiece 
.      67 


INTRODUCTION 

The  fact  that  this  book  is  in  great  part  a  summary,  or 
selection,  from  one  of  mine,  as  is  stated  in  the  Preface,  makes 
it  almost  a  duty  for  me  to  do  what  would  in  any  event  be 
a  great  pleasure  in  the  case  of  a  work  by  Professor  Chap- 
man. I  refer  to  the  duty  of  writing  a  few  paragraphs  by 
way  of  introduction.  But,  at  the  same  time,  this  circum- 
stance causes  a  certain  conflict  of  feelings  in  me,  since  no 
one,  unless  it  be  a  pedant,  can  act  so  freely  in  self-criticism 
as  he  would  if  he  were  dealing  with  the  work  of  another. 
Fortunately,  Professor  Chapman  has  incorporated  much  of 
his  own  harvest  in  this  volume,  and  to  that  I  may  refer  with 
entire  lack  of  embarrassment. 

Obviously,  the  plan  and  the  labor  of  condensing  all  of  the 
material  for  a  history  of  Spain  constitute  in  themselves  a 
commendable  achievement.  In  fact,  there  does  not  exist  in 
any  language  of  the  world  today  a  compendium  of  the  history 
of  Spain  reduced  to  one  volume  which  is  able  to  satisfy  all 
of  the  exigencies  of  the  public  at  large  and  the  needs  of  teach- 
ing, without  an  excess  of  reading  and  of  labor.  None  of 
the  histories  of  my  country  written  in  English,  German, 
French,  or  Italian  in  the  nineteenth  century  can  be  unqual- 
ifiedly recommended.  Some,  such  as  that  by  Hume,  en- 
titled The  Spanish  people,  display  excellent  attributes,  but 
these  are  accompanied  by  omissions  to  which  modern 
historiography  can  no  longer  consent.  As  a  general  rule 
these  histories  are  altogether  too  political  in  character. 
At  other  times  they  offend  from  an  excess  of  bookish  erudi- 
tion and  from  a  lack  of  a  personal  impression  of  what  our 
people  are,  as  well  as  from  a  failure  to  narrate  their  story 
in  an  interesting  way,  or  indeed,  they  perpetuate  errors  and 
legends,  long  since  discredited,  with  respect  to  our  past  and 

ziil 


XIV  INTRODUCTION 

present  life.  We  have  some  one-volume  histories  of  Spain 
in  Castilian  which  are  to  be  recommended  for  the  needs 
of  our  own  secondary  schools,  but  not  for  those  of  a  foreign 
country,  whose  students  require  another  manner  of  presenta- 
tion of  our  history,  for  they  have  to  apply  an  interrogatory 
ideal  which  is  different  from  ours  in  their  investigation  of  the 
deeds  of  another  people,  —  all  the  more  so  if  that  people, 
like  the  Spanish,  has  mingled  in  the  life  of  nearly  the  whole 
world  and  been  the  victim  of  the  calumnies  and  fanciful 
whims  of  historians,  politicians,  and  travellers. 

For  all  of  these  reasons  the  work  of  condensation  by  Pro- 
fessor Chapman  constitutes  an  important  service  in  itself 
for  the  English-speaking  public,  for  it  gives  in  one  volume 
the  most  substantial  features  of  our  history  from  primitive 
times  to  the  present  moment.  Furthermore,  there  are 
chapters  in  his  work  which  belong  entirely  to  him  :  XXXII, 
XXXIX,  and  XL.  The  reason  for  departing  from  my  text 
in  Chapter  XXXII  is  given  by  Professor  Chapman  in  the 
Preface.  As  for  the  other  two  he  was  under  the  unavoid- 
able necessity  of  constructing  them  himself.  His,  for  me, 
very  flattering  method  of  procedure,  possible  down  to  the 
year  1808,  if  indeed  it  might  find  a  basis  for  continuation 
in  a  chapter  of  mine  in  the  Cambridge  modern  history  (v.  X), 
in  my  lectures  on  the  history  of  Spain  in  the  nineteenth 
century  (given  at  the  Ateneo  of  Madrid,  some  years  ago), 
in  the  little  manual  of  the  Ilistoria  de  la  civilizacion  espanola 
(History  of  Spanish  civilization)  which  goes  to  the  year 
1898,  and  even  in  the  second  part  of  a  recent  work,  Esyana 
y  el  programa  americanista  (Spain  and  the  Americanist 
program),  published  at  Madrid  in  1917,  nevertheless  could 
not  avail  itself  of  a  single  text,  a  continuous,  systematized 
account,  comprehensive  of  all  the  aspects  of  our  national 
life  as  in  the  case  of  the  periods  prior  to  1808.  INIoreover,  it 
is  better  that  the  chapters  referring  to  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury and  the  present  time  should  be  written  by  a  foreign 
pen,  whose  master  in  this  instance,  as  a  result  of  his  having 
lived  in  Spain,  is  able  to  contribute  that  personal  impression 
of  which  I  have  spoken  before,  an  element  which  if  it  is  at 
times  deceiving  in  part,  through  the  influence  of  a  too  local 


INTRODUCTION  XV 

or  regional  point  of  view,  is  always  worth  more  than  that 
understanding  which  proceeds  only  from  erudite  sources. 

I  would  not  be  able  to  say,  without  failing  in  sincerity 
(and  therefore  in  the  first  duty  of  historiography),  that  I 
share  in  and  subscribe  to  all  the  conclusions  and  generaliza- 
tions of  Professor  Chapman  about  the  contemporary  history 
and  present  condition  of  Spain.  At  times  my  dissent  would 
not  be  more  than  one  of  the  mere  shade  of  meaning,  perhaps 
from  the  form  of  expression,  given  to  an  act  which,  accord- 
ing as  it  is  presented,  is,  or  is  not,  exact.  But  in  general  I 
believe  that  Professor  Chapman  sees  modern  Spain  cor- 
rectly, and  does  us  justice  in  many  things  in  which  it  is  not 
frequent  that  we  are  accorded  that  consideration.  This 
alone  would  indeed  be  a  great  merit  in  our  eyes  and  would 
deserve  our  applause.  The  English-speaking  public  will 
have  a  guarantee,  through  this  work,  of  being  able  to  con- 
template a  quite  faithful  portrait  of  Spain,  instead  of  a 
caricature  drawn  in  ignorance  of  the  facts  or  in  bad  faith. 
With  this  noble  example  of  historiographical  calm.  Pro- 
fessor Chapman  amply  sustains  one  of  the  most  sympathetic 
notes  which,  with  relation  to  the  work  of  Spain  in  America, 
has  for  some  years  been  characteristic,  that  which  we  should 
indeed  call  the  school  of  North  American  historians. 

Rafael  Altamira. 
February,  1918. 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


CHAPTER  I 


THE   INFLUENCE   OF   GEOGRAPHY   ON  THE  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


The  Iberian  Peninsula,  embracing  the  modern  states  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  is  entirely  surrounded  by  the  waters 
of  the  Mediterranean  Sea  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  except 
for  a  strip  in  the  north  a  little  less  than  three  hundred  miles 
in  length,  which  touches  the  southern  border  of  France. 
Even  at  that  point  Spain  is  almost  completely  shut  off  from 
the  rest  of  Europe,  because  of  the  high  range  of  the  Pyrenees 
Mountains.  Portugal,  although  an  independent  state  and 
set  apart  to  a  certain  extent  by  a  mountainous  boundary, 
cannot  be  said  to  be  geographically  distinct  from  Spain. 
Indeed,  many  regions  in  Spain  are  quite  as  separate  from 
each  other  as  is  Portugal  from  the  Spanish  lands  she  borders 
upon.  Until  the  late  medieval  period,  too,  the  history  of 
Portugal  was  in  the  same  current  as  that  of  the  peninsula 
as  a  whole. 

The  greatest  average  elevation  in  Spain  is  found  in  the 
centre,  in  Castile  and  Extremadura,  whence  there  is  a  de- 
scent, by  great  steps  as  it  were,  to  the  east  and  to  the  west. 
On  the  eastern  side  the  descent  is  short  and  rapid  to  the 
Mediterranean  Sea.  On  the  west,  the  land  falls  by  longer 
and  more  gradual  slopes  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  so  that 
central  Spain  may  be  said  to  look  geographically  toward  the 
west.  There  is  an  even  more  gentle  decline  from  the  base 
of  the  Pyrenees  to  the  valley  of  the  Guadalquivir,  although 
it  is  interrupted  by  plateaus  which  rise  above  the  general 
level.  All  of  these  gradients  are  modified  greatly  by  the 
mountain    ranges    within    the    peninsula.     The    Pyrenean 

B  1 


Isolation 
of  the 
Iberian 
Penin- 
sula. 


Mountains 

and 

plateaus. 


2  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

range  not  only  separates  France  from  Spain,  but  also  con- 
tinues westward  under  the  name  Cantabrian  Mountains 
for  an  even  greater  distance  along  the  northern  coast  of  the 
latter  country,  leaving  but  little  lowland  space  along  the 
sea,  until  it  reaches  Galicia  in  the  extreme  northwest.  Here 
it  expands  until  it  covers  an  area  embracing  northern  Portu- 
gal as  well.  At  about  the  point  where  the  Pyrenees  proper 
and  the  Cantabrian  Mountains  come  together  the  Iberian, 
or  Celtiberian,  range,  a  series  of  isolated  mountains  for  the 
most  part,  breaks  off  to  the  southeast  until  near  the  Mediter- 
ranean, when  it  curves  to  the  west,  merging  with  the  Peni- 
betica  range  (better  known  as  the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains, 
the  name  of  that  part  of  the  range  lying  south  of  the  city 
of  Granada),  which  moves  westward  near  the  southern  coast 
to  end  in  the  cape  of  Tarifa. 
Geograph-  These  mountains  divide  the  peninsula  into  four  regions : 
ical  divi-  the  narrow  littoral  on  the  northern  coast ;  Aragon,  Cata- 
sionsofthe  jqi^j^^  Valencia,  Murcia,  and  most  of  La  Mancha,  looking 
toward  the  Mediterranean;  Almeria,  Malaga,  and  part  of 
Granada  and  Cadiz  in  the  south  of  Spain;  and  the  vast 
region  comprising  the  rest  of  the  peninsula.  The  last- 
named  is  subdivided  into  four  principal  regions  of  impor- 
tance historically.  The  Carpetana,  or  Carpeto-Vetonica, 
range  in  the  north  (more  often  called  the  Guadarrama 
Mountains)  separates  Old  Castile  from  New  Castile  and 
Extremadura  to  the  south,  and  continues  into  Portugal. 
The  Oretana  range  crosses  the  provinces  of  Cuenca,  Toledo, 
Ciudad  Real,  Caceres,  and  Badajoz,  also  terminating  in 
Portugal.  Finally,  the  Marianica  range  (more  popularly 
known  as  the  Sierra  Morena)  forms  the  boundary  of  Castile 
and  Extremadura  with  Andalusia.  Each  of  the  four  sub- 
divisions has  a  great  river  valley,  these  being  respectively, 
from  north  to  south,  the  Douro,  Tagus,  Guadiana,  and  Gua- 
dalquivir. Various  other  sub-sections  might  be  named, 
but  only  one  is  of  prime  importance,  —  the  valley  of  the 
Ebro  in  Aragon  and  Catalonia,  lying  between  the  Pyrenees 
and  an  eastward  branch  of  the  Iberian  range.  Within  these 
regions,  embracing  parts  of  several  of  them,  there  is  another 
that  is  especially  noteworthy,  —  that  of  the  vast  table-land 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  GEOGRAPHY 


of  central  Spain  between  the  Ebro  and  the  Guadalquivir. 
This  is  an  elevated  region,  difficult  of  access  from  all  of  the 
surrounding  lands.  Geologists  have  considered  it  the 
"permanent  nucleus"  of  the  peninsula.  It  is  in  turn  di- 
vided into  two  table-lands  of  unequal  height  by  the  great 
Carpeto-Vetonica  range.  The  long  coast  line  of  the  pen- 
insula, about  2500  miles  in  length,  has  also  been  a  factor  of 
no  small  importance  historically.  Despite  the  length  of  her 
border  along  the  sea,  Spain  has,  next  to  Switzerland,  the 
greatest  average  elevation  of  any  country  in  Europe,  so  high 
are  her  mountains  and  table-lands. 

These  geographical  conditions  have  had  important  con- 
sequences climatically  and  economically  and  especially 
historically.  The  altitude  and  irregularity  of  the  land  have 
produced  widely  separated  extremes  of  temperature,  although 
as  a  general  rule  a  happy  medium  is  maintained.  To  geo- 
graphical causes,  also,  are  due  the  alternating  seasons  of  rain 
and  drought  in  most  of  Spain,  especially  in  Castile,  Valencia, 
and  Andalusia,  which  have  to  contend,  too,  with  the  dis- 
advantages of  a  smaller  annual  rainfall  than  is  the  lot  of 
most  other  parts  of  Europe  and  with  the  torrential  rains 
which  break  the  season  of  drought.  When  it  rains,  the 
water  descends  in  such  quantity  and  with  such  rapidity  from 
the  mountains  to  the  sea  that  the  river  beds  are  often  un- 
able to  contain  it,  and  dangerous  floods  result.  Further- 
more, the  sharpness  of  the  slope  makes  it  diflScult  to  utilize 
these  rivers  for  irrigation  or  navigation,  so  swift  is  the 
current,  and  so  rapidly  do  the  rivers  spend  themselves. 
Finally,  the  rain  is  not  evenly  distributed,  and  some  regions, 
especially  the  high  plateau  country  of  Castile  and  La 
Mancha,  are  particularly  dry  and  are  difficult  of  cultiva- 
tion. 

On  the  other  hand  the  geographical  conditions  of  the 
peninsula  have  produced  distinct  benefits  to  counterbalance 
the  disadvantages.  The  coastal  plains  are  often  very  fer- 
tile. Especially  is  this  true  of  the  east  and  south,  where 
the  vine  and  the  olive,  oranges,  rice,  and  other  fruits  and 
vegetables  are  among  the  best  in  the  world.  The  northern 
coast  is  of  slight  value  agriculturally,  but,  thanks  to  a  rain- 


Disadvan- 
tageous 
effects  of 
geography. 


Beneficial 
effects. 


A   raSTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Geograph 
ical 

isolation 
the  cause 


fall  which  is  constant  and  greater  than  necessary,  is  rich 
pastorally.  Here,  too,  there  is  a  very  agreeable  climate, 
due  in  large  measure  to  a  favoring  ocean  current,  which  has 
also  been  influential  in  producing  the  forests  in  a  part  of 
Galicia.  These  factors  have  made  the  northern  coast  a 
favorite  summer  resort  for  Spaniards  and,  indeed,  for  many 
other  Em'opeans.  The  mountains  in  all  parts  of  the  penin- 
sula have  proved  to  contain  a  mineral  wealth  which  many 
centuries  of  mining  have  been  unable  to  exhaust.  Some 
gold  and  more  silver  have  been  found,  but  metals  of  use 
industrially  —  such,  for  example,  as  copper  —  have  been 
the  most  abundant.  The  very  difficulties  which  Spaniards 
have  had  to  overcome  helped  to  develop  virile  traits  which 
have  made  their  civilization  of  more  force  in  the  world  than 
might  have  been  expected  from  a  country  of  such  scant 
wealth  and  population.^ 

The  most  marked  result  of  these  natural  conditions  has 
been  the  isolation,  not  only  of  Spain  from  the  rest  of  the 
world,  but  also  of  the  different  regions  of  Spain  from  one 
of  Spanish  another.  Spaniards  have  therefore  developed  the  conserva- 
individual-  tive  clinging  to  their  own  institutions  and  the  individuality 
ity-  of  an  island  people.     While  this  has  retarded  their  develop- 

ment into  a  nation,  it  has  held  secure  the  advances  made 
and  has  vitalized  Spanish  civilization.  For  centuries  the 
most  isolated  parts  were  also  the  most  backward,  this  being 
especially  true  of  Castile,  whereas  the  more  inviting  and 
more  easily  invaded  sotith  and  east  coasts  were  the  most 
susceptible  to  foreign  influence  and  the  most  advanced 
intellectually  as  well  as  economically.  When  at  length 
the  centre  accepted  the  civilization  of  the  east  and  south, 
and  by  reason  of  its  virility  was  able  to  dominate  them,  it 

*  The  first  and  most  important  social  question  in  the  history  of 
the  Spanish  people,  says  Altamira,  is  that  of  modifying  the  physical 
conditions  of  the  peninsula,  as  the  basis  of  their  national  develop- 
ment. They  have  been  able  to  count  on  the  fertility  of  some  regions, 
the  abundant  waters  of  others  at  some  seasons  of  the  year  (most  of 
which  is  lost  in  the  sea,  without  being  utilized),  the  wealth  of  sub- 
terranean waters  in  many  localities,  and  the  mineral  wealth  which 
lends  itself  also  to  industrial  development.  In  other  words,  the 
problem  is  that  of  correcting  the  unequal  distribution  of  Spain's 
resources,  rather  than  of  a  lack  of  them. 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  GEOGRAPHY  5 

imposed  its  law,  its  customs,  and  its  conservatism  upon 
them,  and  reached  across  the  seas  to  the  Americas,  where 
a  handful  of  men  were  able  to  leave  an  imperishable  legacy 
of  Spanish  civilization  to  a  great  part  of  two  continents. 

Specific  facts  in  Spanish  history  can  also  be  traced  very  Events 
largely  to  the  effects  of  geography.     The  mineral  wealth  traceable 
of  the  peninsula  has  attracted  foreign  peoples  throughout  ^^  ^^^7 
recorded  history,  and  the  fertility  of  the  south  and  east  has  conditions, 
also  been  a  potent  inducement  to  an  invasion,  whether  of 
armies  or  of  capital.     The  physical  features  of  the  peninsula 
helped  these  peoples  to  preserve  their  racial  characteristics, 
with  the  result  that  Spain  presents  an  unusual  variety  in 
traits  and  customs.     The  fact  that  the  valley  of  the  Guadal- 
quivir descends  to  the  sea  before  reaching  the  eastern  line 
of  the  Portuguese  boundary  had  an  influence  in  bringing 
about  the  independence  of  Portugal,  —  for  while  Castile  still 
had  to  combat  the  Moslem  states  Portugal  could  turn  her 
energies  inward.     Nevertheless,   one  must  not  think  that 
geography  has  been  the  only  or  even  the  controlling  factor 
in  the  life  and  events  of  the  Iberian  Peninsula.     Others  have 
been  equally  or  more  important,  —  such  as  those  of  race  and, 
especially,  the  vast  group  of  circumstances  involving  the 
relations  of  men  and  of  states  which  may  be  given  the  col- 
lective name  of  history. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  EARLY  PEOPLES,  TO   206  B.C. 

Prehistoric      The  Iberian  Peninsula  has  not  always  had  the  same  form 
Spain.  which  it  now  has,  or  the  same  plants,  animals,  or  climate 

which  are  found  there  today.  For  example,  it  is  said  that 
Spain  was  once  united  by  land  with  Africa,  and  also  by  way 
of  Sicily,  which  had  not  yet  become  an  island,  with  southern 
Italy,  making  a  great  lake  of  the  western  Mediterranean. 
The  changes  as  a  result  of  which  the  peninsula  assumed  its 
present  characteristics  belong  to  the  field  of  geology,  and 
need  to  be  mentioned  here  only  as  affording  some  clue  to 
the  earliest  colonization  of  the  land.  In  like  manner  the 
descripti(m  of  the  primitive  peoples  of  Spain  belongs  more 
properly  to  the  realm  of  ethnology.  It  is  worthy  of  note, 
however,  that  there  is  no  proof  that  the  earliest  type  of  man 
in  Europe,  the  Neanderthal,  or  Canstadt,  man,^  existed 
in  Spain,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  next  succeeding  type,  the 
Furfooz  man,  entered  at  a  time  when  a  third  type,  the 
Cromagnon,  was  already  there.  Evidences  of  the  Cro- 
magnon  man  are  numerous  in  Spain.  Peoples  of  this  type 
may  have  been  the  original  settlers  of  the  Iberian  Penin- 
sula.^ Like  the  Neanderthal  and  Furfooz  men  they  are 
described  generally  as  paleolithic  men,  for  their  implements 
were  of  rough  stone.  After  many  thousands  of  years  the 
neolithic  man,  or  man  of  the  polished  stone  age,  developed 

1  So  called  from  the  localities  in  Germany  where  bones  of  men 
of  this  type  were  discovered. 

2  The  inhabitants  of  the  Canary  Islands,  a  Spanish  group  off 
the  northwest  coast  of  Africa,  are  of  this  race.  They  preserved 
their  racial  characteristics  with  great  purity  until  the  fifteenth 
century,  since  which  time  more  and  more  intermixture  has  taken 
place. 

6 


THE   EARLY   PEOPLES,   TO   206   B.C.  7 

in  Spain  as  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  In  some  respects 
the  neoHthic  man  of  Spain  differed  from  the  usual  European 
type,  but  was  similar  to  the  neolithic  man  of  Greece.  This 
has  caused  some  writers  to  argue  for  a  Greek  origin  of  the 
early  Spanish  peoples,  but  others  claim  that  similar  mani- 
festations might  have  developed  independently  in  each 
region.  Neolithic  man  was  succeeded  by  men  of  the  ages 
of  the  metals,  —  copper,  bronze,  and  iron.  The  age  of 
iron,  at  least,  coincided  with  the  entry  into  Spain  of  peoples 
who  come  within  the  sphere  of  recorded  history.  As  early 
as  the  bronze  age  a  great  mixture  of  races  had  taken  place 
in  Spain,  although  the  brachycephalic  successors  of  the 
Cromagnon  race  were  perhaps  the  principal  type.  These 
were  succeeded  by  a  people  who  probably  arrived  in  pre- 
historic times,  but  later  than  the  other  races  of  those  ages  — 
that  dolichocephalic  group  to  which  has  been  applied  the 
name  Iberians.  They  were  the  dominating  people  at  the 
time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Phoenicians  and  Greeks. 

The  early  Spanish  peoples  left  no  literature  which  has  The 
survived,  wherefore  dependence  has  to  be  placed  on  foreign  Iberians, 
writers.  No  writings  prior  to  the  sixth  century  B.C.  which 
refer  to  the  Iberian  Peninsula  are  extant,  and  those  of  that 
and  the  next  two  centuries  are  too  meagre  to  throw  much 
light  on  the  history  or  the  peoples  of  the  land.  These  ac- 
counts were  mainly  those  of  Greeks,  with  also  some  from 
Carthaginians.  In  the  first  two  centuries  B.C.  and  in  the 
first  and  succeeding  centuries  of  the  Christian  era  there 
were  more  complete  accounts,  based  in  part  on  earlier  writings 
which  are  no  longer  available.  One  of  the  problems  result- 
ing from  the  paucity  of  early  evidences  is  that  of  the  deter- 
mination of  Iberian  origins.  Some  hold  that  the  name 
Iberian  should  not  have  an  extensive  application,  asserting 
that  it  belongs  only  to  the  region  of  the  Ebro  (Iberus),  the 
name  of  which  river  was  utilized  by  the  Greek,  Scylax,  of 
the  sixth  century  B.C.,  in  order  to  designate  the  tribes  of  that 
vicinity.  Most  writers  use  the  term  Iberians,  however,  as 
a  general  one  for  the  peoples  in  Spain  at  the  dawn  of  re- 
corded history,  maintaining  that  they  were  akin  to  the  ancient 
Chaldeans  and  Assyrians,  who  came  from  Asia  into  northern 


8 


A   fflSTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  Celtic 
invasion. 


Celti- 
berian 
civiliza- 
tion. 


Africa,  stopping  perhaps  to  have  a  share  in  the  origin  of  the 
Egyptian  people,  and  entering  Spain  from  the  south.  Ac- 
cording to  some  authors  the  modern  Basques  of  northern 
Spain  and  the  Berbers  of  northern  Africa  are  descendants 
of  the  same  people,  although  there  are  others  who  do  not 
agree  with  this  opinion.  Some  investigators  have  gone  so 
far  as  to  assert  the  existence  of  a  great  Iberian  P^mpire, 
extending  through  northern  Africa,  Spain,  southern  France, 
northern  Italy,  Corsica,  Sicily,  and  perhaps  other  lands. 
This  empire,  they  say,  was  founded  in  the  fifteenth  century 
B.C.,  and  fought  with  the  Egyptians  and  Phoenicians  for 
supremacy  in  the  Mediterranean,  in  alliance,  perhaps,  with 
the  Hittites  of  Asia  Minor,  but  was  defeated,  and  fell  apart 
in  the  twelfth  or  eleventh  century  B.C.,  at  which  time  the 
Phoenicians  entered  Spain. 

The  origin  of  the  Celts  is  more  certain.  Unlike  the 
Iberians  they  were  of  Indo-European  race.  In  the  third 
century  B.C.  they  occupied  a  territorj^  embracing  the  greater 
part  of  the  lands  from  the  modern  Balkan  states  through 
northern  Italy  and  France,  with  extremities  in  Britain  and 
Spain.  They  entered  the  peninsula  possibly  as  early  as  the 
sixth  century  B.C.,  but  certainly  not  later  than  the  fourth, 
coming  by  way  of  the  Pyrenees.  It  is  generally  held  that 
they  dominated  the  northwest  and  west,  the  regions  of 
modern  Galicia  and  Portugal,  leaving  the  Pj^renees,  eastern 
Spain,  and  part  of  the  south  in  full  possession  of  the  Iberians. 
In  the  centre  and  along  the  northern  and  southern  coasts 
the  two  races  mingled  to  form  the  Celtiberians,  in  which 
the  Iberian  element  was  the  more  important.  These  names 
were  not  maintained  very  strictly;  rather,  the  ancient 
writers  were  wont  to  employ  group  names  of  smaller  sub- 
divisions for  these  peoples,  such  as  Cantabrians,  Turdetan- 
ians,  and  Lusitanians. 

It  is  not  yet  possible  to  distinguish  clearly  between  Iberian 
and  Celtic  civilization  ;  in  any  event  it  must  be  remembered 
that  primitive  civilizations  resemble  one  another  very 
greatly  in  their  essentials.  There  was  certainly  no  united 
Iberian  or  Celtic  nation  within  historic  times ;  rather,  these 
peoples  lived  in  small  groups  which  were  independent  and 


THE    EARLY    PEOPLES,    TO    206    B.C.  ^ 

which  rarely  communicated  with  one  another  except  for 
the  commerce  and  wars  of  neighboring  tribes.  For  pm*- 
poses  of  war  tribal  bodies  federated  to  form  a  larger  union 
and  the  names  of  these  confederations  are  those  which  ap- 
pear most  frequently  in  contemporary  literature.  The 
Lusitanians,  for  example,  were  a  federation  of  thirty  tribes, 
and  the  Galicians  of  forty.  The  social  and  political  organi- 
zation of  these  peoples  was  so  similar  to  others  in  their  stage 
of  culture,  the  world  over,  that  it  need  only  be  indicated 
briefly.  The  unit  was  the  gens,  made  up  of  a  number  of 
families,  forming  an  independent  whole  and  bound  together 
through  having  the  same  gods  and  the  same  religious  prac- 
tices and  by  a  real  or  feigned  blood  relationship.  Various 
gentes  united  to  form  a  larger  unit,  the  tribe,  which  was 
bound  by  the  same  ties  of  religion  and  blood,  although  they 
were  less  clearly  defined.  Tribes  in  turn  united,  though 
only  temporarily  and  for  military  purposes,  and  the  great 
confederations  were  the  result.  In  each  unit  from  gens  to 
confederation  there  was  a  chief,  or  monarch,  and  delibera- 
tive assemblies,  sometimes  aristocratic,  and  sometimes 
elective.  The  institutions  of  slavery,  serfdom,  and  personal 
property  existed.  Nevertheless,  in  some  tribes  property 
was  owned  in  common,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
this  practice  was  quite  extensive.  In  some  respects  the 
tribes  varied  considerably  as  regards  the  stage  of  culture  to 
which  they  had  attained.  Those  of  the  fertile  Andalusian 
country  were  not  only  far  advanced  in  agriculture,  industry, 
and  commerce,  but  they  also  had  a  literature,  which  was 
said  to  be  six  thousand  years  old.  This  has  all  been  lost, 
but  inscriptions  of  these  and  other  tribes  have  survived, 
although  they  have  yet  to  be  translated.  On  the  other 
hand  the  peoples  of  the  centre,  west,  and  north  were  in  a 
rude  state;  the  Lusitanians  of  Portugal  stood  out  from  the 
rest  in  warlike  character.  Speaking  generally,  ancient 
writers  ascribed  to  the  Spanish  peoples  physical  endurance, 
heroic  valor,  fidelity  (even  to  the  point  of  death),  love  of 
liberty,  and  lack  of  discipline  as  salient  traits. 

The  first  historic  people  to  establish  relations  with  the 
Iberian  Peninsula  were  the  Phoenicians.     Centuries  before. 


10 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  Phoe- 
nicians in 
Spain. 


The  Car- 
thaginian 
conquest. 


they  had  formed  a  confederation  of  cities  in  their  land, 
whence  they  proceeded  to  establish  commercial  relations 
with  the  Mediterranean  world.  The  traditional  date  for 
their  entry  into  Spain  is  the  eleventh  century,  when  they 
are  believed  to  have  conquered  Cadiz.  Later  they  occupied 
posts  around  nearly  all  of  Spain,  going  even  as  far  as  Galicia 
in  the  northwest.  They  exploited  the  mineral  wealth  of 
the  peninsula,  and  engaged  in  commerce,  using  a  system 
not  unlike  that  of  the  British  factories  of  the  eighteenth 
century  in  India  in  their  dealings  with  the  natives.  Their 
settlements  were  at  the  same  time  a  market  and  a  fort, 
located  usually  on  an  island  or  on  an  easily  defensible  prom- 
ontory, though  near  a  native  town.  Many  of  these 
Phoenician  factories  have  been  identified,  —  among  others, 
those  of  Seville,  Malaga,  Algeciras,  and  the  island  of  Ibiza, 
as  well  as  Cadiz,  which  continued  to  be  the  most  important 
centre.  These  establishments  were  in  some  cases  bound 
politically  to  the  mother  land,  but  in  others  they  were 
private  ventures.  In  either  case  they  were  bound  by  ties 
of  religion  and  religious  tribute  to  the  cities  of  Phoenicia. 
To  the  Phoenicians  is  due  the  modern  name  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  peninsula.  They  called  it  "Span,"  or  "Spania," 
meaning  "hidden  (or  remote)  land."  In  course  of  time  they 
were  able  to  extend  their  domination  inland,  introducing 
important  modifications  in  the  life  of  the  Iberian  tribes, 
if  only  through  the  articles  of  commerce  they  brought. 

The  conquest  of  Phoenicia  by  the  kings  of  Assyria  and 
Chaldea  had  an  effect  on  far-away  Spain.  The  Phoenician 
settlements  of  the  peninsula  became  independent,  but  they 
began  to  have  ever  more  extensive  relations  with  the  great 
Phoenician  colony  of  Carthage  on  the  North  African  coast. 
This  city  is  believed  to  have  acquired  the  island  of  Ibiza 
in  much  earlier  times,  but  it  was  not  until  the  sixth  century 
B.C.  that  the  Carthaginians  entered  Spain  in  force.  At 
that  time  the  people  of  Cadiz  are  said  to  have  been  engaged 
in  a  dangerous  war  with  certain  native  tribes,  wherefore 
they  invited  the  Carthaginians  to  help  them.  The  latter 
came,  and,  as  has  so  often  occurred  in  history,  took  over 
for  themselves  the  land  which  they  had  entered  as  allies. 


THE  EARLY  PEOPLES,  TO  206  B.C.  11 

Meanwhile,  the  Greeks  had  already  been  in  Spain  for  The 
some  years.  Tradition  places  the  first  Greek  voyage  to  Greeks 
the  Spanish  coast  in  the  year  630  B.C.  Thereafter  there  ^^  Spam, 
were  commercial  voyages  by  the  Greeks  to  the  peninsula, 
followed  in  time  by  the  founding  of  settlements.  The 
principal  colonizers  were  the  Phocians,  proceeding  from 
their  base  at  Marseilles,  where  they  had  established  them- 
selves in  the  seventh  century  B.C.  Their  chief  post  in  Spain 
was  at  Emporium  (on  the  site  of  Castellon  de  Ampurias,  in 
the  province  of  Gerona,  Catalonia),  and  they  also  had 
important  colonies  as  far  south  as  the  Valencian  coast  and 
yet  others  in  Andalusia,  Portugal,  Galicia,  and  Asturias. 
Their  advance  was  resisted  by  the  Phoenicians  and  their 
Carthaginian  successors,  who  were  able  to  confine  the 
Greeks  to  the  upper  part  of  the  eastern  coast  as  the  prin- 
cipal field  of  their  operations.  The  Greek  colonies  were 
usually  private  ventures,  bound  to  the  city-states  from  which 
they  had  proceeded  by  ties  of  religion  and  affection  alone. 
They  were  also  independent  of  one  another.  Their  manner 
of  entry  resembled  that  already  described  in  the  case  of 
the  Phoenicians,  for  they  went  first  to  the  islands  near  the 
coast,  and  thence  to  the  mainland,  where  at  length  they 
joined  with  native  towns,  although  having  a  separate, 
walled-off  district  of  their  own,  —  comparable  to  the  situa- 
tion at  the  present  day  in  certain  ports  of  European  nations 
on  the  coast  of  China.  Once  masters  of  the  coast  the 
Greeks  were  able  to  penetrate  inland  and  to  introduce 
Greek  goods  and  Greek  influences  over  a  broad  area  of  the 
peninsula.  To  them  is  attributed  the  introduction  of  the 
vine  and  the  olive,  which  ever  since  have  been  an  important 
factor  in  the  economic  history  of  Spain. 

The  principal  objects  of  the  Carthaginians  in  Spain  were  Spain 
to  develop  the  rich  silver  mines  of  the  land  and  to  engage  "iider  the 
in  commerce.     In  furtherance  of  these  aims  they  established      ^'^^'^s- 
a  rigorous  military  system,  putting  garrisons  in  the  cities, 
and  insisting  on  tribute  in  both  soldiers  and  money.     In 
other  respects  they  left  both  the  Phoenician  colonies  and  the 
native  tribes  in  full  enjoyment  of  their  laws  and  customs, 
but  founded  cities  of  their  own  on  the  model  of  Carthage. 


12  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

They  did  not  attempt  a  thorough  conquest  of  the  peninsula 
until  their  difficulties  with  the  rising  power  of  Rome  pointed 
out  its  desirability.  In  the  middle  of  the  third  century 
B.C.,  Carthage,  which  had  long  been  the  leading  power  in 
the  western  Mediterranean,  came  into  conflict  with  Rome 
in  the  First  Punic  War.  As  a  result  of  this  war,  which  ended 
in  242  B.C.,  Rome  took  the  place  of  Carthage  in  Sicily.  It 
was  then  that  Hamilcar  of  the  great  Barca  family  of  Carthage 
suggested  the  more  thorough  occupation  of  Spain  as  a  coun- 
terpoise to  the  Roman  acquisition  of  Sicily,  in  the  hope  that 
Carthage  might  eventually  engage  with  success  in  a  new 
war  with  Rome.  He  at  length  entered  Spain  with  a  Car- 
thaginian army  in  236  B.C.,  having  also  been  granted  political 
powers  which  were  so  ample  that  he  became  practically 
independent  of  direction  from  Carthage.  The  conquest 
was  not  easy,  for  while  many  tribes  joined  with  him,  others 
offered  a  bitter  resistance.  Hamilcar  achieved  vast  con- 
quests, built  many  forts,  and  is  traditionally  supposed  to 
have  founded  the  city  of  Barcelona,  wdiich  bears  his  family 
name.  He  died  in  battle,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son- 
in-law,  Hasdrubal.  Hasdrubal  followed  a  policy  of  concilia- 
tion and  peace,  encouraging  his  soldiers  to  marry  Iberian 
women,  and  himself  wedding  a  Spanish  princess.  He  made 
his  capital  at  Cartagena,  building  virtually  a  new  city  on 
the  site  of  an  older  one.  This  was  the  principal  military 
and  commercial  centre  in  Spain  during  the  remainder  of 
Carthaginian  rule.  There  the  Barcas  erected  great  public 
buildings  and  palaces,  and  ruled  the  country  like  kings. 
Hasdrubal  was  at  length  assassinated,  leaving  his  command 
to  Hannibal,  the  son  of  Hamilcar.  Though  less  than  thirty 
years  of  age  Hannibal  was  already  an  experienced  soldier 
and  was  also  an  ardent  Carthaginian  patriot,  bitterly  hostile 
to  Rome,  The  time  now  seemed  ripe  for  the  realization  of 
the  ambitions  of  Hamilcar. 
Siege  of  In  order  to  check  the  Carthaginian  advance  the  Romans 

Saguntum.  jj^d  long  since  put  themselves  forward  as  protectors  of  the 
Greek  colonies  of  Spain.  Whether  Saguntum  was  included 
in  the  treaties  they  had  made  or  whether  it  was  a  Greek 
city  at  all  is  doubted  today,  but  when  Hannibal  got  into 


THE   EAKLY   PEOPLES,   TO   206   B.C. 


13 


a  dispute  with  that  city  and  attacked  it  Rome  claimed  that 
this  violated  the  treaty  which  had  been  made  by  Hasdrubal. 
It  was  in  the  year  219  B.C.  that  Hannibal  laid  siege  to  Sa- 
guntum.  The  Saguntines  defended  their  city  with  a  heroic 
valor  which  Spaniards  have  many  times  manifested  under 
like  circumstances.  When  resistance  seemed  hopeless  they 
endeavored  to  destroy  their  wealth  and  take  their  own  lives. 
Nevertheless,  Hannibal  contrived  to  capture  many  prisoners, 
who  were  given  to  his  soldiers  as  slaves,  and  to  get  a  vast 
booty,  part  of  which  he  forwarded  to  Carthage.  This 
arrived  when  the  Carthaginians  were  discussing  the  ques- 
tion of  Saguntum  with  a  Roman  embassy,  and,  coupled 
with  patriotic  pride,  it  caused  them  to  sustain  Hannibal 
and  to  declare  war  on  Rome  in  the  year  218  B.C. 

Hannibal  had  already  organized  a  great  army  of  over 
100,000  men,  in  great  part  Spanish  troops,  and  had  started 
by  the  land  route  for  Italy.  His  brilliant  achievements  in 
Italy,  reflecting,  though  they  do,  not  a  little  glory  on  Spain, 
belong  rather  to  the  history  of  Rome.  The  Romans  had 
hoped  to  detain  him  in  Spain,  and  had  sent  Gnseus  Scipio 
to  accomplish  this  end.  When  he  arrived  in  Spain  he  found 
that  Hannibal  had  already  gone.  He  remained,  however, 
and  with  the  aid  of  another  army  under  his  brother,  Publius 
Cornelius  Scipio,  was  able  to  overrun  a  great  part  of  Cata- 
lonia and  Valencia.  In  this  campaign  the  natives  followed 
their  traditional  practice  of  allying,  some  with  one  side, 
others  with  the  other.  Hannibal's  brother  Hasdrubal  was 
at  length  able  to  turn  the  tide,  defeating  the  two  Scipios 
in  211  B.C.  He  then  proceeded  to  the  aid  of  Hannibal  in 
Italy,  but  his  defeat  at  the  battle  of  the  Metaurus  was  a 
deathblow  to  Carthage  in  the  war  against  Rome.  The 
Romans,  meanwhile,  renewed  the  war  in  Spain,  where  the 
youthful  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,  son  of  the  Scipio  of  the 
same  name  who  had  been  killed  in  Spain,  had  been  placed 
in  command.  By  reckless  daring  and  good  fortune  rather 
than  by  military  skill  Scipio  won  several  battles  and  captured 
the  great  city  of  Cartagena.  He  ingratiated  himself  with 
native  tribes  by  promises  to  restore  their  liberty  and  by 
several  generous  acts  calculated  to  please  them,  —  as,  for 


Expulsion 
of  the 
Cartha- 
ginians 
by  the 
Romans. 


14 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Results  of 
Cartha- 
ginian oo- 
cupation. 


example,  his  return  of  a  native  girl  who  had  been  given  to 
him,  on  learning  that  she  was  on  the  point  of  being  married 
to  a  native  prince.  These  practices  helped  him  to  win 
victory  after  victory,  despite  several  instances  of  desperate 
resistance,  until  at  length  in  206  B.C.  the  Carthaginians 
abandoned  the  p>eninsula.  It  was  this  same  Scipio  who 
later  defeated  Hannibal  at  Zama,  near  Carthage,  in  202  B.C., 
whereby  he  brought  the  war  to  an  end  and  gained  for  him- 
self the  surname  Africanus. 

The  Carthaginians  had  been  in  Spain  for  over  two  hundred 
years,  and,  as  was  natural,  had  influenced  the  customs  of 
the  natives.  Nevertheless,  their  rule  was  rather  a  con- 
tinuation, on  a  grander  scale,  of  the  Phoenician  civilization. 
From  the  standpoint  of  race,  too,  they  and  their  Berber 
and  Numidian  allies,  w^ho  entered  with  them,  were  perhaps 
of  the  same  blood  as  the  primitive  Iberians.  They  had 
developed  far  beyond  them,  however,  and  their  example 
assisted  the  native  tribesmen  to  attain  to  a  higher  culture 
than  had  hitherto  been  acquired.  If  Rome  was  to  mould 
Spanish  civilization,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the 
Phoenicians,  Greeks,  and  Carthaginians  had  already  pre- 
pared the  way. 


CHAPTER  III 


ROMAN  SPAIN,   206   B.C.  -  409  A.D. 


Undoubtedly  the  greatest  single  fact  in  the  history  of 
Spain  was  the  long  Roman  occupation,  lasting  more  than 
six  centm-ies.  All  that  Spain  is  or  has  done  in  the  world 
can  be  traced  in  greatest  measure  to  the  Latin  civilization 
which  the  organizing  genius  of  Rome  was  able  to  graft  upon 
her.  Nevertheless,  the  history  of  Spain  in  the  Roman 
period  does  not  differ  in  its  essentials  from  that  of  the 
Roman  world  at  large,  wherefore  it  may  be  passed  over, 
with  only  a  brief  indication  of  events  and  conditions  in 
Spain  and  a  bare  hint  at  the  workings  and  content  of  Latin 
civilization  in  general. 

The  Romans  had  not  intended  to  effect  a  thorough  con- 
quest of  Spain,  but  the  inevitable  law  of  expansion  forced 
them  to  attempt  it,  unless  they  w^ished  to  surrender  what 
they  had  gained,  leaving  themselves  once  more  exposed  to 
danger  from  that  quarter.  The  more  civilized  east  and 
south  submitted  easily  to  the  Roman  rule,  but  the  tribes 
of  the  centre,  north,  and  west  opposed  a  most  vigorous  and 
persistent  resistance.  The  war  lasted  three  centuries,  but 
may  be  divided  into  three  periods,  in  each  of  which  the 
Romans  appeared  to  better  advantage  than  in  the  pre- 
ceding, until  at  length  the  powerful  effects  of  Roman  or- 
ganization were  already  making  themselves  felt  over  all 
the  land,  even  before  the  end  of  the  wars. 

The  first  of  these  periods  began  while  the  Carthaginian3 
were  still  in  the  peninsula,  and  lasted  for  upwards  of  seventy 
years.  This  was  an  era  of  bitter  and  often  temporarily 
successful   resistance   to    Rome,  —  a   matter   which   taxed 

15 


Impor- 
tance 
of  the 
Roman  oo» 
cupation. 


The 

Roman 

conquest. 


The 

military 

conquest. 


16  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

the  resources  of  the  Roman  Republic  heavily.  The  very 
lack  of  union  of  the  Spanish  peoples  tended  to  prolong  the 
conflict,  since  any  tribe  might  make  war,  then  peace,  and 
war  again,  with  the  result  that  no  conquests,  aside  from  those 
in  the  east  and  south,  were  ever  secure.  The  type  of  war- 
fare was  also  difficult  for  the  Roman  legionaries  to  cope 
with,  for  the  Spaniards  fought  in  small  groups,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  their  knowledge  of  the  country  to  cut  off  detach- 
ments or  to  surprise  larger  forces  when  they  were  not  in 
the  best  position  to  fight.  These  military  methods,  em- 
ployed by  Spaniards  many  times  in  their  history,  have 
been  given,  very  appropriately,  a  Spanish  name,  —  guerrilla 
(little  war).  Service  in  Spain  came  to  be  the  most  dreaded 
of  all  by  the  Roman  troops,  and  several  times  Roman  soldiers 
refused  to  go  to  the  peninsula,  or  to  fight  when  they  got 
there,  all  of  which  encouraged  the  Spanish  tribes  to  continue 
the  revolt.  The  Romans  employed  harsh  methods  against 
those  who  resisted  them,  levelling  their  city  walls  and 
towers,  selling  prisoners  of  war  into  slavery,  and  imposing 
heavy  taxes  on  conquered  towns.  They  often  displayed  an 
almost  inhuman  brutality  and  treachery,  which  probably 
harmed  their  cause  rather  than  helped  it.  Two  incidents 
stand  out  as  the  most  important  in  this  period,  and  they 
illustrate  the  way  in  which  the  Romans  conducted  the  war, 
—  the  wars  of  the  Romans  against  the  Lusitanians  and 
against  the  city  of  Numantia  in  the  middle  years  of  the 
second  century  B.C. 
Viriatus.  The  Roman  leader  Galba  had  been  defeated  by  the  Lusi- 

tanians, whereupon  he  resorted  to  an  unworthy  stratagem 
to  reduce  them.  He  granted  them  a  favorable  peace,  and 
then  when  they  were  returning  to  their  homes  unprepared 
for  an  attack  he  fell  upon  them,  and  mercilessly  put  them  to 
death.  He  could  not  kill  them  all,  however,  and  a  deter- 
mined few  gathered  about  a  shepherd  named  Viriatus  to 
renew  the  war.  Viriatus  was  a  man  of  exceptional  military 
talent,  and  he  was  able  to  reconquer  a  great  part  of  western 
and  central  Spain.  For  eight  or  nine  years  he  hurled  back 
army  after  army  sent  against  him,  until  at  length  the  Roman 
general  Servilianus  recognized  the  independence  of  the  lands 


ROMAN   SPAIN,   206   B.C.  -  409   A.D. 


17 


in  the  control  of  Viriatus.  The  Roman  government  dis- 
avowed the  act  of  Servilianus,  and  sent  out  another  general, 
Csepio  by  name,  who  procured  the  assassmation  of  Viriatus. 
Thereafter,  the  Lusitanians  were  unable  to  maintain  an 
effective  resistance,  and  they  were  obliged  to  take  up  their 
abode  in  lands  where  they  could  be  more  easily  controlled 
should  they  again  attempt  a  revolt. 

Meanwhile,  the  waxs  of  Numantia,  which  date  from  the  The 
year  152  B.C.,  were  still  going  on.  Numantia  was  a  city  on  wars  of 
the  Douro  near  the  present  town  of  Soria,  and  seems  to  ^^'^s.ntia 
have  been  at  that  time  the  centre,  or  capital,  of  a  powerful 
confederation.  Around  this  city  occurred  the  principal 
incidents  of  the  war  in  central  Spain,  although  the  fighting 
went  on  elsewhere  as  well.  Four  times  the  Roman  armies 
were  utterly  defeated  and  obliged  to  grant  peace,  but  on 
each  occasion  their  treaties  w^ere  disavowed  by  the  govern- 
ment or  else  the  Roman  generals  declined  to  abide  by  their 
own  terms.  Finally,  Rome  sent  Scipio  iEmilianus,  her 
best  officer,  with  a  great  army  to  bring  the  war  to  an  end. 
This  general  contrived  to  reach  the  walls  of  Numantia,  and 
was  so  skilful  in  his  methods  that  the  city  was  cut  off  from 
its  water-supply  and  even  from  the  hope  of  outside  help. 
The  Numantines  therefore  asked  for  terms,  but  the  con- 
ditions offered  were  so  harsh  that  they  resolved  to  burn  the 
city  and  fight  to  the  death.  This  they  did,  killing  them- 
selves if  they  did  not  fall  in  battle.  Thus  ended  the  Numan- 
tine  wars  at  a  date  placed  variously  from  134  to  132  B.C. 
The  most  serious  part  of  the  fighting  was  now  over. 

In  the  next  period,  lasting  more  than  a  hundred  years,  Sertorius. 
there  were  not  a  few  native  revolts  against  the  Romans,  but 
the  principal  characteristic  of  the  era  was  the  part  which 
Spain  played  in  the  domestic  strife  of  the  Roman  Republic. 
Spain  had  already  become  sufficiently  Romanized  to  be  the 
most  important  Roman  province.  When  the  party  of  Sulla 
triumphed  over  that  of  Marius  in  Rome,  Sertorius,  a  par- 
tisan of  the  latter,  had  to  flee  from  Italy,  and  made  his 
way  to  Spain  and  thence  to  Africa.  In  81  B.C.  he  returned 
to  Spain,  and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  what  purported 
to  be  a  revolt  against  Rome.     Part  Spanish  in  blood  he  was 


18 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Invasions 

from 

Africa. 


able  to  attract  the  natives  to  his  standard  as  well  as  the 
Romans  in  Spain  who  were  opposed  to  Sulla,  and  in  a  short 
time  he  became  master  of  most  of  the  peninsula.  He  was 
far  from  desiring  a  restoration  of  native  independence,  how- 
ever, but  wished,  through  Spain,  to  overthrow  the  Sullan 
party  in  Rome.  The  real  significance  of  his  revolt  was  that 
it  facilitated  the  Romanization  of  the  country,  for  Sertorius 
introduced  Roman  civilization  under  the  guise  of  a  war 
against  the  Roman  state.  His  governmental  administra- 
tion was  based  on  that  of  Rome,  and  his  principal  officials 
were  either  Romans  or  part  Roman  in  blood.  He  also 
founded  schools  in  which  the  teachers  were  Greeks  and 
Romans.  It  was  natural  that  not  a  few  of  the  natives 
should  view  with  displeasure  the  secondary  place  allotted 
to  them  and  their  customs  and  to  their  hopes  of  independ- 
ence. Several  of  the  Roman  officers  with  Sertorius  also 
became  discontented,  whether  through  envy  or  ambition. 
Thus  it  was  that  the  famous  Roman  general  Pompey  was 
at  length  able  to  gain  a  victory  by  treachery  which  he  could 
not  achieve  by  force  of  arms.  A  price  was  put  on  Sertorius' 
head,  and  he  was  assassinated  in  72  B.C.  by  some  of  his 
companions  in  arms,  as  Viriatus  had  been  before  him.  In 
the  course  of  the  next  year  Pompey  was  able  to  subject  the 
entire  region  formerly  ruled  by  Sertorius.  In  the  war  be- 
tween Csesar  and  Pompey,  commencing  in  49  B.C.,  Spain 
twice  served  as  a  battle-ground  where  Csesar  gained  great 
victories  over  the  partisans  of  his  enemy,  at  Ilerda  (modern 
Lerida)  in  49,  and  at  Munda  (near  Ronda)  in  45  B.C.  It  is 
noteworthy  that  by'this  time  a  Csesar  could  seek  his  Roman 
enemy  in  Spain,  without  paying  great  heed  to  the  native 
peoples.  The  north  and  northwest  were  not  wholly  subdued 
however.  This  task  was  left  to  the  victor  in  the  next  period 
of  civil  strife  at  Rome,  Octavius,  who  became  the  Emperor 
Augustus.  His  general,  Agrippa,  finally  suppressed  the 
peoples  of  the  northern  coasts,  just  prior  to  the  beginning 
of  the  Christian  era. 

For  another  hundred  years  there  were  minor  uprisings, 
after  which  there  followed,  so  far  as  the  internal  affairs  of 
the  peninsula  were  concerned,  the  long  Roman  peace.     On 


ROMAN   SPAIN,   206   B.C.  -  409   A.D.  19 

several  occasions  there  were  invasions  from  the  outside, 
once  by  the  Franks  in  the  north,  and  various  times  by 
peoples  from  Africa.  The  latter  are  the  more  noteworthy. 
In  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  the  wars  chronicled  thus  far  troops 
from  northern  Africa  were  engaged,  while  the  same  region 
was  a  stronghold  for  pirates  who  sailed  the  Spanish  coasts. 
A  large  body  of  Berbers  successfully  invaded  the  peninsula 
between  170  and  180  a.d.,  but  they  were  at  length  dislodged. 
This  danger  from  Africa  has  been  one  of  the  permanent 
factors  in  the  history  of  Spain,  not  only  at  the  time  of  the 
great  Moslem  invasion  of  the  eighth  century,  but  also  before 
that  and  since,  down  to  the  present  day. 

Administratively,  Spain  was  divided  into,  first  two  The 
provinces  (197  B.C.),  then  three  (probably  in  15  or  14  B.C.),  Romaniza- 
and  four  (216  a.d.),  and  at  length  five  provinces  (under  t'oo.  of 
Diocletian),^  but  the  principal  basis  of  the  Roman  conquest  ^^^°' 
and  control  and  the  entering  wedge  for  Roman  civilization 
was  the  city,  or  town.  In  the  towns  there  were  elements 
which  were  of  Roman  blood,  at  least  in  part,  as  well  as  the 
purely  indigenous  peoples,  who  sooner  or  later  came  under 
the  Roman  influence.  Rome  sent  not  only  armies  to  con- 
quer the  natives  but  also  laborers  to  work  in  the  mines. 
Lands,  too,  were  allotted  to  her  veteran  soldiers,  who  often 
married  native  women,  and  brought  up  their  children  as 
Romans.  Then  there  was  the  natural  attraction  of  the 
superior  Roman  civilization,  causing  it  to  be  imitated,  and 
eventually  acquired,  by  those  who  were  not  of  Roman  blood. 
The  Roman  cities  were  distinguished  from  one  another 
according  to  the  national  elements  of  which  they  were 
formed,  and  the  conquered  or  allied  cities  also  had  their 
different  sets  of  rights  and  duties,  but  in  all  cases  the  result 
was  the  same,  —  the  acceptance  of  Roman  civilization.  In 
Andalusia  and  southern  Portugal  the  cities  were  com- 
pletely Roman  by  the  end  of  the  first  century,  and  beginning 
with  the  second  century  the  rural  districts  as  well  gradually 

1  As  an  illustration  of  the  close  relationship  between  Spain  and 
northern  Africa  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  diocese  of  Spain 
under  Diocletian  included  the  province  of  Mauretania,  or  northern 
Africa.     A  seventh  province  was  formed  of  the  Balearic  Islands. 


20  A   HISTORY    OF    SPMN 

took  on  a  Roman  character.  Romanization  of  the  east  was 
a  Httle  longer  delayed,  except  in  the  great  cities,  which  were 
early  won  over.  The  centre  and  north  were  the  most  con- 
servatively persistent  in  their  indigenous  customs,  but  even 
there  the  cities  along  the  Roman  highways  imitated  more 
and  more  the  methods  of  their  conquerors.  It  was  the 
army,  especially  in  the  early  period,  which  made  this  pos- 
sible. Its  camps  became  cities,  just  as  occurred  elsewhere 
in  the  empire,^  and  it  both  maintained  peace  by  force  of 
arms,  and  ensiu*ed  it  when  not  engaged  in  campaigns  by 
the  construction  of  roads  and  other  public  works. 
The  The  gift  of  Rome  to  Spain  and  the  world  was  twofold. 

Roman        In  the  first  place  she  gave  what  she  herself  had  originated 
gift  to  Qj.  brought  to  a  point  which  was  farther  advanced  than  that 

^^^'  to   which   other   peoples   had   attained,   and   secondly   she 

transmitted  the  civilization  of  other  peoples  with  whom 
her  vast  conquests  had  brought  her  into  contact.  Rome's 
own  contribution  may  be  summed  up  in  two  words,  —  law 
and  administration.  Through  these  factors,  which  had 
numerous  ramifications,  Rome  gave  the  conquered  peoples 
peace,  so  that  an  advance  in  wealth  and  culture  also  became 
possible.  The  details  need  not  be  mentioned  here,  especially 
since  Roman  institutions  will  be  discussed  later  in  dealing 
with  the  evolution  toward  national  unity  between  1252 
and  1-479.  The  process  of  Romanization,  however,  was  a 
slow  one,  not  only  as  a  result  of  the  native  opposition  to 
innovation,  but  also  because  Roman  ideas  themselves  were 
evolving  through  the  centuries,  not  reaching  their  highest 
state,  perhaps,  until  the  second  century  a.d.  Spain  was 
especially  favored  in  the  legislation  of  the  emperors,  several 
of  whom  (Trajan,  Hadrian,  and  possibly  Theodosius,  who 
were  also  among  the  very  greatest)  were  born  in  the  town 
of  Italica  (near  Seville),  while  a  fourth,  the  philosopher 
Marcus  Aurelius,  was  of  Spanish  descent. 

1  Many  of  these  city  camps  date  from  the  period  of  Augustus, 
whose  name  appears  in  most  of  them,  e.g.  :  Ccesaria  Augusta  (Sar- 
agossa) ;  Urbs  Septima  Legionis  (Le6n) ;  Asturica  Augusta  (Astorga) 
Lucas  Augusti  (Lugo);  Emerita  Augxista  (Merida) ;  Pax  Augusta 
(Badajoz) ;   and  Bracara  Augusta  (Braga). 


ROMAN  SPAIN,    206   B.C.  -  409  A.D.  21 

In  the  third  and  fourth  centuries  Spain  suffered,  like  the   Last  years 
rest  of  the  empire,  from  the  factors  which  were  bringing   of  the 
about  the  gradual  dissolution  of  imperial  rule.     Population   ^^man 
declined,  in  part  due  to  plagues,  and  taxes  increased ;  luxury 
and  long  peace  had  also  softened  the  people,  so  that  the 
barbarians  from  the  north  of  Europe,  who  had  never  ceased 
to  press  against  the  Roman  borders,  found  resistance  to  be 
less  and  less  effective.     Indeed,   the  invaders  were   often 
more  welcome  than  not,  so  heavy  had  the  weight  of  the  laws 
become.     The  dying  attempt  of  Rome  to  bolster  up  her 
outworn  administrative  system  is  not  a  fact,  however,  to 
which  much  space  need  be  given  in  a  history  of  Spain. 

In  Spain  as  elsewhere  there  were  a  great  many  varying  Society  in 
grades  of  society  dm*ing  the  period  of  Roman  dominion.  Roman 
There  were  the  aristocratic  patricians,  the  common  people,  ^P^^^- 
or  plebeians,  and  those  held  in  servitude.  Each  class  had 
various  sub-divisions,  differing  from  one  another.  Then, 
too,  there  were  "colleges,"  or  guilds,  of  men  engaged  in 
the  same  trade,  or  fraternities  of  a  religious  or  funerary 
nature.  The  difference  in  classes  was  accentuated  in  the 
closing  days  of  the  empire,  and  hardened  into  something 
like  a  caste  system,  based  on  lack  of  equal  opportunity. 
Artisans,  for  example,  were  made  subject  to  their  trade  in 
perpetuity ;  the  son  of  a  carpenter  had  no  choice  in  life  but 
to  become  a  carpenter.  Great  as  was  the  lack  of  both  liberty 
and  equality  it  did  not  nearly  approximate  what  it  had  been 
in  more  primitive  times,  and  it  was  even  less  burdensome 
than  it  was  to  be  for  centuries  after  the  passing  of  Rome. 
Indeed,  Rome  introduced  many  social  principles  which 
tended  to  make  mankind  more  and  more  free,  and  it  is  these 
ideas  which  are  at  the  base  of  modern  social  liberty.  Most 
important  among  them,  perhaps,  was  that  of  the  individ- 
ualistic tendency  of  the  Roman  law.  This  operated  to 
destroy  the  bonds  which  subordinated  the  individual  to 
the  will  of  a  communal  group;  in  particular,  it  substituted 
the  individual  for  the  family,  giving  each  man  the  liberty 
of  following  his  own  will,  instead  of  subjecting  him  forever 
to  the  family.  The  same  concept  manifested  itself  in  the 
Roman   laws   with   reference   to   property.     For   example, 


22 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Beginaings 
of  the 
Christian 
church  in 
Spain. 


freedom   of  testament  was   introduced,   releasing  property 
from  the  fetters  by  which  it  formerly  had  been  bound. 

Even  though  Rome  for  a  long  time  resisted  it,  she  gave 
Christianity  to  the  world  almost  as  surely  as  she  did  her 
Roman  laws,  for  the  very  extent  and  organization  of  the 
empire  and  the  Roman  tolerance  (despite  the  various  perse- 
cutions of  Christians)  furnished  the  means  by  which  the 
Christian  faith  was  enabled  to  gain  a  foothold.  In  the 
fourth  century  the  emperors  gave  the  new  religion  their 
active  support,  and  ensured  its  victory  over  the  opposing 
faiths.  There  is  a  tradition  that  Saint  Paul  preached  in 
Spain,  but  at  any  rate  Christianity  certainly  existed  there 
in  the  second  century,  and  in  the  third  there  were  numerous 
Christian  communities.^  The  church  was  organized  on 
the  basis  of  the  Roman  administrative  districts,  employing 
also  the  Roman  methods  and  the  Roman  law.  Thus, 
through  Rome,  Spain  gained  another  institution  which  was 
to  assist  in  the  eventual  development  of  her  national  unity 
and  to  play  a  vital  part  in  her  subsequent  history,  — 
that  of  a  common  religion.  In  the  fourth  century  the 
church  began  to  acquire  those  privileges  which  at  a  later 
time  were  to  furnish  such  a  problem  to  the  state.  It  was 
authorized  to  receive  inheritances;  its  clergy  began  to  be 
granted  immunities,  —  exemptions  from  taxation  among 
others;  and  it  was  allowed  to  have  law  courts  of  its  own, 
with  jurisdiction  over  many  cases  where  the  church  or 
the  clergy  were  concerned.  Church  history  in  Spain  during 
this  period  centres  largely  around  the  first  three  councils 
of  the  Spanish  church.  The  first  was  held  at  Iliberis 
(Elvira)  in  306,  and  declared  for  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy, 
for  up  to  that  time  priests  had  been  allowed  to  marry.  The 
second,  held  at  Saragossa  in  380,  dealt  with  heresy.  The 
third  took  place  at  Toledo  in  400,  and  was  very  important, 
for  it  unified  the  doctrine  of  the  Christian  communities  of 
Spain  on  the  basis  of  the  Catholic,  or  Nicene,  creed.     It  was 

1  Spain  contributed  its  share  of  martyrs  during  the  periods  of 
persecution,  especially  in  the  time  of  Diocletian.  San  Vicente  of 
Valencia,  Santa  Eulalia  of  Merida,  San  Severo  of  Barcelona,  Santa 
Leocadia  of  Toledo,  and  Santa  Engracia  of  Saragossa  were  among 
those  put  to  death  in  Diocletian's  reign. 


ROMAN   SPAIN,    206   B.C.  -  409   A.D.  23 

at  this  time,  too,  that  monasteries  began  to  be  founded 
in  Spain.  The  church  received  no  financial  aid  from  the 
state,  but  supported  itself  out  of  the  proceeds  of  its  own 
wealth  and  the  contributions  of  the  faithful. 

As  in  other  parts  of  the  Roman  world,  so  too  in  Spain,  Priscil- 
heresies  were  many  and  varied  at  this  time.  One  of  the  lianism. 
most  prominent  of  them,  Priscillianism,  originated  in  Spain, 
taking  its  name  from  its  propounder,  Priscillian.  Priscillian 
was  a  Galician,  who  under  the  influence  of  native  beliefs 
set  forth  a  new  interpretation  of  Christianity.  He  denied 
the  mystery  of  the  Trinity ;  claimed  that  the  world  had  been 
created  by  the  Devil  and  was  ruled  by  him,  asserting  that 
this  life  was  a  punishment  for  souls  which  had  sinned; 
defended  the  transmigration  of  souls;  held  that  wine  was 
not  necessary  in  the  celebration  of  the  mass;  and  main- 
tained that  any  Christian,  whether  a  priest  or  not,  might 
celebrate  religious  sacraments.  In  addition  he  propounded 
much  else  of  a  theological  character  which  was  not  in  accord 
with  Catholic  Christianity.  It  was  to  condemn  Priscil- 
lianism that  the  Council  of  Saragossa  was  called.  Never- 
theless, this  doctrine  found  favor  even  among  churchmen 
of  high  rank,  and  Priscillian  himself  became  bishop  of 
Avila.  In  the  end  he  and  his  principal  followers  were  put 
to  death,  but  it  was  three  centuries  before  Priscillianism 
was  completely  stamped  out.  In  addition  to  this  and  other 
heresies  the  church  had  to  combat  the  religions  which  were 
already  in  existence  when  it  entered  the  field,  such  as  Roman 
paganism  and  the  indigenous  faiths.  It  was  eventually 
successful,  although  many  survivals  of  old  beliefs  were  long 
existent  in  the  rural  districts. 

The   Romans   continued   the   economic   development   of  Economic 
Spain  on  a  greater  scale  than  their  predecessors.     Regions  develop- 
which  the  other  peoples  had  not  reached  were  for  the  first  °^^^,-  ^ 
time  benefited  by  contact  with  a  superior  civilization,  and  -^orks. 
the  materials  which  Spain  was  already  able  to  supply  were 
diversified   and   improved.     Although  her  wealth   in   agri- 
cultural and  pastoral  products  was  very  great,  it  was  the 
mines  which  yielded  the  richest  profits.     It  is  said  that  there 
were  forty  thousand  miners  at  Cartagena  alone  in  the  second 


24  'a  history  of  spain 

century  B.C.  Commerce  grew  in  proportion  to  the  develop- 
ment of  wealth,  and  was  facilitated  in  various  ways,  one  of 
which  deserves  special  mention,  for  its  effects  were  far  wider 
than  those  of  mere  commercial  exchange.  This  was  the 
building  of  public  works,  and  especially  of  roads,  which 
permitted  the  peoples  of  Spain  to  communicate  freely  with 
one  another  as  never  before.  The  roads  were  so  extraor- 
dinarily well  made  that  some  of  them  are  still  in  use. 
The  majority  date  from  the  period  of  the  empire,  being 
built  for  military  reasons  as  one  of  the  means  of  preserving 
peace.  They  formed  a  network,  crossing  the  peninsula  in 
different  directions,  not  two  or  three  roads,  but  many.  The 
Romans  also  built  magnificent  bridges,  which,  like  the  roads, 
still  remain  in  whole  or  in  part.  Trade  was  fostered  by  the 
checking  of  fraud  and  abuses  through  the  application  of  the 
Roman  laws  of  property  and  of  contract. 
Intellect-  In  general  cultiu-e  Spain  also  profited  greatly  from  the 
ual  life  Romans,  for,  if  the  latter  were  not  innovators  outside  the 
and  the  fields  of  law  and  government,  they  had  taken  over  much  of 
the  philosophy,  science,  literature,  and  the  arts  of  Greece, 
borrowing,  too,  from  other  peoples.  The  Romans  had  also 
organized  a  system  of  public  instruction  as  a  means  of  dis- 
seminating their  cultu!re,  and  this  too  they  gave  to  Spain. 
The  Spaniards  were  apt  pupils,  and  produced  some  of  the 
leading  men  in  Rome  in  various  branches  of  learning,  among 
whom  may  be  noted  the  philosopher  Seneca,  the  rhetorician 
Quintilian,  the  satirical  poet  Martial,  and  the  epic  poet 
Lucan.  The  Spaniards  of  Cordova  were  especially  promi- 
nent in  poetry  and  oratory,  going  so  far  as  to  impose  their 
taste  and  style  of  speech  on  conservative  Rome.  This 
shows  how  thorough!}^  Romanized  certain  parts  of  the 
peninsula  had  become.  In  architecture  the  Romans  had 
borrowed  more  from  the  Etruscans  than  from  the  Greeks, 
getting  from  them  the  principle  of  the  vault  and  the  round 
arch,  by  means  of  which  they  were  able  to  erect  great  build- 
ings of  considerable  height.  From  the  Greeks  they  took 
over  many  decorative  forms.  Massiveness  and  strength 
were  among  the  leading  characteristics  of  Roman  architec- 
ture, and,  due  to  them,  many  Roman  edifices  have  with- 


fine  arts. 


ROMAN  SPAIN,    206   B.C.  -  409   A.D.  25 

stood  the  ravages  of  time.  Especially  notable  in  Spain 
are  the  aqueducts,  bridges,  theatres,  and  amphitheatres 
which  have  survived,  but  there  are  examples,  also,  of  walls, 
temples,  triumphal  arches,  and  tombs,  while  it  is  known 
that  there  were  baths,  though  none  remain.  In  a  wealthy 
civilization  like  the  Roman  it  was  natural,  too,  that  there 
should  have  been  a  great  development  of  sculpture,  painting, 
and  the  industrial  arts.  The  Roman  type  of  city,  with  its 
forum  and  with  houses  presenting  a  bare  exterior  and  wealth 
within,  was  adopted  in  Spain. 

In  some  of  the  little  practices  of  daily  life  the  Spanish 
peoples  continued  to  follow  the  customs  of  their  ancestors^ 
but  in  broad  externals  Spain  had  become  as  completely 
Roman  as  Rome  herself. 


CHAPTER  IV 


VISIGOTHIC  SPAIN,  409-713 


General 
character- 
istics 
of  the 
Visigothio 
era. 


Coming 
of  the 
Vandals, 
Alans,  and 
Suevians. 


The  Roman  influence  in  Spain  did  not  end,  even  politi- 
cally, in  the  year  409,  which  marked  the  first  successful 
invasion  of  the  peninsula  by  a  Germanic  people  and  the 
beginning  of  the  Visigothic  era.  The  Visigoths  themselves 
did  not  arrive  in  that  year,  and  did  not  establish  theu*  rule 
over  the  land  until  long  afterward.  Even  then,  one  of  the 
principal  characteristics  of  the  entire  era  was  the  persist- 
ence of  Roman  civilization.  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  the  Visigoths  left  few  permanent  traces  of  their 
civilization,  they  were  influential  for  so  long  a  time  in  the 
history  of  Spain  that  it  is  appropriate  to  give  their  name  to 
the  period  elapsing  from  the  first  Germanic  invasion  to  the 
beginning  of  the  ^Moslem  conquest.  The  northern  peoples, 
of  whom  the  Visigoths  were  by  far  the  principal  element, 
reinvigorated  the  peninsula,  both  by  compelling  a  return  to 
a  more  primitive  mode  of  life,  and  also  by  some  intermixture 
of  blood.  They  introduced  legal,  political,  and  religious 
principles  which  served  in  the  end  only  to  strengthen  the 
Roman  civilization  by  reason  of  the  very  combat  necessary 
to  the  ultimate  Roman  success.  The  victory  of  the  Roman 
church  came  in  this  era,  but  that  of  the  Roman  law  and 
government  was  delayed  until  the  period  from  the  thirteenth 
to  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

In  the  opening  years  of  the  fifth  century  the  Vandals,  who 
had  been  in  more  or  less  hostile  contact  with  the  Romans 
during  more  than  two  centuries,  left  their  homes  within 
modern  Hungary,  and  emigrated,  men,  women,  and  children, 
toward  the  Rhine.     With  them  went  the  Alans,  and  a  little 

26 


VISIGOTHIC  SPAIN,   409-713  27 

later  a  group  of  the  Suevians  joined  them.  They  invaded 
the  region  of  what  is  now  France,  and  after  devastating  it 
for  several  years  passed  into  Spain  in  the  year  409.  There 
seems  to  have  been  no  effective  resistance,  whereupon  the 
conquerors  divided  the  land,  giving  Galicia  to  the  Suevians 
and  part  of  the  Vandals,  and  the  southern  country  from 
Portugal  to  Cartagena  to  the  Alans  and  another  group 
of  Vandals.  A  great  part  of  Spain  still  remained  subject 
to  the  Roman  Empire,  even  in  the  regions  largely  dominated 
by  the  Germanic  peoples.  The  bonds  between  Spain  and 
the  empire  were  slight,  however,  for  the  political  strife  in 
Italy  had  caused  the  withdrawal  of  troops  and  a  general 
neglect  of  the  province,  wherefore  the  regions  not  acknowl- 
edging Germanic  rule  tended  to  become  semi-independent 
nuclei. 

The  more  important  Visigothic  invasion  was  not  long  in  Wander- 
coming.  The  Visigoths  (or  the  Goths  of  the  west,  —  to  ^^^^f . 
distinguish  them  from  their  kinsmen,  the  Ostrogoths,  or  -^^j^g 
Goths  of  the  east)  had  migrated  in  a  body  from  Scandinavia 
in  the  second  century  to  the  region  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  in 
the  year  270  established  themselves  north  of  the  Danube. 
Pushed  on  by  the  Huns  they  crossed  that  river  toward  the 
close  of  the  fourth  century,  and  entered  the  empire,  con- 
tracting with  the  emperors  to  defend  it.  Their  long  con- 
tact with  the  Romans  had  already  modified  their  customs, 
and  had  resulted  in  their  acceptance  of  Christianity.  They 
had  at  first  received  the  orthodox  faith,  but  were  later  con- 
verted to  the  Arian  form,  which  was  not  in  accord  with  the 
Nicene  creed.  After  taking  up  their  dwelling  within  the 
empire  the  Visigoths  got  into  a  dispute  with  the  emperors, 
and  under  their  great  leader  Alaric  waged  war  on  them  in 
the  east.  At  length  they  invaded  Italy,  and  in  the  year 
410  captured  and  sacked  the  city  of  Rome,  the  first  time  such 
an  event  had  occurred  in  eight  hundred  years.  Alaric  was 
succeeded  by  Ataulf,  who  led  the  Visigoths  out  of  Italy  into 
southern  France.  There  he  made  peace  with  the  empire, 
being  allowed  to  remain  as  a  dependent  ally  of  Rome  in  the 
land  he  had  conquered.  In  all  of  these  wanderings  the 
whole  tribe,  all  ages  and  both  sexes,  went  along.     From  this 


28 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The 

Visigothio 

invasion. 


The 

Visigothio 

conquest. 


point  as  a  base  the  Visigoths  made  a  beginning  of  the  or- 
ganization which  was  to  become  a  powerful  independent 
state.  There,  too,  in  this  very  Roman  part  of  the  empire, 
they  became  more  and  more  Romanized. 

The  Visigoths  were  somewhat  troublesome  allies,  for  they 
proceeded  to  conquer  southern  France  for  themselves. 
Thereupon,  war  broke  out  with  the  emperor,  and  it  was  in 
the  course  of  this  conflict  that  they  made  their  first  entry 
into  Spain.  This  occurred  in  the  year  414,  when  Ataulf 
crossed  the  P\Tenees  and  captured  Barcelona.  Not  long 
afterward,  Wallia,  a  successor  of  Ataulf,  made  peace  with 
the  emperor,  gaining  title  thereby  to  the  conquests  which 
Ataulf  had  made  in  southern  France,  but  renouncing  those 
in  Spain.  The  Visigoths  also  agreed  to  make  war  on  the 
Suevians  and  the  other  Germanic  peoples  in  Spain,  on  behalf 
of  the  empire.  Thus  the  Visigoths  remained  in  the  penin- 
sula, but  down  to  the  year  456  made  no  conquests  on  their 
own  account.  Wallia  set  up  his  capital  at  Toulouse,  France, 
and  it  was  not  until  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  that  a 
Spanish  city  became  the  Visigothic  seat  of  government. 

The  Visigoths  continued  to  be  rather  uncertain  allies 
of  the  Romans.  They  did  indeed  conquer  the  Alans,  and 
reduced  the  power  of  the  Vandals  until  in  429  the  latter 
people  migrated  anew,  going  to  northern  Africa.  The 
Suevians  were  a  more  difficult  enemy  to  cope  with,  however, 
consolidating  their  power  in  Galicia,  and  at  one  time  they 
overran  southern  Spain,  although  they  were  soon  obliged 
to  abandon  it.  It  was  under  the  Visigothic  king  Theodoric 
that  the  definite  break  with  the  empire,  in  456,  took  place. 
He  not  only  conquered  on  his  own  account  in  Spain,  but  also 
extended  his  dominions  in  France.  His  successor,  Euric 
(467-485),  did  even  more.  Except  for  the  territory  of  the 
Suevians  in  the  northwest  and  west  centre  and  for  various 
tiny  states  under  Hispano-Roman  or  perhaps  indigenous 
nobles  in  southern  Spain  and  in  the  mountainous  regions  of 
the  north,  Euric  conquered  the  entire  peninsula.  He  ex- 
tended his  French  holdings  until  they  reached  the  river 
Loire.  No  monarch  of  western  Europe  was  nearly  so 
powerful.     The  Visigothic  conquest,  as  also  the  conquests 


VISIGOTHIC  SPMN,  409-713 


29 


the  Franks 
and  the 
Byzantine 
Romans. 


by  the  other  Germanic  peoples,  had  been  marked  by  con- 
siderable violence,  not  only  toward  the  conquered  peoples 
of  a  different  faith,  but  also  in  their  dealings  with  one  an- 
other. The  greatest  of  the  Visigothic  kings  often  ascended 
the  throne  as  a  result  of  the  assassination  of  their  prede- 
cessors, who  were  in  many  cases  their  own  brothers.  Such 
was  the  case  with  Theodoric  and  with  Euric,  and  the  latter 
was  one  of  the  fortunate  few  who  died  a  natural  death. 
This  condition  of  affairs  was  to  continue  throughout  the 
Visigothic  period,  supplemented  by  other  factors  tending 
to  increase  the  disorder  and  violence  of  the  age. 

The  death  of  Euric  was  contemporaneous  with  the  rise  Visigothic 
of  a  new  power  in  the  north  of  France.  The  Franks,  under  losses  to 
Clovis,  were  just  beginning  their  career  of  conquest,  and  they 
coveted  the  Visigothic  lands  to  the  south  of  them.  In  496 
the  Franks  were  converted  to  Christianity,  but  unlike  the 
Visigoths  they  became  Catholic  Christians.  This  fact  aided 
them  against  the  Visigoths,  for  the  subject  population  in 
the  lands  of  the  latter  was  also  Catholic.  Clovis  was  there- 
fore enabled  to  take  the  greater  part  of  Visigothic  France, 
including  the  capital  city,  in  508,  restricting  the  Visigoths 
to  the  region  about  Narbonne,  which  thenceforth  became 
their  capital.  In  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  a  Visigothic 
noble,  Athanagild,  in  his  ambition  to  become  king  invited 
the  great  Roman  emperor  Justinian  (for  the  empire  con- 
tinued to  exist  in  the  east,  long  after  its  dissolution  in  the 
west  in  476)  to  assist  him.  Justinian  sent  an  army,  through 
whose  aid  Athanagild  attained  his  ambition,  but  at  the  cost 
of  a  loss  of  territory  to  the  Byzantine  Romans.  Aided  by 
the  Hispano-Romans,  who  continued  to  form  the  bulk  of 
the  population,  and  who  were  attracted  both  by  the  im- 
perial character  and  by  the  Catholic  faith  of  the  newcomers, 
the  latter  were  able  to  occupy  the  greater  part  of  southern 
Spain.  Nevertheless,  Athanagild  showed  himself  to  be  an 
able  king,  and  it  was  during  his  reign  (554-567)  that  a 
Spanish  city  first  became  capital  of  the  kingdom,  for  Athana- 
gild fixed  his  residence  in  Toledo.  The  next  king  returned 
to  France,  leaving  his  brother,  Leovgild,  as  ruler  in  Spain. 
On  the  death  of  the  former  in  573  Leovgild  became  sole  ruler. 


30 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


and  the  capital  returned  to  Toledo  to  remain  thereafter  in 
Spain. 

Leovgild.  Leovgild  (573-586)  was  the  greatest  ruler  of  the  Visigoths 
in  Spain.  He  was  surrounded  by  difficulties  which  taxed 
his  powers  to  the  utmost.  In  Spain  he  was  confronted  by 
the  Byzantine  provinces  of  the  south,  the  Suevian  kingdom 
of  the  west  and  northwest,  and  the  Hispano-Roman  and 
native  princelets  of  the  north.  All  of  these  elements  were 
Catholic,  for  the  Suevians  had  recently  been  converted  to 
that  faith,  and  therefore  might  count  in  some  degree  on  the 
sympathy  of  Leovgild's  Catholic  subjects.  Furthermore, 
like  kings  before  his  time  and  afterward,  Leovgild  had  to 
contend  with  his  own  Visigothic  nobles,  who,  though  Arian 
in  religion,  resented  any  increase  in  the  royal  authority, 
lest  it  in  some  manner  diminish  their  own.  In  particular 
the  nobility  were  opposed  to  Leovgild's  project  of  making 
the  monarchy  hereditary  instead  of  elective ;  the  latter  had 
been  the  Visigothic  practice,  and  was  favored  by  the  nobles 
because  it  gave  them  an  opportunity  for  personal  aggrandize- 
ment. The  same  difficulties  had  to  be  faced  in  France, 
where  the  Franks  were  the  foreign  enemy  to  be  confronted. 
All  of  these  problems  were  attacked  by  Leovgild  with 
extraordinary  military  and  diplomatic  skill.  While  he  held 
back  the  Franks  in  France  he  conquered  his  enemies  in 
Spain,  until  nothing  was  left  outside  his  power  except  two 
small  strips  of  Byzantine  territory,  one  in  the  southwest 
and  the  other  in  the  southeast.  Internal  issues  were  com- 
plicated by  the  conversion  of  his  son  Hermenegild  to  Cathol- 
icism. Hermenegild  accepted  the  leadership  of  the  party 
in  revolt  against  his  father,  and  it  was  six  years  before 
Leovgild  prevailed.  The  rebellious  son  was  subsequently 
put  to  death,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  Leovgild  was 
responsible. 

Reccared.  Another  son,  Reccared  (586-601),  succeeded  Leovgild,  and 
to  him  is  due  the  conversion  of  the  Visigoths  to  Catholic 
Christianity.  The  mass  of  the  people  and  the  Hispano-Roman 
aristocracy  were  Catholic,  and  were  a  danger  to  the  state, 
not  only  because  of  their  numbers,  but  also  because  of  their 
wealth  and  superior  culture.     Reccared  therefore  announced 


VISIGOTHIC  SPAIN,   409-713  31 

his  conversion  (in  587  or  589),  and  was  followed  in  his 
change  of  faith  by  not  a  few  of  the  Visigoths.  This  did  not 
end  internal  difhculties  of  a  religious  nature,  for  the  Arian 
sect,  though  less  powerful  than  the  Catholic,  continued  to 
be  a  factor  to  reckon  with  during  the  remainder  of  Visi- 
gothic  rule.  Reccared  also  did  much  of  a  juridical  charac- 
ter to  do  away  with  the  differences  which  separated  the 
Visigoths  and  Hispano-Romans,  in  this  respect  following 
the  initiative  of  his  father.  After  the  death  of  Reccared, 
followed  by  three  brief  reigns  of  which  no  notice  need  be 
taken,  there  came  two  kings  who  successfully  completed  the 
Visigothic  conquest  of  the  peninsula.  Sisebut  conquered 
the  Byzantine  province  of  the  southeast,  and  Swinthila 
that  of  the  southwest.  Thus  in  623  the  Visigothic  kings 
became  sole  rulers  in  the  peninsula,  —  when  already  their 
career  was  nearing  an  end. 

The  last  century  of  the  Visigothic  era  was  one  of  great  Last 
internal  turbulence,  arising  mainly  from  two  problems :  century  of 
the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  bringing  about  a  fusion  of  the  visigotiiio 
races;  and  the  conflict  between  the  king  and  the  nobility, 
centring  about  the  question  of  the  succession  to  the  throne. 
The  first  of  these  was  complicated  by  a  third  element,  the 
Jews,  who  had  come  to  Spain  in  great  numbers,  and  had  en- 
joyed high  consideration  down  to  the  time  of  Reccared,  but 
had  been  badly  treated  thereafter.  Neither  in  the  matter 
of  race  fusion  nor  in  that  of  hereditary  succession  were  the 
kings  successful,  despite  the  support  of  the  clergy.  Two 
kings,  however,  took  important  steps  with  regard  to  the 
former  question.  Chindaswinth  established  a  uniform  code 
for  both  Visigoths  and  Hispano-Romans,  finding  a  mean 
between  the  laws  of  both.  This  was  revised  and  improved 
by  his  son  and  successor,  Recceswinth,  and  it  was  this 
code,  the  Lex  Visigothorum  (Law  of  the  Visigoths),  which 
was  to  exercise  such  an  important  influence  in  succeeding 
centuries  under  its  more  usual  title  of  the  Fuero  Juzgo} 
Nevertheless,  it  was  this  same  Recceswinth  who  conceded 

^  This  term,  characterized  by  Joaquin  Escriche  (Diccionario 
razonado  de  legislacidn  y  jurisprudencia.  Madrid,  1847)  as  "bar- 
barous," is  about  equivalent  to  "Charter  of  the  laws." 


32  A   fflSTORY   OF   SPAIN 

to  the  nobility  the  right  of  electing  the  king.  Internal 
disorder  did  not  end,  for  the  ncjbles  continued  to  war  with 
one  another  and  with  the  king.  The  next  king,  Wamba 
(()72-G80),  lent  a  dying  splendor  to  the  Visigothic  rule  by 
the  brilliance  of  his  military  victories  in  the  course  of  various 
civil  wars.  Still,  the  only  real  importance  of  his  reign  was 
that  it  foreshadowed  the  peril  which  was  to  overwhelm 
Spain  a  generation  later.  The  Moslem  Arabs  had  already 
extended  their  domain  over  northern  Africa,  and  in  Wamba's 
time  they  made  an  attack  in  force  on  the  eastern  coast  of 
Spain,  but  were  badly  defeated  by  him.  A  later  invasion 
in  another  reign  likewise  failed. 
The  The  last  reigns  of  the  Visigothic  kings  need  not  be  chron- 

Moslem  icled,  except  as  they  relate  to  the  entry  of  the  Mohammedans 
conquest,  j^^^^  Spain.  King  Witiza  endeavored  to  procure  the  throne 
for  his  son  Achila  without  an  election  by  the  nobility,  and 
Achila  in  fact  succeeded,  but  in  the  ensuing  civil  war  Roderic, 
the  candidate  of  the  nobility,  was  successful,  being  crowned 
king  in  the  year  710.  What  followed  has  never  been  clearly 
ascertained,  but  it  seems  likely  that  the  partisans  of  Achila 
sought  aid  of  the  Moslem  power  in  northern  Africa,  and  also 
that  the  Spanish  Jews  plotted  for  a  Moslem  invasion  of 
Spain.  At  any  rate  the  subsequent  invasion  found  support 
among  both  of  these  elements.  Once  in  709  and  again  in 
710  Moslem  forces  had  effected  minor  landings  between 
Algeciras  and  Tarifa,  but  in  711  the  Berber  chief  Tarik 
landed  with  a  strong  army  of  his  own  people  at  Gibraltar,^ 
and  marched  in  the  direction  of  Cadiz.  Roderic  met  him 
at  the  lake  of  Janda,^  and  would  have  defeated  him  but  for 
the  treacherous  desertion  of  a  large  body  of  his  troops  who 
went  over  to  the  side  of  Tarik.  Roderic  was  utterly  beaten, 
and  Tarik  pushed  on  even  to  the  point  of  capturing  Toledo. 
In  the  next  year  the  Arab  ]\Iusa  came  from  Africa  with 
another  army,  and  took  Merida  after  an  obstinate  siege  which 
lasted  a  year.  Up  to  this  time  the  invaders  had  met  with 
little  popular  resistance;  rather  they  had  been  welcomed. 
With  the  fall  of  ]\Ierida,  however,  it  began  to  be  clear  that 

1  Named  for  him,  Gebel-al-Tarik,  or  hill  of  Tarik. 

2  Near  Medina  Sidonia  and  Vejer. 


VISIGOTHIC  SPAIN,   409-713  33 

they  had  no  intention  of  leaving  the  country.  At  the 
battle  of  Segoyuela^  Musa  and  Tarik  together  won  a  com- 
plete victory,  in  which  it  is  believed  that  Roderic  was  killed. 
Musa  then  proceeded  to  Toledo,  and  proclaimed  the  Moslem 
caliph  as  ruler  of  the  land. 

There  were  four  principal  racial  elements  in  the  peninsula  The  family 
in  the  Visigothic  period :  the  indigenous  peoples  of  varying  in  Visi- 
grades  of  culture;  the  Germanic  peoples;  the  western  gothiclaw. 
Roman,  which  formed  a  numerous  body,  more  or  less  com- 
pletely Romanized ;  and  the  Byzantine  Roman,  which 
influenced  even  beyond  the  Byzantine  territories  in  Spain 
through  the  support  of  the  clergy.  The  two  last-named 
elements  were  the  most  important.  The  Germanic  tribes, 
especially  the  Visigoths,  had  already  become  modified  by 
contact  with  Rome  before  they  reached  Spain,  and  tended 
to  become  yet  more  so.  The  Visigoths  reverted  to  the 
family  in  the  broad  sense  of  all  descended  from  the  same 
trunk  as  the  unit  of  society,  instead  of  following  the  in- 
dividualistic basis  of  Rome,  although  individuals  had  con- 
siderable liberty.  Members  of  the  family  were  supposed 
to  aid  and  protect  one  another,  and  an  offence  against  one 
was  held  to  be  against  all.  A  woman  could  not  marry  with- 
out the  consent  of  her  family,  which  sold  her  to  the  favored 
candidate  for  her  hand.  She  must  remain  faithful  to  her 
husband  and  subject  to  his  will,  but  he  was  allowed  to  have 
concubines.  Nevertheless,  she  had  a  right  to  share  in 
property  earned  after  marriage,  and  to  have  the  use  of  a 
deceased  husband's  estate,  provided  she  did  not  marry 
again.  A  man  might  make  a  will,  but  must  leave  four-fifths 
of  his  property  to  his  descendants.  Children  were  subject 
to  their  parents,  but  the  latter  did  not  have  the  earlier  right 
of  life  and  death,  and  the  former  might  acquire  some  property 
of  their  own. 

The  great  number  of  social  classes  at  the  close  of  the  Social 
Roman  period  was  increased  under  the  Visigoths,  and  the  classes  in 
former   inequalities   were    accentuated,    for   the    insecurity   ^"^  y^^^" 
of  the  times  tended  to  increase  the  grades  of  servitude  and 
personal  dependence.     The  nobility  was  at  first  a  closed 
^  Province  of  Salamanca. 


34 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Social 
customs. 


Royal 
power 
under  the 
Visigoths. 


body,  but  later  became  open  to  anybody  important  enough 
to  enter  it.  The  kings  ennobled  whomsoever  they  chose, 
and  this  was  one  of  the  causes  of  the  conflict  betw^een  them 
and  the  older  nobility.  Freemen  generally  sank  back  into 
a  condition  of  dependence;  in  the  country  they  became 
serfs,  being  bound  by  inheritance  both  to  the  land  and  to  a 
certain  type  of  labor.  Freemen  of  the  city,  however,  were 
no  longer  required  to  follow  the  trade  of  their  fathers.  Men 
of  a  higher  grade  often  became  the  retainers  of  some  noble, 
pledged  to  aid  him,  and  he  on  his  part  protected  them. 
Few  were  completely  free.  The  Suevians  took  two-thirds 
of  the  lands  and  half  of  the  buildings  in  the  regions  they 
conquered,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  Visigoths  made  some 
such  division  after  Euric's  conquest,  although  they  seem  to 
have  taken  less  in  Spain  than  they  did  in  France. 

The  Visigoths  were  not  an  urban  people  like  the  Romans. 
The  tendency  of  this  age,  therefore,  was  for  a  scattering  of 
the  city  populations  to  the  country,  where  the  fortified 
village  or  the  dwelling  of  a  Visigothic  noble  with  his  retinue 
of  armed  followers  and  servants  formed  the  principal  centre. 
The  cities  therefore  remained  Hispano-Roman  in  character, 
and  their  manner  of  life  was  imitated  more  and  more  by 
the  Visigoths.  There  was  a  laxity  in  customs  which  went 
so  far  that  priests  openly  married  and  brought  up  families, 
despite  the  prohibitions  of  the  law.^  Superstition  was  prev- 
alent in  all  classes.^  One  of  the  popular  diversions  of  the 
period  seems  to  have  been  a  form  of  bull-fighting. 

Before  the  Visigoths  reached  Spain  the  monarchy  was 
elective,  but  within  a  certain  family.  The  king's  authority 
had  already  increased  from  that  of  a  general  and  chief  justice 
to  something  approaching  the  absolutism  of  a  Roman  em- 
peror. With  the  extinction  of  the  royal  family  there  was 
a  long  period  of  strife  between  rival  aspirants  for  the  throne. 

1  The  laws  themselves  fiirnish  numerous  indications  of  the  cus- 
tomary evils.  Doctors,  for  example,  were  forbidden  to  cure  women, 
unless  in  the  presence  of  certain  specified  persons.  It  may  be  added 
that  doctors  were  made  responsible  by  law  for  the  effect  of  their 
medicines. 

2  One  curious  superstitious  practice  was  that  of  celebrating  a 
mass  for  an  enemy  who  was  yet  aUve.  It  was  believed  that  this 
would  accelerate  his  death. 


VISIGOTHIC  SPAIN,  409-713 


35 


Leovglld  was  the  first  to  take  on  all  the  attributes,  even  the 
ceremonial,  of  absolutism,  and  was  one  of  many  kings  who 
tried  to  make  the  throne  hereditary.  Despite  the  support 
given  to  the  kings  by  the  clergy,  who  hoped  for  peace  through 
enhancing  the  royal  power,  the  nobles  were  able  to  procure 
laws  for  an  elective  monarch  without  limitation  to  a  specified 
family ;  an  assembly  of  nobles  and  churchmen  was  the  elec- 
toral body.  These  conflicts  did  not  modify  the  absolute 
character  of  the  king's  rule;  the  king  had  deliberative 
councils  to  assist  him,  but  since  he  named  the  nobles  who 
should  attend,  both  appointed  and  deposed  bishops,  and  in 
any  event  had  an  absolute  veto,  these  bodies  did  no  more 
than  give  sanction  to  his  will.  Heads  of  different  branches 
of  administration  also  assisted  the  king.  The  real  limita- 
tion on  absolutism  was  the  military  power  of  the  nobles. 

For  a  long  time  the  Visigoths  and  the  Hispano-Romans  Visigothio 
had  different  laws  governing  their  personal  relations,  al-  adminis- 
though  in  political  matters  the  same  law  applied  to  both.  ^^  '^^* 
In  the  case  of  litigation  between  Visigoths  and  Hispano- 
Romans  the  law  of  the  former  applied,  with  modifications 
which  approximated  it  somewhat  to  the  principles  of  the 
Roman  law.  In  the  eyes  of  the  law  these  differences  dis- 
appeared after  the  legislation  of  Chindaswinth  and  Recces- 
winth,  but  many  of  them  in  fact  remained  as  a  result  of  the 
force  of  custom  and  the  weakness  of  the  central  authority. 
In  general  administration  the  Visigoths  followed  the  Roman 
model  from  the  first.  The  land  was  divided  into  provinces 
ruled  by  officials  called  dukes,  while  the  cities  were  governed 
by  counts.^  Each  had  much  the  same  authority  under  the 
king  as  the  kings  had  over  the  land.  The  Roman  provincial 
and  municipal  councils  were  retained,  and  their  position 
bettered,  since  they  were  not  made  responsible  for  the  taxes 
as  in  the  last  days  of  the  empire.  Complex  as  was  this 
system  and  admirable  as  it  was  in  theory  there  was  little 
real  security  for  justice,  for  in  the  general  disorder  of  the 
times  the  will  of  the  more  powerful  was  the  usual  law. 
Taxes  were  less  in  amount  than  in  the  days  of  the  empire, 
but  only  the  Hispano-Romans  were  subject  to  them. 

^  The  word  "count"  was  not  at  that  time  a  title  of  nobility. 


36 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The 

church  in 
Visigothic 
times. 


Economic 
backward- 
ness. 


Intel- 
lectual 
decline. 


The  church  became  very  influential  after  the  time  of  Rec- 
cared,  but  lost  in  independence,  since  the  kings  not  only  ap- 
pointed the  higher  church  t)fficers,  but  also  intervened  in 
matters  of  ecclesiastical  administration,  though  rarely  in 
those  of  doctrine.  Churchmen  had  certain  privileges, 
though  fewer  than  in  the  last  century  of  Roman  rule  and 
much  fewer  than  they  were  to  acquire  at  a  later  time.  Their 
intervention  in  political  affairs  was  very  great,  however, 
due  not  only  to  their  influence  with  the  masses,  but  even 
more  to  their  prestige  as  the  most  learned  men  of  the  time. 
Monasteries  increased  greatly  in  number ;  at  this  time  they 
were  subject  to  the  secular  arm  of  the  clergy,  for  the  bishops 
gave  them  their  rule  and  appointed  their  abbots.  Religious 
ceremonies  were  celebrated  by  what  was  called  the  Gothic 
rite,  and  not  after  the  fashion  of  Rome,  although  the  pope 
was  recognized  as  head  of  the  church.  As  regards  heresies 
the  church  had  to  oppose  the  powerful  Arian  sect  throughout 
the  period  and  to  uproot  the  remnants  of  indigenous  and 
pagan  faiths. 

An  agricultural  and  military  people  like  the  Visigoths,  in 
an  age  of  war,  could  not  be  expected  to  do  much  to  develop 
industry  and  commerce.  Such  as  there  was  of  both  was 
carried  on  by  some  Hispano-Romans  and  by  Greeks  and 
Jews.  Spain  dropped  far  behind  in  economic  wealth  in 
this  era.  Roman  methods  were  used,  however,  even  in 
the  agricidture  of  the  Visigoths. 

Spain  also  fell  back  in  general  cultiu-e.  Public  schools 
disappeared.  The  church  became  almost  the  only  resort  for 
Christians  desirous  of  an  education,  but  there  were  Jewish 
academies  in  which  the  teachers  read  from  books,  and  com- 
mented on  them,  —  the  system  adopted  by  the  Christian 
universities  centuries  later.  Latin  became  the  dominant 
tongue,  while  Gothic  speech  and  Gothic  writing  gradually 
disappeared.  The  Greek  influence  was  nt)table,  due  to  the 
long  presence  of  Byzantine  rule  in  southern  Spain.  The 
writers  of  the  period  were  in  the  main  churchmen,  particu- 
larly those  of  Seville.  Orosius  of  the  fifth  century,  author  of 
a  general  history  of  a  pronouncedly  anti-pagan,  pro-Christian 
character,  was  one  of  the  more  notable  writers  of  the  time. 


VTSIGOTHIC  SPAIN,  409-713  37 

By  far  more  important,  one  of  the  greatest  writers  in  the 
history  of  Hispanic  Hteratiu'e  in  fact,  was  Saint  Isidore,  Saint 
archbishop  of  Seville  in  the  early  part  of  the  seventh  century.  Isidore. 
Among  his  numerous  works  were  the  following :  a  brief 
universal  history ;  a  history  of  the  Visigoths,  Vandals,  and 
Suevians ;  lives  of  illustrious  men ;  an  encyclopedia  of 
Greco-Roman  knowledge;  and  books  of  thoughts,  of  a 
philosophical  and  juridical  character.  He  represented  very 
largely  the  ideas  of  the  Spanish  clergy,  and  many  of  the 
principles  enunciated  by  him  were  later  embodied  in  the 
Fvero  Juzgo.  He  maintained  that  political  power  was  of 
divine  origin,  but  that  the  state  must  protect  the  church. 
He  supported  the  ideas  of  hereditary  succession  and  the 
prestige  and  inviolability  of  kings  as  the  best  means  of 
securing  peace. 

In  architecture  the  Visigoths  followed  the  Romans,  but  The  fine 
on  a  smaller  and  poorer  scale.     Perhaps  the  only  matter  ^^^^• 
worthy  of  note  as  regards  the  fine  arts  was  the  presence  of 
Byzantine  influences,  especially  marked  in  the  jewelry  of 
the  period. 


CHAPTER  V 


MOSLEM   SPAIN,    711-1031 


Impor- 
tance 
of  the 
Moslem 
conquest. 


The  Moslem  period  in  Spanish  history  is  the  subject  of 
a  number  of  popular  misconceptions.  The  Moslems  are 
believed  to  have  attained  to  a  phenomenally  high  stage  of 
culture  and  to  have  lived  in  a  luxury  without  parallel  at  that 
time  in  the  world.  While  these  views  are  not  without  truth, 
it  is  also  tiue  that  the  conquerors  never  shook  themselves 
free  from  their  tribal  instincts,  and  it  was  not  until  the  tenth 
century  that  their  civilization  was  well  established.  Even 
then  it  was  more  largely  through  the  efforts  of  others  whom 
they  imitated  than  through  innovations  of  their  own  that 
they  reached  their  high  estate,  which  was  the  natural  result 
of  their  power  and  wealth,  although  its  ripest  fruit  was 
reserved  for  a  later  period,  when  much  of  their  political 
authority  had  passed.  Nevertheless,  the  Moslem  occupa- 
tion of  Spain  was  on  other  grounds  fully  as  important  for 
Europe  as  it  has  usually  been  regarded,  and  perhaps  more 
important  for  Spain  and  Spanish  America  than  has  ever 
been  stated.  As  to  the  first  point,  it  is  true  that  Europe, 
through  Moslem  Spain,  gained  a  knowledge  of  classical  and 
Byzantine  civilization.  As  to  the  second,  racial  elements 
entered  the  peninsula  at  this  time  which  have  left  a  deep 
impress  on  Spanish  character,  especially  on  that  of  the 
Andalusians  and  through  them  on  Spanish  America.  The 
later  Spanish  colonization  of  the  Americas  passed  almost 
wholly  through  the  ports  of  Seville  and  Cadiz,  and  was 
confined  in  large  measure  to  Castilians.  At  that  time,  how- 
ever, Andalusia  was  considered  part  of  Castile,  and  it  was 
only  natural  that  the  Andalusian  "Castilians"  should  have 

38 


MOSLEM   SPAIN,    711-1031 


39 


been  the  ones  to  go.  Many  present-day  Spanish  American 
peoples  pronounce  their  language  in  the  Andalusian  way, 
although  differing  in  degree  of  similarity  and  having  certain 
practices  peculiar  to  themselves.  In  other  respects,  too, 
one  finds  Moslem-descended  Andalusian  traits  in  the 
Americas. 

The  Arabs  were  a  people  dwelling  in  greatest  part  in  that 
section  of  western  Asia  which  bears  their  name.  Prior  to 
their  conversion  to  Mohammedanism  they  led  a  tribal  life, 
not  as  one  great  tribe  but  as  many,  some  of  them  in  settled 
fashion,  and  others  in  a  nomadic  way,  but  all  were  indepen- 
dent one  tribe  from  another  and  all  engaged  in  endless  strife. 
There  was  no  such  thing  as  an  Arabic  national  feeling  or 
an  Arabic  political  state.  Early  in  the  seventh  century 
Mahomet  began  to  preach  the  faith  which  he  originated, 
a  religion  of  extreme  simplicity  in  its  doctrinal  beliefs,  but 
based  very  largely  on  the  Jewish  and  Christian  creeds. 
The  Mohammedans  date  their  era  from  the  year  622  a.d., 
but  it  was  not  until  after  that  time  that  the  Arabs  were 
converted  to  the  new  religion.  Once  they  did  receive  it 
they  were  for  a  long  time  its  principal  sword-bearers,  since 
it  fitted  their  fighting  spirit  and  promised  rewards  which 
suited  their  pleasure-loving  tastes.  Most  of  them,  however, 
were  not  nearly  so  zealous  in  their  religious  beliefs  as  they 
have  at  times  been  regarded ;  rather  they  were  too  sceptical 
and  materialistic  a  people  to  be  enthusiastic  devotees  of 
an  abstract  faith. 

Nevertheless,  the  Arabs  achieved  a  conquest  which  was 
remarkable  alike  for  its  extent  and  for  its  rapidity.  Be- 
tween 697  and  708  they  overran  nearly  all  of  Syria  and  the 
entire  northern  coast  of  Africa,  including  Egypt.  For 
their  conquests  they  had  formed  themselves  into  a  single 
state  under  the  rule  of  a  caliph,  who  was  at  the  same  time 
the  head  of  the  church,  thus  centering  political  and  religious 
authority  in  one  person.  The  state  was  divided  into  prov- 
inces, two  of  which  were  in  northern  Africa,  —  Egypt  and 
northwestern  Africa.  This  cohesion  was  more  apparent 
than  real,  for  the  old  tribal  jealousies  and  strife  continued, 
accentuated  by  differences  both  in  religious  zeal  and  in 


Conver- 
sion of  the 
Arabs  to 
Moham- 
medanism. 


Arabic 
conquests. 


40 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Elements 
of  dis- 
sension 
among  the 
Moslem 
conquer- 
ors. 


Nature  of 
the  Mos- 
lem eon- 
quest  of 
Spain. 


interpretations  of  the  IMoslem  faith.  Of  the  Arabs  who 
entered  Spain  there  were  two  principal  parties,  representing 
at  the  same  time  rehgious  and  tribal  animosities,  the  Sun- 
nites,  or  Sunnis,  who  were  of  Yemenite  race,  and  the  Shiites, 
or  Shiahs,  of  JNIudarite  blood.  Their  quarrels  in  Spain,  as 
elsewhere  in  Moslem  realms,  were  a  factor  which  rendered 
difficult  the  establishment  or  the  maintenance  of  a  strong 
political  state.  In  northwestern  Africa  the  Arabs  had 
encountered  the  Berbers,  who  had  submitted  only  after 
opposing  a  determined  resistance.  The  Berbers  were  by 
nature  a  devout  and  democratic  people,  and  once  they  re- 
ceived the  JMoslem  faith  they  took  it  up  with  fanatical 
enthusiasm.  They  never  regarded  their  conquerors  with 
favor,  however,  and  their  hatred  was  intensified  by  the  very 
religious  indifference  of  the  Arabs.  Here,  then,  was  another 
element  of  dissension  in  Spain,  for  the  Berbers  took  part  in 
the  conquest  along  wdth  the  Yemenite  and  jMudarite  Arabs. 
The  military  conquest  took  seven  years  (711-718),  for 
after  the  fall  of  Merida  the  invaders  met  with  vigorous,  if 
also  unorganized,  resistance.  In  characteristic  fashion  the 
Spanish  peoples  fought  in  guerrilla  bands  or  defended  their 
own  towns  with  desperate  courage,  but  did  not  aid  one 
another.  Some  nobles  made  terms  whereby  they  were 
allowed  to  retain  their  estates,  but  the  majority  of  them 
opposed  the  conquerors.  Except  for  narrow  strips  in  the 
mountain  regions  of  northern  Spain  the  entire  peninsula 
had  been  overrun  by  the  year  718,  at  which  time  the  IMoslem 
armies  crossed  the  PjTcnees  into  southern  France.  Spain 
was  organized  as  a  district  ruled  by  an  emir  under  the 
governor  of  the  province  of  Africa,  who  was  in  tiu-n  subject 
to  the  Moslem  caliph.  The  bond  uniting  Spain  to  Africa 
was  not  in  fact  very  tightly  drawn,  for  the  Spanish  IMoslems 
acted  in  the  main  with  complete  independence  of  the  gov- 
ernor of  Africa.  The  conquerors  did  not  usually  insist  on 
the  conversion  of  the  Spanish  peoples  (although  there  were 
exceptions  to  the  rule),  preferring  usually  to  give  them  the 
option  of  accepting  the  Mohammedan  faith  or  of  paying  a 
poll  tax  in  addition  to  the  taxation  on  IMoslems  and  Christians 
alike.     Many  of  the  Arabs  opposed  the  conversion  of  the 


MOSLEM  SPAIN,   711-1031 


41 


Christians,  since  the  continuance  of  the  latter  in  their  own 
reHgion  meant  a  lighter  financial  burden  upon  the  Moslems. 
Since,  also,  the  conquerors  were  outnumbered,  they  often 
found  it  wise  to  grant  the  Spanish  peoples  a  right  to  retain 
their  faith.  In  fine  the  conquest  was  not  a  matter  of  re- 
ligious propaganda,  but  rather  was  one  of  a  more  or  less 
systematic  pillage. 

The  lands  of  the  Visigothic  state,  the  Christian  church, 
emigrating  nobles,  and  those  who  resisted  were  confiscated, 
but  individuals  who  submitted,  even  nobles  (and  in  some 
cases  monasteries),  had  their  estates  restored  to  them  in 
whole  or  in  part,  subject  to  the  usual  taxation.  A  fifth  of 
the  confiscated  lands  were  taken  by  the  state,  and  the  rest 
were  distributed  among  the  soldiers  and  the  chiefs  of  the 
Moslem  armies.  The  state  holdings  were  re-allotted  to 
Spanish  serfs,  who  were  required  to  pay  a  third  of  the 
produce  to  the  government,  being  allowed  to  keep  the  rest 
for  themselves.  The  Berbers  were  given  lands  in  the  north, 
while  the  Arabs  took  the  more  fertile  south.  These  lands, 
too,  were  given  over  to  serfs  on  much  the  same  terms  as 
those  granted  by  the  state.  The  mass  of  the  people  were 
not  greatly  disturbed.  Indeed,  the  agricultural  laborer 
advanced  economically,  because  requirements  were  lighter 
than  formerly,  and,  also,  since  the  lands  were  divided  among 
a  great  many  proprietors,  the  evil  of  the  vast  estates  which 
had  existed  formerly  was  for  the  time  being  corrected. 
Slaves  profited  by  the  conquest,  in  part  because  they  were 
better  treated,  but  also  in  that  they  might  become  free  by 
the  mere  act  of  conversion  to  Mohammedanism  if  they  were 
slaves  of  Christians  or  Jews.  A  great  many  Christians 
became  Mohammedans,  some  of  them  to  escape  slavery, 
others  to  avoid  the  poll  tax,  and  still  others  from  sincere 
belief,  and  they  came  to  form  an  important  class  of  the 
Moslem  world,  called  "Renegados,"  or  renegades,  by  the 
Christians,  and  "Muladies"  by  themselves.  The  conquest 
weighed  more  heavily  on  the  Christian  church,  although, 
indeed,  it  was  allowed  to  remain  in  existence.  The  church 
had  to  experience  the  curious  practice  of  having  its  bishops 
named  or  deposed  and  its  councils  called  by  the  Moslem 


Division 
of  the 
conquered 
lands. 


Religious 
eiSeets  of 
the  con- 
quest. 


42 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


caliph  or  his  representative.  The  Jews  gained  more  than 
any  other  element.  The  harsh  Visigothic  laws  were  re- 
pealed and  Jews  were  employed  in  government  and  adminis- 
tration as  allies  of  the  conquerors. 
Civil  wars.  The  Moslem  invasion  of  France  was  carried  on  with  vary- 
ing success  for  several  years.  In  732  occurred  the  so-called 
battle  of  Tours,  in  fact  fought  near  Poitiers,  when  Charles 
Martel  and  a  Frankish  army  defeated  the  Moslems.  It 
was  not  this  battle  which  caused  the  retreat  of  the  invaders 
from  France,  but  rather  a  civil  war  in  Spain  eight  years 
later,  necessitating  a  return  to  the  peninsula.  The  Berbers 
of  Africa  had  risen  in  revolt  against  their  Arabic  rulers,  and 
had  defeated  both  them  and  a  Syrian  force  sent  to  the  latter's 
assistance.  Thereupon  the  Spanish  Berbers  rose  as  well. 
For  a  time  they  were  successful,  but  the  emir  was  able 
finally  to  subdue  them,  being  aided  by  the  Syrian  army  in 
Africa,  which  he  had  induced  to  come  to  Spain.  Then 
followed  a  terrible  war  between  the  Syrians  and  the  emir, 
because  the  promises  to  the  former  had  not  been  fulfilled. 
The  struggle  ended  with  a  grant  of  some  of  the  state  lands 
in  southern  Spain  to  the  Syrians,  who  were  to  receive  the 
government's  third  of  the  produce,  but  not  the  title  to  the 
lands.  Shortly  afterward  there  was  another  civil  war,  this 
time  between  the  Shiite  and  Sunnite  Arabs,  caused  by  the 
harsh  treatment  of  the  former  by  a  Sunnite  governor.  The 
war  lasted  eleven  years,  being  then  given  a  new  turn  by  the 
intervention  of  a  man  who  was  to  play  an  important  part 
in  the  history  of  the  period. 

Other  parts  of  the  Moslem  world  had  been  afflicted  by 
the  same  sort  of  internal  strife  as  that  which  was  occurring 
in  Spain.  In  particular  there  was  a  dynastic  struggle, 
which  resulted  in  the  dethronement  of  the  caliphs  of  the 
Ommayad  family  and  in  the  rise  to  power  of  the  Abbasside 
caliphs.  The  Ommayads  were  ordered  to  be  put  to  death, 
but  one  of  them,  a  youth  named  Abd-er-Rahman,  contrived 
to  escape.  He  took  refuge  successively  in  Egypt  and  north- 
western Africa,  and  in  755  came  to  Spain  with  the  object 
of  establishing  himself  there.  This  he  was  able  to  do, 
though  not  without  a  struggle,  setting  himself  up  as  emir 


Coming  of 
Abd-er- 
Rahman 
to  Spain. 


MOSLEM   SPAIN,    711-1031  43 

with  his  capital  in  Cordova,  and  proclaiming  his  indepen- 
dence of  the  caliph. 

The  entire  reign  of  Abd-er-Rahman  I  (755-788)  was  one  Abd-er- 
of  war.  He  had  to  fight  the  Yemenite  (Sunnite)  Arabs,  Rahman  I. 
the  Berbers,  and  many  chiefs  of  various  tribes,  as  well  as 
the  governors  sent  out  by  the  Abbassides,  before  his  author- 
ity was  recognized.  His  ideal  was  that  of  an  absolute 
monarchy  which  should  bring  to  an  end  the  aristocratic 
independence  and  anarchy  in  Spain,  but  in  order  to  accom- 
plish this  he  had  to  combat  Arabic  tradition  and  pride,  Berber 
democracy,  and  inter-tribal  hatred.  Abd-er-Rahman  was 
at  least  able  to  subject  his  opponents  if  not  to  change  them. 
It  was  during  his  reign  that  the  Frankish  king  Charlemagne 
invaded  Spain  and  got  as  far  as  Saragossa.  Obliged  by 
events  in  France  to  recross  the  Pyrenees  he  was  attacked 
by  the  Basques  in  the  pass  of  Roncesvalles,  and  his  rear- 
guard was  completely  destroyed.  It  was  this  event  which 
gave  rise  to  the  celebrated  French  epic  poem,  the  Chanson 
de  Roland  (Song  of  Roland),  in  which  the  Frankish  hero 
Roland  is  supposed  to  combat  the  forces  of  Islam.  No 
Mohammedan  forces  in  fact  engaged  in  the  battle,  for  the 
Basques  were  Christians ;  they  were  then,  as  later,  opposed 
to  any  foreign  army  which  should  invade  their  lands. 

Hisham  I,  the  next  emir,  was  not  free  from  wars,  but  his  Internal 
reign  was  more  notable  in  its  religious  aspects.  He  was  a  strife, 
devout  Mohammedan,  and  enabled  the  religious  class  to 
attain  to  great  power.  His  successor,  Hakem  I,  was  a 
sincere  believer,  but  did  not  refrain  from  drinking  wine, 
thus  breaking  the  religious  law,  and  he  conceded  less  in- 
fluence in  the  government  to  the  church  than  his  father 
had.  This  led  to  several  uprisings,  in  which  the  Renegados 
were  a  principal  element.  Hakem  subdued  them,  and  exiled 
many  thousands,  most  of  them  Renegados,  who  went  to 
different  parts  of  northern  Africa  and  Egypt.  Another 
serious  revolt  broke  out  in  Toledo,  which  had  been  enjoying 
virtual  independence,  though  nominally  subject  to  the  emir. 
The  citizens  of  Toledo  were  most  of  them  Renegados,  but 
they  were  also  Spanish,  and  were  unable  to  forget  that 
Toledo  had  once  been  the  capital  of  Spain.     Hakem  resolved 


44  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

to  bring  them  into  real  subjection,  and  was  able  to  effect  his 
will.  Seven  years  later,  in  829,  when  Abd-er-Rahman  II 
was  emir,  the  people  of  Toledo  revolted  again,  and  it  took 
eight  years  to  subdue  them.  War  and  disorder  were  also 
prevalent  in  other  parts  of  the  realm.  The  inhabitants  of 
Merida,  who  were  Christians,  rose  several  times ;  in  Murcia 
there  was  a  seven  years'  war  between  the  Sunnites  and 
Shiites.  At  this  time,  too,  the  Normans  began  to  attack 
the  coasts  of  Spain  just  as  they  were  doing  in  other  parts  of 
Europe.  They  made  no  permanent  conquest,  but  rendered 
the  coasts  unsafe  during  the  greater  part  of  the  century. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  ninth  century  the  emirate  began  to 
break  under  the  strain  of  constant  war.  After  repeated 
rebellions  the  city  of  Toledo  formed  itself  into  a  republic, 
and  on  the  basis  of  an  annual  tribute  to  the  emir  was  recog- 
nized by  the  latter,  who  had  no  other  right  there.  In 
Aragon  the  Visigothic  but  Renegado  family  of  Beni-Casi 
founded  an  independent  kingdom.  A  similar  kingdom 
sprang  up  in  Extremadura,  and  another  in  the  mountains 
of  southern  Spain.  INIeanwhile,  the  Christian  kingdoms 
were  making  gains.  Except  for  them  the  new  states  were 
usually  made  up  of  Renegados.  They  did  not  work  to- 
gether, however,  or  the  Arabic  domination  might  have  been 
completely  broken :  rather,  each  little  state  followed  a 
selfish  policy  of  its  own.  The  most  important  was  that  of 
Omar-ben  Hafsun  in  the  south.  Omar  founded  his  kingdom 
in  884,  with  his  capital  at  the  castle  of  Bobastro.  In  886 
the  emir  attacked  him,  and  for  more  than  thirty  years  there- 
after there  was  war  between  Omar  and  the  emirs  of  Cordova. 
Omar  was  usually  successful,  acquiring  nearly  all  of  Anda- 
lusia, but  his  political  plans  illustrate  the  lack  of  a  truly 
Spanish  ideal  in  the  kingdoms  carved  out  of  the  emirate. 
At  first  he  planned  only  a  tiny  kingdom  of  his  own;  later 
he  aimed  to  get  the  governor  of  Africa  to  appoint  him  emir 
of  Spain ;  finally  he  became  converted  to  Christianity,  and 
resolved  to  wage  a  religious  war,  whereupon  his  Renegado 
followers  abandoned  him.  During  the  same  period  civil 
wars  of  a  racial  nature  broke  out  in  other  parts  of  Spain 
between  the  Arabic  aristocracy  and  the  Renegados,  especially 


MOSLEM   SPAIN,    711-1031 


45 


around  the  cities  of  Elvira  and  Seville.  The  Arabs  despised 
the  Renegados,  who  were  at  this  time  the  principal  industrial 
and  commercial  class,  especially  in  Seville,  and  envied  their 
wealth.  Many  Arabic  chiefs  also  refused  obedience  to  the 
emirs.  For  a  time  the  aristocratic  party  was  successful, 
inflicting  great  blows  on  the  Renegados,  and  increasing  their 
own  estates,  but  in  the  reign  of  Abdallah,  early  in  the  ninth 
century,  they  received  a  check.  The  same  Abdallah  in- 
flicted a  crushing  defeat  on  King  Omar.  Thus  the  way  was 
prepared  for  Abdallah's  successor,  Abd-er-Rahman  III, 
who  was  to  establish  peace  in  Spain  after  two  centuries  of 
almost  continuous  disorder. 

Abd-er-Rahman  III  (912-961)  was  by  far  the  greatest  Abd-er- 
ruler  in  the  history  of  Moslem  Spain.  His  first  problem  Rahman 
was  the  establishment  of  the  central  power.  Within  a  few 
years  he  had  reduced  not  only  the  Renegado  states  of 
Toledo,  Aragon,  Extremadm-a,  and  Bobastro  but  also  the 
aristocratic  Arabs  and  the  Berber  chiefs  in  various  parts  of 
Spain.  He  then  changed  his  title  from  that  of  emir  to  caliph, 
thus  signifying  his  intention  of  maintaining  a  robust  absolute 
monarchy.  He  also  drove  back  the  Christian  kings  in  the 
north,  after  which  he  proceeded  to  cultivate  friendly  re- 
lations with  them.  Even  the  Moslem  province  in  north- 
western Africa  fell  under  his  sway.  In  administrative 
matters  as  well  Abd-er-Rahman  III  proved  his  ability.  Not 
only  did  he  create  a  great  army  but  he  also  increased  the 
strength  of  the  navy  (which  the  emirs  before  him  had  al- 
ready founded)  until  it  became  the  most  powerful  fleet  in 
the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Spain  was  recognized  as  the 
greatest  state  in  Europe,  and  in  western  Europe  it  was  also 
the  centre  of  the  highest  culture.  Through  the  caliph's 
measures  agriculture,  industry,  and  commerce,  and  educa- 
tion, literature,  and  the  fine  arts  developed  to  a  high  point, 
and  Cordova  became  a  city  of  half  a  million  inhabitants. 

Hakem  II  (961-976)  continued  his  father's  policy  in  all  Almansor. 
respects,  but  was  able  to  devote  even  more  attention  to 
intellectual  activities.     In  military  affairs  the  next  reign, 
that  of  Hisham  II   (976-1013),  was  particularly  brilliant, 
but  it  was  not  the  caliph  who  directed  affairs.     In  the  time 


46 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Downfall 
of  the 
caliphate. 


of  Hakem  II  a  certain  Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-AmIr 
had  attracted  the  attention  and  won  the  heart  of  the  caliph's 
favorite  wife.  Through  her  aid  he  became  the  chief  minis- 
ter of  Hisham  II,  who  was  a  minor  at  the  time  of  his  suc- 
cession. Hisham  was  soon  put  aside  by  Mahomet,  who 
sequestered  the  caliph  in  the  palace,  and  ruled  in  the  name 
of  the  virtually  deposed  monarch.  Mahomet  was  principally 
famous  for  his  victories,  on  account  of  which  he  was  called 
Almansor,  meaning  "the  aided  of  God,"  or  "the  victorious 
by  divine  favor."  He  reorganized  the  army,  making  it  a 
machine  which  was  not  only  efficient  in  a  military  way  but 
also  personally  devoted  to  him.  Then  in  repeated  campaigns 
he  defeated  the  Christian  kings  of  the  northwest  and  north- 
east, reducing  the  greater  part  of  their  territories  to  his 
authority,  and  making  himself  arbiter  in  the  kingdoms  which 
were  allowed  to  exist. 

Almansor  died  in  1002,  but  the  military  supremacy  of 
the  Moslem  state  was  sustained  by  his  son  Abdul  Malik, 
who  succeeded  as  chief  minister  and  virtual  ruler.  The 
latter  did  not  live  long,  however,  being  followed  in  authority 
by  another  son  of  Almansor,  who  was  not  so  fortunate  in 
his  rule.  The  Moslem  nobles  were  hostile  to  the  military 
absolutism  of  the  Almansor  family,  chiefly,  no  doubt,  be- 
cause of  the  usual  intractability  of  the  aristocracy,  but  also 
because  the  military  element,  composed  of  Berbers  and 
foreigners  of  all  descriptions,  even  slaves  (who  might  be 
powerful  generals),  had  become  the  most  important  in  the 
country.  Civil  wars  broke  out,  therefore,  and  they  resulted 
in  the  fall  of  the  Almansor  family,  in  1009.  The  wars  con- 
tinued, however,  between  the  generals  of  Almansor's  army 
and  the  various  pretenders  to  the  caliphate  (even  though 
Hisham  was  alive  during  part  of  the  time  and  was  believed 
to  be  living  for  many  years  after  he  had  probably  died  or 
been  put  to  death).  In  1027,  the  last  of  the  Ommayads, 
Hisham  HI,  became  caliph,  but  in  1031  was  deposed. 
Thenceforth,  no  one  was  able  to  make  good  a  claim  to  the 
throne ;  Moslem  Spain  fell  apart  into  a  number  of  indepen- 
dent units,  and  the  caliphate  came  to  an  end. 

Although  the  differences  in  social  status  were  much  the 


MOSLEM   SPAIN,   711-1031 


47 


same  in  Moslem  Spain  as  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  there  were  Social 
added  complications,  owing  to  the  differences  of  race  and  classes  in 
religion.  There  were  the  usual  gradations  of  aristocracy,  ^**r®°^ 
freemen,  freedmen,  and  slaves,  but  the  real  aristocracy 
was  the  Arabic.  This  was  nearly  destroyed  in  the  time  of 
Abd-er-Rahman  III,  and  a  new  aristocracy  of  soldiers  and 
merchants  took  its  place.  Prior  to  that  time  both  the 
Arabic  and  Berber  nobility  had  gone  on  increasing  their 
holdings  until  they  had  attained  vast  estates,  and  it  was 
perhaps  on  this  account  that  they  lived  for  the  most  part 
in  the  country,  leaving  the  cities  to  the  Renegados  and 
"Mozarabes,"  as  the  Christians  living  under  Moslem  rule 
were  called.  The  Renegados  were  an  especially  important 
element  in  the  population,  both  industrially  and  intellec- 
tually, but  were  despised  by  the  other  groups ;  indeed,  many 
were  descendants  of  slaves.  The  Mozarabes  usually  lived 
in  a  separate  district,  and  were  allowed  to  govern  themselves 
to  some  extent,  having  law  courts  and  some  administrative 
oflBcials  of  their  own.  In  daily  life  they  mixed  freely  with 
the  Moslem  population.  The  old  differences  between  the 
Hispano-Roman  and  Visigothic  Christians  were  maintained 
for  a  time,  but  seem  at  length  to  have  passed  away.  The 
Mozarabes  were  allowed  to  retain  their  Christian  worship, 
and  as  a  rule  were  not  persecuted,  although  frequently  in- 
sulted by  lower  class  Moslems.  Late  in  the  ninth  century, 
especially  in  the  reign  of  Mahomet  I,  there  was  a  period  of 
persecution,  caused  very  largely  by  the  excessive  zeal  of 
some  of  the  Christians.  The  law  inflicted  the  penalty  of 
death  on  anybody  who  publicly  cursed  the  founder  of  the 
Mohammedan  faith,  wherefore  a  number  of  Christians, 
already  exasperated  by  certain  harsh  measures  of  the  emir, 
began  to  seek  martyrdom  by  cursing  the  prophet.  A  Chris- 
tian church  council  disapproved  of  this  practice,  but  it  con- 
tinued and  was  later  sanctioned  by  the  church,  which 
canonized  many  of  the  martyrs.  The  Jews  were  another 
important  element,  not  only  in  administration,  but  also  in 
commerce  and  in  general  culture.  Cordova  became  the 
world's  centre  for  Jewish  theological  studies.  In  all  of  this 
period  the  Jews  were  well  treated. 


48 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Status  of  A  Mohammedan  was  allowed  to  have  as  many  as  four 
women.  wives  and  a  greater  number  of  concubines,  all  together 
forming  the  particular  individual's  harem.  The  wives  were 
subject  to  their  husbands,  but  were  not  without  rights. 
The  first  wife  was  privileged  to  forbid  her  husband's  taking 
concubines  or  additional  wives  without  her  consent,  although 
it  is  doubtful  if  the  right  was  generally  exercised.  Possibly 
a  wife's  most  important  powers  were  those  having  to  do 
with  property,  coupled  with  her  privilege  of  bringing  suit  at 
law  without  the  previous  consent  of  her  husband.  Children 
of  legally  taken  concubines,  even  if  the  latter  were  slaves, 
were  held  to  be  legitimate  and  free.  Women  enjoyed  more 
liberty  than  they  are  commonly  supposed  to  have  had,  being 
privileged,  for  example,  to  visit  freely  with  their  relatives. 
The  Arabs  were  very  fond  of  music  and  dancing,  and  took 
delight  in  licentious  poetry.  Not  a  little  of  the  pleasure-lov- 
ing character  of  this  race  survives  today  in  southern  Spain. 
Methods  Much  has  been  said  already  with  regard  to  the  general 

of  warfare,  administration  of  the  Moslem  realm,  which  was  not  greatly 
different  from  that  of  the  Visigothic  kingdom  preceding  it. 
As  for  the  Moslem  armies  they  were  not  so  superior  in  or- 
ganization when  they  entered  Spain  as  their  rapid  conquests 
might  lead  one  to  suppose.  They  were  nothing  more  than 
tribal  levies,  each  group  marching  with  its  chief  as  leader. 
Campaigns  were  also  managed  in  a  somewhat  haphazard 
fashion,  for  the  Moslem  troops  went  forth  to  war  when  the 
tasks  of  harvest  time  did  not  require  their  presence  at 
home.  Many  expeditions  were  made  with  no  idea  of  mili- 
tary conquest ;  rather  they  were  for  the  sake  of  destroying 
an  enemy's  crops  or  securing  plunder,  after  which  the  army 
would  return,  satisfied  with  what  it  had  done.  The  Moslem 
rulers  gradually  began  to  surround  themselves  with  special 
troops,  and,  finally,  Almansor  abolished  the  tribal  levy, 
and  formed  regiments  without  regard  to  tribe.  As  for 
Moslem  Moslem  law  the  Koran  was  at  the  same  time  a  book  of  holy 
law.  writ  and  one  of  civil  law.     This  was  supplemented  by  the 

legislation  of  the  caliphs,  but  there  was  always  more  or  less 
confusion  between  law  and  religion.  There  was  never  a 
formal  code. 


MOSLEM    SPAIN,    711-1031 


49 


Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  difference  in  Religion  in 
the  religious  fervor  of  the  Moslem  tribes.  Many  of  the  Moslem 
Arabs  even  went  so  far  as  to  deny  the  existence  of  God,  ^P^^^- 
although  the  vast  body  of  them,  perhaps,  were  indifferent- 
ists.  The  Berbers  and  the  mass  of  the  people  generally  were 
very  enthusiastic  Mohammedans,  so  that  it  was  unsafe  to 
express  one's  opinions  contrary  to  the  faith  or  even  to  engage 
openly  in  certain  philosophical  studies,  for  these  were  re- 
garded as  heretical.  Among  the  religious  themselves  there 
were  varying  interpretations  of  the  Koran  and  differences 
of  rite.  Religious  toleration  existed  to  such  an  extent  that 
not  only  were  the  Mozarabes  allowed  to  retain  their  churches, 
their  priesthood,  and  their  councils,  but  also  some  of  their 
holy  days  were  celebrated  by  Christians  and  Moslems  alike. 
There  was  one  instance  where  the  same  building  served  as 
a  Mohammedan  mosque  and  a  Christian  church.  Chris- 
tian clergymen  from  foreign  lands  frequently  visited  Moslem 
Spain,  while  native  churchmen  went  forth  from  the  caliphate 
to  travel  in  the  Christian  countries,  returning  later  to  the 
peninsula. 

In  the  tenth  century  Moslem  Spain  came  to  be  one  of  the  The 
richest  and  most  populous  lands  in  Europe.  The  wealth  wealth  of 
of  Cordova  was  astounding,  although  some  allowance  has 
to  be  made  for  the  exaggerations  of  the  chroniclers.  At 
one  time  the  Moslem  capital  was  said  to  have  200,000 
houses,  600  mosques,  and  900  bath-houses,  besides  many 
public  buildings.  It  was  well  paved,  had  magnificent 
bridges  across  the  Guadalquivir,  and  contained  numerous 
palaces  of  the  caliphs  and  other  great  functionaries.  The 
most  famous  of  all  was  that  of  Az-Zahra,  which  was  a  palace 
and  town  in  one,  erected  by  Abd-er-Rahman  III  for  one  of 
his  wives.  The  great  mosque  of  Cordova,  which  is  in  use 
today  as  a  Catholic  cathedral,  was  equally  luxurious.  This 
was  begun  in  the  reign  of  Abd-er-Rahman  I,  and  was  con- 
tinued and  enlarged  by  later  Moslem  rulers.  It  came  to 
have  nineteen  aisles  one  way,  and  thirty  another,  with 
twenty-one  gates,  and  1293  columns  of  porphyry  and  jasper 
with  gilded  capitals.  In  its  adornment  it  was  a  wealth  of 
marble,   silver,   and   precious  stones.     Travellers  came   to 


Cordova. 


50 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Cordova  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  but  it  Is  worthy  of  note 
as  an  evidence  of  the  lack  of  complete  security,  even  in  the 
greatest  days  of  the  caliphate,  that  it  was  the  practice  to 
come  in  great  bodies,  for  the  roads  were  infested  with  bandits. 
One  measure  of  the  advance  of  Moslem  Spain  is  in  the 
revenues  of  the  government,  which  were  eighteen  times 
greater  in  the  reign  of  Abd-er-Rahman  III  than  they  were 
Economic  in  the  reign  of  Abd-er-Rahman  I.^  This  wealth  depended 
prosperity,  on  economic  well-being,  which  was  especially  in  evidence 
in  the  tenth  century.  The  Arabs  were  not  innovators  in 
agriculture,  but  they  had  already  learned  much  from  others, 
and  they  assimilated  Hispano-Roman  and  Mozarabic 
methods,  with  the  result  that  Spain  became  richer  in  this 
regard  than  she  had  ever  been  before.  They  introduced 
rice,  sugar,  and  several  other  products  which  had  not  previ- 
ously been  cultivated  in  Spain,  and  made  use  of  irrigation 
in  Granada,  Murcia,  and  Valencia.  Stock-raising,  mining, 
and  manufacturing  were  also  extensively  carried  on.  As  a 
natural  result  of  all  this  activity  there  was  a  like  develop- 
ment of  commerce.  The  principal  part  of  Abd-er-Rahman 
Ill's  revenues  proceeded  from  import  and  export  duties. 
It  is  worthy  of  note  that  there  was  a  considerable  traffic 
not  only  in  slaves  but  also  in  women,  —  such  was  Arabic 
character.  Seville  was  perhaps  the  most  important  port. 
Through  the  medium  of  commerce  Spain  came  into  close 
contact  with  the  Moslem  East  and  with  the  Byzantine 
Greeks.  As  a  result  of  the  mathematical  problems  involved 
in  trade  it  is  believed  that  the  Arabs  introduced  into  Europe 
the  very  important  cipher,  or  zero,  which  they  on  their  part 
had  received  from  India. 
Languages.  Not  only  Arabic  and  Latin  but  many  other  languages  as 
well  were  spoken  in  Moslem  Spain ;  the  Berber,  for  example, 
was  independent  of  either  of  the  two  first-named.  Despite 
the  predominatingly  Latin  character  of  the  eventual  Spanish 
tongue  the  Arabic  influence  upon  it  was  great,  —  not  so 

1  The  figures  are  300,000  and  5,408,000  dinars  respectively,  or 
roughly  $700,000  and  $12,600,000.  It  is  of  course  impossible  to 
reckon  the  comparative  purchasing  power  of  a  dinar  then  and  its 
equivalent  today,  although  it  was  no  doubt  much  greater  then; 
hence,  the  above  figures  have  only  a  relative  value. 


MOSLEM   SPAIN,   711-1031 


51 


much  in  words  as  in  forms  and  idioms  of  speech.  There  Education, 
were  Moslem  schools  of  a  private  character,  but  there  was 
no  public  school  system.  The  caliphs  often  brought  learned 
men  to  their  court,  but  it  was  the  religious  who  more  than 
any  others  devoted  themselves  to  education.  There  were 
few  Moslems  who  could  not  read  or  write,  and  in  this  re- 
spect Spain  was  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  western  Europe. 
Women,  far  from  being  excluded  from  education,  were 
taught  the  same  branches  as  the  men,  and  often  became 
notable  both  in  literature  and  in  scientific  studies. 

The  Arabs  introduced  the  industrially  manufactured  Intellec- 
paper  of  the  orient  instead  of  using  the  parchment  or  papyrus  tual 
of  the  Romans.  This  greatly  lowered  the  cost  of  books,  and  ^ci^i^ve- 
led  to  an  increase  in  productivity,  facilitating  both  literary 
and  scientific  studies.  Although  philosophy  and  astronomy 
were  so  strongly  opposed  by  the  common  people  and  the 
priestly  class  of  the  Moslems  that  their  study  was  at  times 
forbidden  by  the  government,^  they  were  a  fruitful  topic  in 
the  education  and  researches  of  the  upper  classes.  One  of 
the  greatest  glories  of  Arabic  civilization  was  the  transmis- 
sion of  Greek  culture  to  western  Europe,  for  the  Arabs  had 
become  acquainted  with  the  works  of  the  Greeks,  while 
western  Europe  had  almost  completely  forgotten  them. 
Nevertheless,  Moslem  Spain  was  to  be  more  important  in 
this  respect  in  the  period  following  the  downfall  of  the 
caliphate.  Mathematics  and  medicine  did  not  meet  with 
popular  and  religious  opposition,  and  in  both  of  these  sciences 
the  Arabs  achieved  notable  results.  Polite  literature,  how- 
ever, and  especially  poetry,  was  the  most  favored  intellectual 
medium.  Poetry  had  been  cultivated  by  the  Arabs  while 
they  were  yet  in  their  crude  tribal  stage.  It  was  not  unusual 
for  challenges  to  personal  combat  or  declarations  of  war  to 
be  written  in  poetry.  Books  of  science,  even,  made  their 
appearance  in  verse,  and  the  improvisation  of  poetry  was 
a  general  practice.  The  most  favored  subject-matter  illus- 
trates a  pronounced  trait  in  Arabic  character,  for  amorous 
themes  of  an  immoral   order  accorded  best  with  Arabic 

*  Almansor  burned  great  numbers  of  philosophical  works  so  as 
to  win  the  favor  of  the  Mohammedan  priesthood. 


52  A   HISTORY    OF    SPAIN 

The  fine       taste.     The  Spanish  Moslems  were  not  notable  in  painting 
aj'ts.  and  sculpture,  but  distinguished  themselves  in  architecture 

and  the  industrial  arts.  Perhaps  the  most  important  feature 
of  their  cultivation  of  these  arts  was  the  introduction  of 
Byzantine  influences.  They  made  use  of  the  dome  and  of 
the  elaborate  decoration  of  flat  surfaces  (especially  of  walls) 
with  arabesques,  so  named  because  of  their  profuse  employ- 
ment in  Arabic  work.  In  addition  they  painted  their  build- 
ings in  brilliant  and  variegated  colors.  They  rarely  built 
in  stone,  preferring  brick,  i)laster,  and  adobe.  The  mosque 
was  the  principal  example  of  their  architecture.  In  that 
and  in  their  civil  edifices  they  made  use  of  one  feature,  not 
unlike  that  of  the  Roman  house,  which  has  survived  in 
Spain,  —  the  enclosed  court,  or  patio,  surrounded  by  arcades. 
Narrow  with  a  fountain  in  the  centre.  Streets  were  narrow,  both 
streets.  ^ith  a  view  to  provide  shade  against  the  heat  of  the  sun, 
and  also  because  of  the  necessities  of  space,  so  that  the  city 
might  be  contained  within  its  walls. 


CHAPTER  VI 


CHRISTIAN   SPAIN   IN  THE  MOSLEM  PERIOD,    711-1035 


One  of  the  popular  misconceptions  of  the  Moslem  period 
In  the  history  of  Spain  is  that  the  Christians  began  a  holy 
war  almost  from  the  time  of  the  Moslem  invasion,  and  con- 
tinued to  gain  in  fervor  and  in  power,  step  by  step,  until  at 
length  they  took  Granada  in  1492.  In  fact  religious  en- 
thusiasm and  national  conquest  alike  were  fitful  and  spas- 
modic, and  very  little  progress  was  made  in  the  period  of  the 
emirs  and  caliphs. 

It  has  usually  been  held,  although  the  matter  is  in  dispute, 
that  the  Visigoths  resisted  the  invaders  continuously  at 
only  one  point  in  Spain,  —  in  Asturias.  In  the  mountains 
of  Asturias  there  gathered  various  nobles  of  the  centre  and 
south  of  Spain,  a  number  of  bishops,  and  the  remains  of 
the  defeated  Christian  armies,  and,  aided  perhaps  by  the 
natives  of  that  land,  they  prepared  to  make  a  stand  against 
the  Moslems.  On  the  news  of  the  death  of  Roderic  they 
elected  a  certain  Relay o  as  his  successor,  and  it  is  this  king 
who  is  customarily  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  Spanish 
monarchy.  Pelayo  fixed  his  capital  at  Cangas  de  Onis,  and 
is  believed  to  have  maintained  amicable  relations  with  the 
Moslems  for  a  while,  perhaps  paying  them  tribute,  and 
possibly  even  making  a  visit  to  Cordova.  Hostilities  broke 
out  again,  however,  and  in  the  year  718  Pelayo  and  his 
partisans  won  a  victory  in  the  valley  of  Covadonga.  Com- 
ing as  it  did  after  several  years  of  defeats  this  achievement 
attained  to  a  renown  which  was  far  greater  than  the  merits 
of  the  actual  battle,  and  in  later  years  legendary  accounts 
made  the  combat  itself  assume  extraordinary  proportions. 

53 


Fitful 

character 

of  the 

Christian 

recon- 

quest. 


The  king- 
dom of 
Asturias. 


Cova- 
donga. 


54 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  ad- 
vance of 
the  As- 
turian 
frontier. 


It  has  usually  been  taken  as  marking  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  reconquests,  and  it  is  said  that  Pelayo  became 
king  in  consequence  of  the  battle,  when  in  fact  he  was 
elected  several  years  before.  The  battle  of  Covadonga  did 
secure  eastern  Asturias  to  the  Christians,  which  was  its 
immediate  result.  Aside  from  that  tiny  kingdom  there  is 
no  proof  that  there  were  any  independent  Christian  states 
in  Spain,  although  it  is  probable  that  there  were  several 
in  the  other  mountainous  parts  of  the  north. 

Since  the  invaders  respected  the  religion  and  customs  of 
the  conquered,  the  war  of  the  Christian  kingdom  of  Asturias 
against  them  did  not  at  first  have  a  religious  or  even  a  racial 
character.  It  was  a  war  of  the  nobles  and  clergy  for  the 
reconquest  of  their  landed  estates  and  of  the  king  for  the 
restoration  of  his  royal  authority  over  the  peninsula.  The 
little  Asturian  kingdom  was  like  the  old  Visigothic  state  in 
miniature;  for  example,  there  were  the  struggles  between 
the  nobility  and  the  crown  for  precisely  the  same  objects 
as  formerly.  For  a  century  the  history  of  Asturias  reduced 
itself  primarily  to  these  quarrels.  Nevertheless,  the  Moslem 
frontier  tended  to  withdraw  from  the  far  northwest,  not 
that  the  INIoslems  were  forced  out  by  the  Christians,  but 
possibly  because  their  own  civil  wars  drew  them  together 
in  the  centre  and  south,  or  because  their  numbers  were  not 
great  enough  to  make  them  seek  the  less  desirable  lands  in 
the  northwest.  The  frontier  became  fixed  south  of  the 
Douro  along  a  line  running  through  Coimbra,  Coria,  Talavera, 
Toledo,  Guadalajara,  and  Pamplona,  although  the  last- 
named  place  was  not  long  retained.  It  cannot  be  said  that 
the  Christians  took  a  conscious  offensive  until  the  eleventh 
century.  In  this  period,  despite  the  internal  dissension  of 
the  Moslem  state,  the  Christian  frontier  did  not  pass  the 
Guadarrama  Mountains  even  at  the  most  favorable  moments, 
leaving  Aragon  and  central  and  southern  Spain  in  the  enemy's 
hands.  The  line  of  the  Douro  was  far  from  being  held 
consistently,  —  as  witness  the  conquests  of  Abd-er-Rahman 
III  and  Almansor. 

The  only  notable  kings  of  Asturias  in  the  century  follow- 
ing the  death  of  Pelayo  (737)  were  Alfonso  I  "the  Catholic" 


CHRISTIAN   SPAIN   IN   THE   MOSLEM   PERIOD,    711-1035      55 


(739-757)  and  Alfonso  II  "the  Chaste"  (791-842).  Both 
made  successful  campaigns  against  the  Moslems,  although 
their  principal  importance  was  that  they  brought  back  many 
Mozarabes  from  the  temporarily  conquered  regions,  and 
these  helped  to  populate  the  north.  To  assure  his  power 
Alfonso  II  sought  an  alliance  with  the  Holy  Roman  Em- 
peror, Charlemagne,  and  with  his  son,  Louis  the  Pious. 
It  is  this  which  gave  rise  to  the  legend  of  Bernardo  del 
Carpio,  who  is  said  to  have  compelled  the  king  to  forbear 
making  treaties  with  foreign  rulers  which  lowered  the  dignity 
of  the  Spanish  people.  Some  writers  have  found  in  this 
supposed  incident  (for  the  figure  of  Bernardo  is  a  later  in- 
vention) an  awakening  sense  of  nationalism,  but  it  seems 
rather  to  reflect  the  traditional  attitude  of  the  nobility 
lest  the  king  become  too  strong  for  them,  for  real  patriotism 
did  not  exist.  The  two  Alfonsos  did  much  to  reorganize 
their  kingdom  internally,  and  Alfonso  the  Chaste  moved 
the  capital  to  Oviedo.  In  his  reign,  too,  there  occurred  a 
religious  event  of  great  importance,  —  the  finding  of  what 
was  believed  to  be  the  tomb  and  body  of  the  apostle  Santiago 
(Saint  James)  in  northwestern  Galicia.  The  site  was  made 
the  seat  of  a  bishopric,  and  a  village  grew  up  there,  named 
Santiago  de  Compostela.  Compostela  became  a  leading 
political  and  industrial  factor  in  the  Christian  northwest, 
but  was  far  more  important  as  a  holy  place  of  the  first  grade, 
ranking  with  Jerusalem,  Rome,  and  Loreto.  Thenceforth, 
bands  of  pilgrims  not  only  from  Spain  but  also  from  all 
parts  of  the  Christian  world  came  to  visit  the  site,  and, 
through  them,  important  outside  influences  began  to  filter 
into  Spain.  More  noteworthy  still  was  the  use  of  the  story 
of  the  miraculous  discovery  to  fire  the  Christian  warriors 
with  enthusiasm  in  their  battles  against  the  Moslems,  es- 
pecially at  a  later  period,  when  the  war  entered  upon  more 
of  a  crusading  phase. 

The  people  of  the  mountains  of  Navarre  were  of  Basque 
race,  and  seem  to  have  maintained  a  more  or  less  unorganized 
freedom  from  political  subjection  for  many  years  before  a 
definite  state  was  formed.  They  opposed  both  the  Prankish 
kings  and  the  Moslem  emirs,  and  for  a  long  time  the  former 


Alfonso  I 
and  Al- 
fonso II. 


Santiago 
de  Com- 
postela. 


Beginnings 
of  Navarre 
and  Ara- 
gon. 


56 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Origin 
of  the 
Catalan 
counties. 


Two  cen- 
turies of 
scant  prog- 
ress in 
A.sturias. 


were  their  principal  enemy.  At  lenj^th  they  estabhshed 
their  independence  of  both.  In  these  wars  the  kingdom  of 
Navarre  almost  certainly  had  its  origin,  but  at  an  uncertain 
date.  Tradition  makes  Inigo  Arista  one  of  the  early  kings, 
or  chiefs,  but  the  first  name  definitely  to  appear  is  that  of 
Sancho  (xarcia  in  the  tenth  century  (905-925).  The  found- 
ing of  an  independent  state  in  Aragon  was  due  to  the  same 
causes;  indeed,  Aragon  and  Navarre  were  assigned  a  com- 
mon origin  in  the  legends  of  the  period.  Aragon  was  ab- 
sorbed by  Navarre,  however,  possibly  toward  the  end  of 
the  tenth  century. 

Catalonia  had  been  overrun  by  the  Moslems  when  they 
entered  Spain,  but  between  785  and  811  the  Frankish  kings 
were  able  to  reconquer  that  region,  establishing  a  province 
there  which  they  called  the  Spanish  Mark.  This  section 
was  at  first  ruled  by  a  number  of  counts,  independent  of  each 
other,  but  subject  to  the  kings  of  the  Franks.  Catalan  sub- 
mission to  the  latter  did  not  endure  through  the  ninth 
century.  Wifredo,  count  of  Barcelona,  is  believed  to  have 
established  his  independence  as  early  as  874,  although  that 
event  is  doubtful ;  at  any  rate  the  separation  from  the 
Frankish  kingdom  was  not  much  longer  delayed.  Each 
count  was  lord  unto  himself,  although  the  counts  of  Barcelona 
were  recognized  as  the  greatest  among  them.  Indeed,  in 
the  entire  breadth  of  northern  Spain  each  unit  labored 
for  its  own  selfish  ends.  Christians  fought  Moslems,  but 
also  fought  other  Christians.  Owing  to  the  disorder  of 
the  Moslem  realm,  however,  the  Catalan  counts,  like  the 
other  Christian  rulers,  were  able  to  make  some  territorial 
gains. 

For  nearly  two  centuries  after  the  death  of  Alfonso  II, 
or  until  the  fall  of  the  Moslem  caliphate,  very  little  progress 
was  made  by  the  kings  of  Oviedo  and  Leon,  which  latter  city 
had  become  the  capital  of  the  Christian  kingdom  in  the 
northwest  early  in  the  tenth  century.  There  was  a  marked 
opposition  between  the  Asturian-Leonese  and  the  Galician 
parts  of  the  realm,  and  the  Galician  nobles  maintained 
almost  continuous  war  with  the  kings.  Similarly  the  counts 
of  the  frontier  often  acted  like  petty  sovereigns,  or  even 


CHRISTIAN   SPAIN   IN   THE   MOSLEM    PERIOD,    711-1035      57 


joined  with  the  Moslems  against  their  own  compatriots. 
So,  too,  there  were  contests  for  the  throne,  and  neither  side 
hesitated  to  call  in  Moslem  aid.  Some  kings  achieved  con- 
quests of  temporary  moment  against  the  Moslems;  for 
example,  Alfonso  III  "the  Great"  (866-909)  added  con- 
siderably to  his  territories  in  a  period  of  marked  weakness 
in  the  caliphate,  but  was  obliged  to  abdicate  when  his  sons 
and  even  his  wife  joined  in  rebellion  against  him ;  the  king- 
dom w^as  then  divided  among  three  sons,  who  took  respec- 
tively Leon,  Galicia  and  Lusitania,  and  Asturias,  leaving  to 
the  king  the  town  of  Zamora  alone.  Then  followed  the 
caliphate  of  Abd-er-Rahman  III,  when  the  Christian  king- 
doms, except  Galicia,  were  most  of  the  time  subject  in  fact 
to  the  Moslem  state,  although  allow^ed  to  govern  themselves. 
To  the  usual  quarrels  there  was  added  a  new  separatist  The  inde- 
tendency,  more  serious  than  that  of  Galicia  had  been,  pendence 
This  proceeded  from  the  eastern  part  of  the  kingdom  in  a  ^  Castile, 
region  which  came  to  be  called  Castile  because  of  the  nu- 
merous castles  there,  due  to  its  situation  on  the  Moslem 
frontier.  The  counts  of  Castile,  centering  around  Burgos, 
had  repeatedly  declined  to  obey  the  kings  of  Oviedo  and 
Leon,  —  for  example,  when  they  were  called  to  serve  in 
the  royal  armies.  During  the  reign  of  Ramiro  II  (930- 
950),  Count  Fernan  Gonzalez  united  the  Castilians  under 
his  standard,  and  after  repeated  wars  was  able  to  make 
Castile  independent  of  the  king  of  Leon.  The  reign  of  Sancho 
Sancho  "the  Fat"  is  typical  of  the  times.  Sancho  became  the  Fat. 
king  of  Leon  in  955,  but  was  soon  dethroned  by  his  nobles, 
who  alleged  among  other  things  that  because  of  his  corpu- 
lence he  cut  a  ridiculous  figure  as  a  king.  Sancho  went  to 
the  court  of  Abd-er-Rahman  III,  and  got  not  only  a  cure  for 
fatness  but  also  a  Moslem  army.  Aided,  too,  by  the  Chris- 
tian kingdom  of  Navarre  he  was  able  to  regain  his  throne. 
He  had  promised  to  deliver  certain  cities  and  castles  to  the 
caliph,  but  did  not  do  so  until  compelled  to  by  the  next 
caliph,  Hakem.  Civil  wars  between  the  nobles  and  the 
crown  continued,  and  many  of  the  former  joined  with 
Moslem  Almansor  in  his  victorious  campaigns  against  their 
coreligionists  and  their  king. 


58  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

Advance  of       When  the  caHphate  began  to  totter,  following  the  deaths 
the  Chris-    of  Almansor  and  Abdul  Malik,  the  Christian  kings  returned 
iJTthee^r   to  the  conquest.     Alfonso  V  (994-1027)  of  Leon  and  his 
e^evwith      uncle  Sancho  "the  Great"  (970-1035)  of  Navarre  pushed 
century.       their   frontiers   southward,  Alfonso  crossing  the   Douro   in 
Portugal.     The    counts   of    Castile,    too,    now    aiding   one 
Moslem    faction,    now    another,    now    remaining    neutral, 
profited    by   each    new   agreement    to   acquire   additional 
territory   or   fortified   posts.     Shortly   after   the   death   of 
Sancho  the  Alfonso  V,  Sancho  the  Great  intervened  successfully  in  the 
Great.  wars  of  the  Christian  kingdoms,   and  united  Castile  and 

Leon  under  his  authority.  Since  he  was  also  king  in  Navarre, 
Aragon,  and  the  Basque  provinces  of  France  and  Spain, 
only  Galicia,  where  the  kings  of  Leon  took  refuge,  and  the 
counties  of  Catalonia  remained  free  from  his  rule  in  the 
north.  Here  seemed  to  be  an  important  moment  in  the 
history  of  Spain,  —  one  which  might  have  had  tremendous 
consequences.  But  it  was  as  yet  too  early,  not  alone  for 
Spanish  nationalism,  but  even  for  the  conception  of  a 
Spanish  state.  Sancho  the  Great  undid  his  own  work,  and 
consigned  himself  to  a  place  only  a  little  short  of  oblivion 
by  dividing  his  kingdom  among  his  sons.  The  three  most 
important  regions  resulting  from  this  act  were  the  kingdoms 
of  Navarre,  Castile,  and  Aragon.  The  death  of  Sancho  in 
1035  is  an  important  date,  however,  for  it  marks  the  time 
when  work  had  to  be  begun  over  again  to  achieve  the  distant 
ideal  of  the  unity  of  Spain.  Meanwhile,  the  counts  of 
Barcelona,  who  had  lost  their  territories  in  the  days  of 
Almansor,  regained  them  in  the  ensuing  decline  of  the 
caliphate,  whether  by  military  conquest,  or  by  intervention 
in  the  wars  of  the  Moslem  state  in  return  for  concessions. 
The  important  year  1035  is  notable  also  in  Catalonia,  for 
at  that  time  Ramon  Berenguer  I,  the  first  outstanding  figure 
among  the  counts  of  Barcelona,  inherited  the  rule  of  the 
county. 

Except  in  times  of  war,  relations  between  the  Christian 
and  Moslem  peoples  were  even  cordial  and  intimate.  They 
visited  one  another's  countries,  aided  one  another  in  civil 
wars,  engaged  in  commerce,  and  even  contracted  mixed 


CHRISTIAN   SPAIN  IN   THE  MOSLEM  PERIOD,    711-1035      59 


marriages,  not  only  among  people  of  the  lower  classes,  but 
also  among  those  of  the  highest  rank,  even  to  that  of  royalty. 
Mohammedan  law  did  not  require  the  conversion  of  Chris- 
tian wives,  but  many  of  the  latter  embraced  the  Moslem 
faith,  with  the  consent,  too,  of  their  families.  Although 
there  were  instances  of  Mohammedan  women  marrying 
Christians,  the  reverse  was  usually  the  case,  for  the  con- 
querors did  not  bring  their  families  as  had  the  earlier  Ger- 
manic invaders.  Religious  differences  were  not  an  insuper- 
able barrier  in  this  period  :  there  was  scarcely  a  war  confined 
to  Christians  on  the  one  side  and  Mohammedans  on  the 
other ;  the  Mozarabes  were  not  greatly  molested  within  the 
Moslem  state;  Christians  were  often  employed  in  adminis- 
trative capacities  by  the  emirs  and  caliphs;  and  Christian 
mercenaries,  many  of  them  Spaniards,  fought  in  the  Moslem 
armies.  It  was  only  natural,  therefore,  that  the  neighboring 
Arabic  civilization  should  have  exercised  not  a  little  influence 
on  Christian  Spain,  especially  since  the  power  and  wealth 
of  the  caliphate  were  so  much  greater  than  in  the  kingdoms 
of  the  north.  In  intellectual  aspects  —  for  example,  in 
philosophy  and  science  —  the  Arabic  influence  was  to  be 
greater  at  a  succeeding  time,  but  in  political  and  military 
matters  and  in  language  much  passed  over  to  the  Christians 
in  this  period.  In  like  manner  the  Spanish  peoples  reacted 
upon  the  invaders,  but  this  was  confined  principally  to  the 
effects  produced  by  the  Renegados  and  Mozarabes,  whose 
contributions  were  largely  due  to  the  conditions  of  the 
Moslem  world  in  which  they  lived. 

Christian  Spain  itself  was  far  from  being  a  unit ;  rather 
diversity  was  the  rule.  The  northwest  followed  the  Visi- 
gothic  tradition,  while  the  north  centre  and  northeast, 
especially  Navarre  and  Catalonia,  while  retaining  much  of 
the  Visigothic  institutions  came  into  frequent  contact  with 
French  peoples,  who  gave  a  new  turn  to  their  civilization. 
Within  each  section,  too,  there  were  many  complex  differ- 
ences between  one  region  and  another.  Hence  the  institu- 
tions of  the  principal  areas  may  be  taken  separately. 


Inter- 
relations 
of  the 
Christian 
and 

Moslem 
peoples. 


Diversity 
in  Chris- 
tian Spain. 


60 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Social 
classes  in 
the 

Christian 
northwest. 


The 

poUtieal 

system. 


Kingdoms  of  Asturias,  Leon,  and  Castile 

Social  inequality  increased  in  this  period,  due  to  a  decline 
in  wealth  and  to  an  accentuation  of  the  hazards  of  life. 
The  higher  nobility  attained  to  vast  privileges  and  authority, 
although  less  than  in  other  parts  of  Christian  Europe. 
They  were  often,  but  not  always,  allowed  to  conquer  lands 
for  themselves,  rule  their  own  estates  with  almost  absolute 
authority,  leave  the  king's  service  for  that  of  another  mon- 
arch, and  be  free  from  taxation.  The  social  prestige  of  the 
nobles  was  weakened,  however,  through  the  king's  right  to 
grant  titles  of  nobility.  The  king  might  also  deprive  a 
noble  created  by  himself  of  his  titles  and  lands.  Most  of 
the  nobility  of  the  lower  grades  were  in  fact  retainers  of 
the  greater  nobles  or  of  the  king,  usually  rendering  military 
service  in  return  for  protection.  This  state  of  dependence 
was  called  encomienda  (commendation),  —  a  term  used 
centuries  later  to  cover  the  virtual  enslavement  of  the 
American  Indians.  Small  landed  proprietors  and  free 
agricultural  and  industrial  laborers  placed  themselves  in 
similar  relations  to  the  great  nobles,  so  that  the  latter  were 
about  the  only  really  free  class  of  the  time.  These  civilian 
dependents  gave  produce,  tribute,  or  personal  service  to 
the  lord.  The  various  grades  of  servitude,  from  serfs 
attached  to  a  piece  of  land  and  enjoying  at  least  some  of 
the  products  of  their  labor  down  to  individuals  held  in 
personal  slavery,  continued  to  exist.  In  general  the  servile 
classes  advanced  in  about  the  same  degree  that  the  free- 
men fell  back;  many  of  them  came  together  to  form  an 
intermediate  class  in  which  some  rights  —  for  example,  to 
own  property  and  to  change  one's  habitation  freely  within 
the  same  seigniorial  territory  —  were  enjoyed. 

The  king's  power  was  complete  enough  in  theory  to  merit 
being  called  absolute,  for  in  him  rested  supreme  legislative, 
judicial,  and  administrative  authority  over  the  realm  as  a 
whole.  In  fact  the  royal  authority  did  not  extend  equally 
over  all  the  land.  On  his  own  properties  and  usually  in 
conquered  regions  the  king  was  indeed  an  absolute  monarch, 
but  as  concerned  the  lands  of  the  nobles  and  the  church 


CHRISTIAN   SPAIN   IN   THE   MOSLEM   PERIOD,   711-1035      61 

there  were  important  limitations  on  his  authority.  On 
their  estates  the  nobles  enjoyed  rights  of  an  economic  nature 
and  also  those  of  a  sovereign,  with  almost  as  much  power  in 
theory  and  in  fact  as  the  king  had  in  theory  over  all  the  land. 
They  raised  troops  at  will,  and  fought  with  one  another  and 
even  against  the  king;  they  had  judicial  authority  over 
most  of  the  cases  arising  within  their  lands;  and  they  col- 
lected taxes  for  themselves.  The  protection  which  they 
owed  to  all  on  their  estates  was  not  very  faithfully  accorded, 
but  on  the  contrary  they  oppressed  not  only  their  own  de- 
pendents but  also  those  of  other  lords,  —  a  practice  which 
was  a  fruitful  cause  of  private  war.  The  nobles,  too,  were 
veritable  highwaymen,  robbing  travellers,  business  men, 
and  pilgrims,  and  contributing  more  than  any  other  class  to 
the  lawlessness  of  the  times.  Bishops  and  abbots  occupied 
a  position  similar  to  that  of  the  great  nobles.  The  church 
had  acquired  estates  through  gifts  of  individuals  and  grants 
of  the  king,  and  the  same  rights  and  duties  attached  to 
them  as  in  the  case  of  the  nobles.  Thus,  for  example,  great 
churchmen  raised  troops,  which  at  times  they  commanded 
themselves.  The  royal  power  was  still  further  limited  in 
fact,  because  of  the  necessity  of  relying  upon  nobles  or  church- 
men to  govern  distant  lands  or  to  hold  other  posts  of  an 
administrative  and  even  of  a  judicial  nature.  The  rulers 
of  administrative  districts  were  the  counts  (condes)  ap- 
pointed by  the  king,  and  these  individuals  often  gave  him 
considerable  trouble,  —  as  witness  the  uprisings  (at  length 
successful)  of  the  counts  of  Castile.  The  very  necessities 
of  civil  strife  obliged  the  kings  to  yield  privileges  to  one  set 
of  nobles  in  order  to  get  their  aid  against  another.  Never- 
theless, great  as  was  the  nobles'  authority,  it  was  not  so 
excessive  as  elsewhere  in  western  Europe.  Feudalism,  the 
essence  of  which  was  the  grant  of  lands  in  perpetuity  with 
rights  of  sovereignty  attached,  in  return  for  which  the 
grantee  owed  fealty  and  some  form  of  service,  perhaps 
military,  to  the  grantor,  did  not  exist  in  its  fullness  in  north- 
western Spain.  By  special  grants  the  king  might  agree  to 
refrain  from  exercising  his  sovereign  privileges,  but  in  such 
cases   certain   limitations   were   usually   expressed.     When 


62  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

judicial  authority  was  conferred  on  a  noble,  some  attributes 
were  retained,  —  for  example,  the  trial  of  crimes  of  murder 
and  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  royal  authority  from  the  cases 
in  seigniorial  courts.  Again,  when  the  lords  made  laws  for 
their  territories  they  did  so  by  special  grant  of  the  king,  who 
frequently  intervened  to  change  the  seigniorial  statutes  or 
to  eiuict  others  of  his  own.  The  difference  from  European 
feudalism,  however,  was  perhaps  more  juridical  than  actual. 
Rise  of  One  element  appeared  in  this  period  which  was  to  prove 

the  free  a  great  limitation  on  seigniorial  authority,  and  was  to  be  an 
towns.  g^ij  ^Q  ^j^g  yjjg  in  tjjg  establishment  of  internal  good  order 
and  unity.  This  was  the  plebeian  town.  The  most  im- 
portant type  of  this  class  was  the  villa,  or  concejo,  which 
originated  in  the  tenth  century.  The  villas  were  founded 
on  lands  conquered  by  the  kings,  and  were  usually  in  frontier 
districts  exposed  to  the  enemy.  On  this  account  special 
privileges  were  granted  in  order  to  induce  people  to  settle 
there.  Anybody  who  could  contrive  to  reach  a  villa  was 
declared  free,  even  if  of  servile  grade  before.  All  citizens 
were  not  equal,  however;  there  were  varying  grades  of 
rank,  though  all  were  free.  The  villas  were  exempted  from 
many  duties  to  the  state,  —  often  from  the  payment  of 
taxes.  They  were  also  withdrawn  from  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  counts,  and  were  granted  much  political  authority. 
Each  villa  received  its  own  fuero,  or  charter,  by  a  special 
grant,  with  the  result  that  there  was  a  great  variety  in  the 
terms  of  different  charters,  although  certain  of  them  tended 
to  become  the  types  which  were  imitated  in  subsequent 
grants.  As  a  general  rule  the  government  of  a  villa  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  assembly  of  citizens,  in  which  local  laws 
were  enacted  and  judges  and  administrative  officers  elected. 
These  rights,  added  to  a  long  line  of  exemptions,  made 
veritable  political  entities  of  the  villas,  which  were  indepen- 
dent of  all  but  the  king,  and  were  in  great  measure  not  subject 
to  him.  The  villa  extended  beyond  its  own  walls  to  include 
neighboring  rural  districts  as  well.  The  rise  of  the  villas 
on  royal  lands  compelled  the  nobility  and  the  clergy  to  form 
similar  settlements  in  order  to  attract  people  to  their  terri- 
tories or  to  avoid  uprisings  of  their  dependents,  although 


CHRISTIAN   SPAIN   IN   THE   MOSLEM   PERIOD,    711-1035      63 


these  towns  did  not  achieve  rights  equal  to  those  of  the 
villas. 

Since  privilege  was  the  general  rule,  the  law  in  north- 
western Spain  was  very  far  from  being  uniform.  The 
Visigothic  Fiiero  Juzgo  continued  to  be  the  general  law,  but 
it  was  often  supplanted  as  a  result  of  grants  by  the  king  to 
nobles,  clergy,  and  villas,  and  by  the  nobles  and  clergy  to 
yet  other  units  under  their  rule.  Very  important,  too,  was 
the  modifying  effect  of  local  customs,  which  in  the  absence 
of  other  specific  law  were  frequently  cited.  These  customs 
tended  to  resemble  those  of  the  Germanic  invaders  or  even 
of  the  indigenous  peoples,  since  the  type  of  life  at  this  time 
was  similar  to  that  of  earlier  unsettled  periods.  This  era, 
therefore,  was  one  of  a  marked  falling  away  from  Roman 
traditions,  which  had  to  wait  several  centuries  before  they 
again  came  into  their  own. 

As  was  natural  in  such  an  age  of  disorder,  commerce  and 
industry  did  not  flourish.  With  the  rise  of  the  towns  a 
beginning  was  made,  and  at  least  one  town,  Santiago  de 
Compostela,  seems  to  have  attained  to  some  industrial 
importance.  Commerce  was  hampered  by  innumerable 
obstacles,  such  as  the  depredations  of  foreign  enemies  and 
robber  lords,  the  duties  which  had  to  be  paid  to  the  king, 
and  the  tolls  which  were  collected  by  the  lords  at  highways, 
rivers,  or  bridges  within  their  lands.  Stock-raising  and 
agriculture  and  the  production  of  the  bare  necessities  of 
life  were  the  principal  occupations.  Even  these  suffered, 
not  only  from  the  raids  of  the  Moslems  and  the  nobles,  but 
also  from  the  extreme  weight  of  taxation,  which  was  all 
the  worse  in  that  it  was  levied  at  the  caprice  of  the  king, 
lord,  or  churchman  collecting  it.  The  state  of  misery  was 
so  great  that  it  is  not  surprising  that  famine  and  epidemics 
harassed  the  people. 

In  general  culture,  too,  there  was  a  decline  to  an  even 
lower  level  than  that  of  the  Visigothic  period.  Churches 
and  monasteries  maintained  something  of  the  old  intellectual 
traditions,  and  their  schools  were  almost  the  only  resort  for 
an  education.  Latin  continued  to  be  used  in  literature  and 
in  oflBcial  documents^  but  was  already  acquiring  the  new 


Diversity 
and  primi- 
tive   char- 
acter of 
the  law. 


Eeonomio 
backward- 
ness. 


Ignorance 
and  super* 
stition. 


64 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Innova- 
tions in 
archi- 
tecture. 


forms  which  were  to  pave  the  way  to  the  various  Romance 
tongues  of  later  days.  The  age  was  one  of  superstition, 
whicli  made  itself  manifest,  as  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  even 
in  judicial  i)r()cedin'e.  The  tests  of  wager  of  battle  (or  a 
duel  between  litigants),  the  hot  iron,  and  boiling  water  were 
all  used  to  determine  innocence  or  guilt,  in  the  belief  that 
God  would  intervene  on  the  side  of  the  man  whose  cause 
was  just.  Poverty  and  danger  led  men  to  live  in  groups, 
thereby  introducing  a  fresh  departure  from  Roman  individ- 
ualism. In  the  towns  life  more  nearly  resembled  the  Roman 
type.  In  architecture  this  period  marked  the  introduction 
of  the  buttress  in  some  of  the  churches.  Naturally,  it  was 
an  age  of  the  building  of  castles  and  walls,  although  the 
materials  used  were  perishable.  ]\Iost  edifices  were  of 
wood,  for  in  that  day  Spain  was  covered  with  forests  in 
regions  where  they  no  longer  exist.  The  burning  of  villages 
in  times  of  war,  especially  during  the  Norman  invasions, 
led  to  an  exchange  from  the  wooden  roof  in  church  building 
to  one  of  non-combustible  material  of  industrial  manufacture. 


Kingdoms  of  Navarre,  Aragon,  and  Catalonia 

The  In  essentials,  the  social  organization  of  north  central  and 

Christian  northeastern  Spain  was  not  greatly  different  from  that  of 
reconquest  ^j^^  northwest.  Navarre  and  Catalonia  were  considerably 
Catalonia  effected  by  French  influence,  —  Aragon  less  so.  The  de- 
tails for  Navarre  and  Aragon  are  in  any  event  obscure  or 
lacking.  The  Moslem  invasion  caused  an  emigration  of 
the  people  of  Catalonia  across  the  Pyrenees,  with  the  result 
that  most  of  the  territory  remained  deserted  for  two  cen- 
turies. By  797  Gerona  had  been  reconquered,  and  by  801 
Barcelona  was  retaken,  and  these  dates  marked  the  be- 
ginning of  the  social  and  political  reorganization  of  what 
was  to  become  Catalonia.  Lands  were  allotted  to  the 
Frankish  conquerors  and  to  a  number  of  Catalans  who  had 
either  remained  in  that  region,  subject  to  the  Moslems,  or 
who  came  in  at  the  time  of  the  reconquest.  These  estates 
were  given  free  of  obligation,  except  for  that  of  military 
service.     The   most   important   holders   were   the   various 


CHRISTIAN   SPAIN   IN   THE   MOSLEM    PERIOD,    711-1035      65 

counts,  but  there  were  a  number  of  lesser  proprietors  beyond 
their  jurisdiction.  Many  of  these  were  converted  in  course 
of  time  into  feudatories  of  the  counts.  The  counts  were 
at  first  the  appointees  of  the  French  king;  later  they  be- 
came hereditary;  and  finally  independent.  The  church 
also  acquired  vast  territories  in  Catalonia,  and  was  allowed 
to  enjoy  immunity  from  obligations  and  an  absolute  domin- 
ion over  its  lands.  The  most  important  holdings  were 
those  of  the  bishop  of  Gerona. 

From  the  above  it  appears  that  the  feudalism  of  France  Feudalism 
had  taken  root  in  Catalonia,  where  the  nobles  were  more  m  Cata- 
absolute  in  their  own  territories  and  more  free  from  the  ^^^^  ^^^ 
power  of  the  king  or  lord  to  whom  they  were  subject  than 
was  the  case  in  northwestern  Spain.  The  greater  impor- 
tance of  the  counts  of  Barcelona  has  already  been  alluded  to  ; 
by  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century  they  were  saluted 
with  the  title  of  prince  in  recognition  of  their  sovereignty. 
Aside  from  their  own  estates,  however,  their  legal  authority 
extended  little  further  than  that  of  a  right  to  inspect  judicial 
tribunals  (in  order  to  see  that  their  decisions  were  in  accord 
with  the  general  law  of  the  land)  and  to  have  certain  cases 
appealable  to  their  courts.  The  Fuero  Juzgo,  in  so  far  as 
it  applied  to  the  changed  conditions  of  Catalonia,  was  the 
general  law,  but  numerous  exceptions  began  to  appear,  much 
as  in  the  northwest,  although  the  development  of  free  towns 
was  not  nearly  so  great.  In  Navarre  the  administration 
of  justice  belonged  to  the  king,  but  on  the  other  hand  the 
king  could  not  hold  court,  or  make  war,  peace,  or  a  truce, 
without  consulting  the  nobles,  and  he  was  subject  in  every 
respect  to  the  laws  which  confirmed  their  privileges.  Further- 
more, he  acquired  his  throne  by  election,  although  the  choice 
was  confined  as  a  rule  to  members  of  a  single  family.  Feudal- 
ism not  only  weakened  the  power  of  the  monarchy  in  north 
central  and  northeastern  Spain,  but  also  tended  to  impair 
the  lot  of  the  servile  classes,  which  were  delayed  in  achiev- 
ing emancipation  in  these  regions  much  longer  than  in  other 
parts  of  Spain. 

The  most  important  religious  incident  of  the  period  was 
the  entry  of  the  monks  of  Cluny  into  Spain.     This  order 


66 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Coming  of 
the  monks 
of  Cluny. 


Backward- 
ness of 
Pyrenean 
Spain. 


had  taken  it  upon  itself  to  combat  simony  (the  sale  of  church 
office)  and  offences  against  the  ecclesiastical  law  of  celibacy 
(requiring  that  men  who  had  taken  holy  orders  should  not 
marry),  both  of  which  practices  were  than  very  prevalent 
in  Christendom,  and  to  bring  about  a  complete  and  effective 
submission  of  distant  churches  to  the  bishop  of  Rome. 
These  monks  came  into  Spain  by  way  of  Navarre  in  the 
reign  of  Sancho  the  Great,  and  by  1033  they  were  already 
in  Castile.  Aside  from  their  immediate  objects  they  pro- 
duced two  other  important  effects :  they  reinforced  the 
French  ideas  which  had  preceded  them  ;  and  they  accelerated 
the  reconquest  as  a  result  of  the  influence  which  they  ac- 
quired, employing  it  to  urge  on  the  kings  in  wars  against 
the  Moslems.  In  economic  institutions,  general  culture, 
and  the  fine  arts  the  north  centre  and  northeast  were  very 
backward,  like  the  northwest.  It  is  noteworthy,  however, 
that  by  the  ninth  century  the  Catalans  were  already  be- 
ginning to  engage  in  trade  in  the  Mediterranean. 


^^ 


^       ^ 


CHAPTER  VII 

ERA   OF  THE   SPANISH   CRUSADES,    1031-1276 


The  period  of  a  little  more  than  two  centuries  after  the 
downfall  of  the  caliphate  was  marked  by  a  complete  change 
from  that  preceding  it,  and  in  like  manner  was  quite  inde- 
pendent of  the  next  succeeding  era.  Up  to  this  time  INIoslem 
Spain  had  represented  by  far  the  principal  element  in  the 
peninsula.  The  Christian  states  had  maintained  themselves 
with  diflBculty,  making  occasional  gains,  which  were  not 
infrequently  followed  by  equally  great  losses  whenever  the 
Moslem  power  was  sufficiently  united  internally  to  present 
its  full  strength.  The  civilization  of  the  Christian  kingdoms 
had  also  been  notably  inferior  in  almost  every  respect  to 
that  of  the  Moslem  south.  From  the  eleventh  to  the  middle 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  however,  the  region  of  Moslem 
Spain,  divided  against  itself,  could  not  make  an  effective 
resistance,  and  the  Christian  powers  began  an  offensive 
which  enabled  them  to  reconquer  all  of  the  peninsula  ex- 
cept for  a  narrow  strip  in  southern  Andalusia.  These  wars 
partook  very  largely  of  the  crusading  spirit  then  so  prev- 
alent in  Europe,  and  although  it  was  not  nearly  so  per- 
sistent, fervid,  or  exclusive  an  aim  as  is  usually  believed  it 
seems  appropriate  to  characterize  this  era  as  that  of  the 
Spanish  crusades.  This  was  also  a  period  of  noteworthy 
advance  in  internal  organization  in  Christian  Spain,  for 
although  civil  war  and  disorder  were  great  as  compared  with 
some  later  eras  many  regions  enjoyed  long  terms  of  peace, 
very  much  more  complete  at  least  than  in  the  three  pre- 
ceding centuries.  The  pushing  back  of  the  Moslem  frontier 
conduced  greatly  to  this  end.  The  kings  gradually  be- 
came more  powerful  than  the  great  individual  nobles,  who 

67 


General 
charac- 
teristics of 
the  era. 


68 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


had  been  able  to  meet  them  on  virtually  equal  terms  before. 
The  free  commoners  advanced  both  in  status  and  in  num- 
bers. In  material  well-being  there  was  a  marked  improve- 
ment. Finally,  in  general  culture  the  same  tendency  ap- 
peared. In  all  of  these  respects  the  fund  of  civilization  was 
very  slight  compared  with  what  it  was  to  become  in  suc- 
ceeding centuries,  but  it  was  at  least  something,  whereas 
the  period  before  had  represented  little  more  than  bare 
existence.  Despite  the  fact  that  there  was  very  little 
understanding  of  the  ideal  of  national  unity,  as  evidenced 
by  the  frequency  with  which  monarchs  divided  their  king- 
doms, circumstances  tended  toward  the  accomplishment  of 
what  men  could  not  readily  grasp.  Two  great  states  emerged 
in  Christian  Spain,  the  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Aragon. 
They  were  able  even  to  act  in  peace  and  concert  at  times  in 
the  wars  against  the  Moslems.  A  third  region  tended  to 
withdraw  from  the  current  of  peninsula  unity,  for  it  was  in 
this  period  that  the  modern  state  of  Portugal  had  its  inde- 
pendent beginnings.  Nevertheless,  Moslem  Spain,  though 
less  important  than  Castile  and  Aragon,  remained  the  key- 
note of  the  period,  not  alone  because  of  the  wars  against  it, 
but  also  because  its  civilization,  especially  in  material  and 
intellectual  aspects,  was  still  far  superior  to  that  of  Castile 
and  Aragon.  It  w^as  at  this  time,  indeed,  that  the  Moslem 
world  produced  its  greatest  scholars  and  the  Christian 
states  became  most  strongly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  Moslem 
culture,  with  permanent  results  on  Spanish  character. 
This  era  was  unequal  in  length  for  Castile  and  Aragon, 
closing  respectively  in  1252  and  1276  with  the  deaths  of 
Ferdinand  III  and  Jaime  I, 


The  taifa 
states  and 
the  rise 
of  Seville. 


Moslem  Spain 

With  the  dethronement  of  Hisham  III  in  1031  the  cali- 
phate broke  up  into  a  number  of  states  called  taifas,  from 
an  Arabic  word  meaning  "tribe,"  or  "people."  Down  to 
the  close  of  the  eleventh  century  there  were  many  of  these 
states,  —  twenty-three  at  one  time,  —  but  the  most  impor- 
tant were  those   of   Cordova,    Seville,    Malaga,    Granada, 


ERA   OF  THE  SPANISH   CRUSADES,    1031-1276  69 

Almeria,  Denia  and  the  Balearic  Islands,  Saragossa,  Toledo, 
and  Badajoz.  The  rulers  were  usually  Slavic  or  Berber 
generals  of  the  latter-day  armies  of  the  caliphate  and  their 
descendants.  Each  desired  to  make  himself  sole  caliph, 
and  so  an  internecine  strife  was  waged  almost  continuously, 
especially  in  the  south.  Seville  soon  forged  ahead  of  its 
regional  rivals,  and  was  by  far  the  most  important  taifa  of 
the  century.  Like  several  of  the  others  it  had  been  founded 
as  a  republic  (as  early  as  1023),  but  its  skilful  ruler,  Abul 
Cassim  Mohammed  of  the  Abbadite  family,  soon  made  him- 
self absolute,  while  retaining  the  forms  of  a  republic.  In 
order  to  overcome  his  most  powerful  neighbors  he  pretended 
that  Hisham  II  had  reappeared,  availing  himself  of  a  mat- 
maker  who  resembled  the  dead  caliph.  The  stratagem  was 
so  successful  that  Carmona,  Valencia,  Denia,  Tortosa,  and 
even  the  republic  of  Cordova  recognized  the  pseudo-Hisham, 
whereupon  the  crafty  Sevillian  proceeded  to  conquer  large 
parts  of  the  taifa  states  of  Malaga  and  Granada.  His  succes- 
sors were  equally  fortunate,  and  by  the  end  of  the  third 
quarter  of  the  century  the  greater  part  of  Moslem  Spain, 
especially  in  the  west  and  south,  had  acknowledged  the  rule 
of  the  lord  of  Seville.  Seville,  too,  had  become  every  bit  as 
noteworthy  an  intellectual  centre  as  Cordova  had  been 
under  the  caliphs. 

The  Christian  kings  of  Castile  and  Leon  had  meanwhile  Yusuf  and 
profited  by  the  wars  of  the  taifa  states  to  make  conquests  the  Almo- 
or  to  reduce  many  of  the  taifas  to  the  pavment  of  tribute.   ^^'^^'^^ 
Even  Seville  was  tributary  to  a  Christian  king.     This  m- 
clined  many  of  the  Moslem  princes,  realizing  their  own  help- 
lessness, to   invite   a   newly-risen  Mohammedan   power   in 
northwestern  Africa  to  come  to  their  aid.     The  rulers  of 
the  taifas  recognized  that  their  own  authority  might  be 
endangered  by  the  entry  of  their  coreligionists,  but  their 
feelings  were  well  expressed  in  the  words  attributed  to  the 
ruler  of  Seville  :     "I  would  rather  be  a  camel-driver  in  Africa 
than  a  swineherd  in  Castile."     The  African  people  referred 
to  were  a  branch  of  the  Berbers  who  had  dwelt  apart  in  the 
Sahara  Desert.     Converted  at  length  to  the  Moslem  faith, 
they  became  fanatically  religious,  taking  to  themselves  the 


70  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

name  " Almoravides "  (religious  men),  and  launching  them- 
selves forth  to  the  conquest  of  all  northwestern  Africa. 
The  African  empire  of  the  Almoravides  was  already  an  ac- 
complished fact  when  their  emperor,  Yusuf,  was  invited  to 
help  the  Spanish  INIoslems  under  a  promise  that  he  would 
not  deprive  the  taifa  rulers  of  their  states.  In  1086  Yusuf 
entered  Spain,  and  encountered  the  army  of  Alfonso  VI 
of  Leon  at  Zalaca,  near  Badajoz.  Yusuf  was  completely 
successful,  and  the  Christian  peril  was  rolled  back,  but  no 
counter-conquests  of  moment  were  made.  Yusuf  himself 
returned  to  Africa.  Four  years  later  the  Moslem  princes 
had  need  of  Yusuf,  and  once  again  he  came  to  avert  the 
threatening  danger.  By  this  time  popular  opinion,  rein- 
forced by  the  intrigues  of  the  Moslem  priesthood,  desired 
the  establishment  of  Yusuf 's  authority  in  Spain ;  the  resto- 
ration of  a  single  rule,  it  was  believed,  would  check  the 
Christian  kings,  and  bring  peace  and  prosperity.  By  1091 
Yusuf  had  reduced  all  of  the  taifa  princes  except  the  king  of 
Saragossa,  and  the  latter  was  subjected  by  Yusuf 's  successor. 
Thus  the  unity  of  Moslem  Spain  was  again  accomplished.^ 
Rise  of  The  Almoravide  rule  rested  very  lightly  on  the  Moslem 

the  Almo-    population,  but  only  for  a  short  time.     The  emperors  lost 
hades.  their  religious  enthusiasm,  and  not  only  did  they  fail  to 

advance  the  conquest  but  they  also  gave  themselves  up  to 
a  life  of  luxury  and  dissipation.  Public  security  declined, 
with  the  result  that  the  people  now  wished  to  rid  themselves 
of  the  sovereigns  whom  formerly  they  had  desired  so  much. 
At  this  time  there  came  a  tremendous  uprising  in  Africa 
in  1125  of  the  Moors  of  the  Moroccan  Atlas,  an  uncivilized 
branch  of  the  Berber  family.  They  had  become  fanatical 
Mohammedans,  and  like  their  Almoravide  predecessors  had 
taken  a  name  springing  from  their  religious  faith,  that  of 
"Almohades"  (unitarians).  Uncultivated  as  they  were, 
they  were  able  to  master  the  military  art  of  that  day  suffi- 
ciently to  overwhelm  the  Almoravide  power  in  Africa,  though 
only  after  a  long  war. 

Meanwhile,  a  second  era  of  taifa  states  had  sprung  up  in 

Spain,  but  in  1146  the  Almohades  entered  the  peninsula,  and 

*  Rueda  continued  independent,  —  an  unimportant  exception. 


ERA   OF  THE   SPANISH   CRUSADES,    1031-1276 


71 


proceeded  to  reduce  the  taifa  princes.  By  1172  all  Moslem 
Spain  was  under  their  sway.  Spain  was  now  formed  into 
a  province  of  the  Almohade  empire,  the  capital  of  which 
was  in  Africa.  The  new  conquerors  did  more  than  merely 
garrison  the  peninsula,  —  they  pursued  the  hated  Arabs  so 
zealously  that  the  latter  were  either  destroyed  or  absorbed. 
The  Berbers  were  for  many  years  virtually  the  only  Mo- 
hammedan element  in  the  peninsula  except  for  the  Renegados. 
The  wars  with  the  Christians  were  also  renewed.  In  1194 
Alfonso  VIII  of  Castile  challenged  the  emperor  Yacub  to  a 
battle.  Yacub  accepted,  and  the  battle  was  fought  at  Alarcos 
(Badajoz)  in  1195,  ending  in  the  rout  of  the  Christians.  The 
war  continued,  however,  and  in  1212  the  united  forces  of 
Leon,  Castile,  Navarre,  and  Aragon  gained  a  great  victory 
at  Navas  de  Tolosa  in  Andalusia.  This  was  the  turning- 
point  in  the  Christian  reconquest.  The  Almohade  state 
soon  fell  to  pieces,  and  by  1228  the  taifas  began  to  reappear, 
but  one  after  another  they  were  conquered  by  the  Christian 
kings.  A  single  Moslem  state  escaped;  in  1230  it  had  been 
founded  at  Arjona,  and  presently  took  shape  as  the  kingdom 
of  Granada,  establishing  its  capital  in  1238  at  the  city  of  the 
same  name.  This  tiny  realm,  extending  at  its  greatest 
from  Almeria  to  Gibraltar,  was  able  to  maintain  itself  for 
over  two  centuries  and  a  half. 


TheAJmo- 
hades  in 
Spain. 


The 

Christian 
recon- 
quest. 


Leon  and  Castile 


By  the  will  of  Sancho  the  Great  of  Navarre,  Castile  had  Castilian 
become  legally  a  kingdom  in  1035.  Ferdinand  I  (1035-  conquests. 
1065)  soon  overwhelmed  the  king  of  Leon,  uniting  all  north- 
western Spain  under  his  rule.  Wars  with  Navarre  followed 
until  1054,  after  which  Ferdinand  devoted  himself  with 
great  religious  zeal  to  campaigns  against  the  Moslem  taifas, 
making  numerous  conquests,  and  subjecting  many  states 
to  the  payment  of  tribute.  Despite  the  lesson  of  his  own 
experience  he  divided  his  realm,  at  death,  into  the  three  king- 
doms of  Castile,  Leon,  and  Galicia,  besides  two  lesser  prin- 
cipalities. A  long  civil  war  followed,  out  of  which  there 
emerged  Alfonso  VI  (1065-1109)  as  sole  ruler  of  the  domain 


72  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

Alfonso        of  his  father.     Alfonso  VI  took  up  the  wars  against  the 
VI.  IVloslems  with  great  success,  and  on  one  occasion,  in  1082, 

was  able  to  ride  his  horse  into  the  sea  in  the  extreme  south  of 
Spain  at  Tarifa,  when  he  is  said  to  have  exclaimed :  "This 
is  the  last  land  in  Spain,  and  I  have  trod  it."  The  princii)al 
event  of  the  reign  was  the  capture  of  Toledo  in  1085.  Al- 
fonso had  promised  to  restore  the  taifa  king  of  Toledo  to  his 
throne,  from  wiiich  he  had  been  ousted  by  a  rebellion,  but 
changed  his  mind,  and  took  the  city  for  himself.  From 
that  time  forward  Toledo  was  of  great  military  importance 
to  the  Christians,  serving  as  the  centre  of  the  reconquest, 
and  it  was  also  the  medium  through  which  Moslem  civiliza- 
tion began  to  produce  an  effect  on  Castile.  The  treaty  of 
capitulation  was  not  very  faithfully  carried  out ;  for  example, 
Alfonso  had  promised  to  allow  the  JNIohammedans  to  re- 
tain their  principal  mosque  for  purposes  of  worship,  but  in 
his  absence  the  monks  of  Cluny  were  able  to  persuade  the 
queen  to  take  over  that  edifice  as  a  Christian  church.  The 
incident  is  illustrative  of  a  new  crusading  spirit  which  had 
entered  Spain  with  the  monks  of  Cluny,  although  it  had 
not  yet  become  general.  Taifa  after  taifa  now  humbled 
itself  before  Alfonso  ;  Valencia  was  captured,  and  the  former 
king  of  Toledo  became  its  nominal  ruler,  but  with  a  Cas- 
tilian  army ;  and  Alfonso  could  with  reason  entitle  himself 
"sovereign  of  the  men  of  the  two  religions,"  a  phrase  which 
shows  that  Christian  zeal  was  not  altogether  uncompromising. 
It  was  then  that  the  Almoravide  invasion  checked  the  Cas- 
tilian  king,  but  although  he  lost  Valencia  he  was  able  to 
maintain  the  principal  part  of  his  conquests. 
The  Cid.  It  was  in  the  reign  of  Alfonso  VI  that  Rodrigo,  or  Ruy, 

Diaz  of  Vivar  (near  Burgos),  better  known  as  "the  Cid," 
performed  the  achievements  which  have  made  him  a  famous 
character  in  literature.  Until  recently  he  was  represented 
as  a  fanatically  ardent,  Christian  crusader,  ever  drawing 
his  sword  against  the  infidel  or  in  defence  of  any  just  and 
noble  cause,  and  performing  superhuman  prodigies  of  valor. 
The  true  Cid  was  very  far  from  answering  to  that  descrip- 
tion, and  was  also  so  typical  of  his  age  that  his  real  career 
has  historic  value  apart  from  literature.     In  the  civil  wars 


ERA   OF  THE   SPANISH   CRUSADES,    1031-1276  73 

following  the  death  of  Ferdinand  I,  Diaz  was  a  partisan  of 
Sancho  II  of  Castile,  and  contributed  greatly  to  that  mon- 
arch's success,  —  a  victory  which  was  spoiled  by  the  assas- 
sination of  his  patron.  Diaz  then  recognized  Alfonso  VI, 
and  was  sent  by  the  latter  to  collect  the  tribute  due  from  the 
king  of  Seville.  On  his  return  he  was  accused  of  having 
appropriated  for  himself  certain  of  the  funds  which  he  was 
bringing  to  the  king,  and  was  banished  from  Castile ;  pos- 
sibly Alfonso  VI  may  still  have  felt  resentment  over  Diaz's 
part  in  the  victories  of  Sancho.  Followed  by  only  a  few 
warriors  Diaz  wandered  over  Spain,  seeking  wealth  and 
honors  in  return  for  military  aid.  Finally  he  took  service 
with  the  Moslem  king  of  Saragossa,  and  won  fame  in  all 
the  peninsula  as  a  result  of  his  victories  not  only  against 
Moslem  enemies  but  more  than  once  against  Cliristian 
kings;  in  fine,  religion  seems  not  to  have  entered  into  his 
program  to  any  appreciable  extent;  indeed,  the  name  Cid 
was  applied  by  his  Moslem  soldiers,  meaning  "lord,"  or 
"master."  In  1086  the  Moslem  king  of  Valencia,  the  same 
one  who  had  been  placed  on  the  throne  by  Alfonso  VI,  got 
into  diflficulties  with  his  subjects,  and  sought  the  aid  of 
Saragossa.  The  Cid  was  sent  with  an  army  of  mingled 
Christians  and  Moslems  to  restore  the  authority  of  the 
Valencian  monarch.  This  he  did,  but  under  a  contract 
which  ignored  his  Saragossan  master  and  enabled  the  Cid 
to  become  the  virtual  ruler  of  Valencia.  In  1092  on  the 
death  of  the  king  of  Valencia  the  Cid  converted  his  de  facto 
into  a  de  jure  rule,  reigning  until  his  death  in  1099.  As 
monarch  of  Valencia  he  was  selfish  and  cruel,  like  others 
of  his  time,  sustaining  his  power  by  virtue  of  his  army  of 
Christians  and  Moslems  against  foes  of  whatever  faith,  even 
against  Castile.  He  espoused  one  of  his  daughters  to 
Ramon  Berenguer  III  of  Barcelona,  and  another  to  a  prince 
of  the  royal  family  of  Navarre.  After  his  death  his  state 
fell  before  the  advance  of  the  Almoravides. 

Alfonso  VI  was  succeeded  by  his  daughter  Urraca  (1109-  The 
1126),  for  he  left  no  sons,  and  her  reign  was  a  period  of  anarchy  of 
anarchy.     Urraca,   who  was  a  widow,   was  compelled  by  ^^^^"^  ^ 
the  nobles  to  remarry,  on  the  ground  that  affairs  of  state 


reign. 


74  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

needed  a  man's  direction,  while  her  infant  son  by  a  previous 
marriage,  Alfonso,  was  brought  up  in  Galicia,  being  con- 
sidered king  of  that  region,  Alfonso  I  "the  Battler"  of 
Aragon  was  selected  as  a  husband  for  Urraca,  but  the  mar- 
riage was  not  a  happy  one.  Urraca  was  so  imprudent  in 
her  manner  of  life  that  the  Battler  saw  fit  to  imprison  her 
in  a  castle.  Furthermore,  he  displayed  a  clear  intention 
of  making  himself  ruler  in  Castile  as  he  was  in  Aragon,  a 
course  which  the  Castilian  nobles  were  far  from  approving. 
The  scene  having  been  set  the  wars  began.  A  complication 
entered  from  the  side  of  Galicia,  where  Bishop  Gelmirez 
of  Santiago  de  Compostela  proposed  that  the  infant  Alfonso 
should  reign  in  Leon  as  well  as  in  Galicia.  The  changes  of 
side  and  fortune  in  these  wars,  not  only  by  the  three  prin- 
cipals, but  also  by  individual  nobles,  need  not  be  followed, 
except  to  relate  one  incident  which  marked  the  first  step 
toward  the  ultimate  independence  of  Portugal.  Teresa, 
a  sister  of  Urraca,  had  married  a  French  count,  Henry  of 
Lorraine,  to  whom  (in  1095?)  Alfonso  VI  granted  territo- 
The  be-  ries  called  the  county  of  Portugal  in  the  northern  part  of 
ginningsof  the  land  which  now  bears  that  name.  These  estates  were 
Portugal.  j^gj(j  ^g  ^  ggf^  subject  to  tribute  and  military  service.  Henry 
and  later  Teresa  (on  the  former's  death)  profited  by  the 
civil  strife  to  increase  their  holdings  and  acquire  real  strength. 
Urraca  died  in  1126,  and  matters  were  arranged  by  the 
recognition  of  the  young  Alfonso  (Alfonso  VH  "the  Em- 
peror") as  king  in  his  grandfather's  domain,  while  Alfonso 
the  Battler  gained  some  territories  adjoining  his  kingdom 
of  Aragon.^ 

1  Less  famous  than  the  Cid,  but  quite  as  representative  of  his 
time,  was  the  figure  of  Bishop  Diego  Gelmirez  of  Santiago  de  Com- 
postela, who  played  an  important  part  in  the  events  of  Urraea's 
reign.  He  was  a  vigorous,  ambitious,  restless,  not  overscrupulous 
man,  breaking  pledges  and  changing  from  one  side  to  another  with 
the  usual  facility  of  men  of  that  age.  He  was  not  only  ambitious 
for  himself  but  was  also  an  ardent  votary  of  the  extension  of  church 
authority.  He  was  a  fighting  bishop,  who  engaged  in  mihtary 
campaigns  himself  and  encountered  many  vicissitudes  both  in 
the  civil  wars  of  the  kingdom  and  in  the  local  uprisings  of  his  own 
subjects.  On  one  occasion  the  citizens  of  Santiago  besieged  him 
in  his  church,  and  set  fire  to  a  tower  in  which  he  took  refuge.  Never- 
theless, the  bishop  escaped  in  the  guise  of  a  beggar.     In  the  end 


ERA   OF  THE   SPANISH   CRUSADES,    1031-1276 


75 


The  death  of  Urraca  did  not  end  the  internal  strife  in 
Christian  Spain.  For  ten  years  there  were  wars  with 
Teresa  and  her  son  Affonso  Enriquez  of  Portugal ;  there 
were  wars,  too,  against  Aragon  and  Navarre,  following  the 
death  of  Alfonso  the  Battler,  out  of  which  Alfonso  VII  pro- 
cured some  extensions  of  territory.  When  the  century  was 
nearly  half  gone  Alfonso  was  able  to  turn  energetically  to 
an  attack  upon  the  IMoslem  states,  especially  between  1144 
and  1147  during  the  second  era  of  the  taifas.  His  conquests 
were  vast,  but  of  brief  duration,  for  the  Almohades  soon 
entered  Spain  to  deprive  him  of  what  he  had  won.  Like 
Ferdinand  I  before  him  Alfonso  VII  took  the  title  of  em- 
peror, which  then  had  a  significance  equivalent  to  that  of 
sole  temporal  ruler  of  Christendom  in  succession  to  the 
Roman  emperors.  In  the  case  of  Ferdinand  and  Alfonso 
it  may  also  have  represented  a  protest  against  the  like 
pretensions  of  the  Holy  Roman  Emperors,  then  reigning 
principally  in  Germanic  Europe.  Alfonso  seemed  in  a  fair 
way  to  create  a  peninsula  empire,  for  he  was  able  to  make 
the  kings  of  Aragon  and  Navarre,  the  counts  of  Barcelona 
and  Toulouse,  various  lesser  princes  of  Spain  and  southern 
France,  and  some  rulers  of  the  Moslem  taifas  swear  fealty 
to  him  as  their  feudal  sovereign.  The  imperial  confedera- 
tion had  no  real  strength,  however,  for  the  spirit  of  separatism 
was  as  yet  too  deeply  rooted.  Alfonso  himself  demonstrated 
this  by  dividing  his  realm  at  his  death,  in  1157,  into  the  two 
kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Leon. 

The  next  following  reigns  had  their  share  of  internal  strife 
and  one  important  event  in  the  coiu"se  of  the  Moslem  wars, 
—  the  defence  of  Calatrava  in  1158  by  two  Cistercian  monks, 
who  procured  an  army  by  proclaiming  a  crusade.  Out  of 
this  event  there  came  the  founding  in  1164  of  the  important 
military  order  of  Calatrava.  Alfonso  VIII  (1158-1214) 
inherited  the  throne  of  Castile  while  still  a  child.  War  and 
disorder  followed  until   1180,   for  the  kings  of  Leon  and 

he  was  usually  successful.  He  procured  the  erection  of  Santiago 
de  Compostela  into  an  archbishopric,  and  enjoyed  the  distinction, 
equally  with  the  church  of  Rome,  of  having  seven  cardinals  as 
eanon3.  He  also  gained  the  influential  post  of  chaplain  to  Alfonso 
VII. 


Alfonso 
"the    Em- 
peror." 


The  de- 
fence of 
Calatrava. 


Alfonso 
VIII  and 
the  over- 
throw of 
the 
Moslems. 


76 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


The  inde- 
pendence 
of  Portu- 
gal, 


Saint 
Ferdinand 
and  the 
crusades 
in  Spain. 


Navarre  and  various  nobles  endeavored  as  usual  to  profit 
for  thomsehes  at  the  expense  of  the  newly  enthroned  mon- 
arch. At  length  Alfonso  VIII,  who  was  one  of  the  ablest 
rulers  of  this  period  (both  in  internal  organization  and  in 
external  conquest),  directed  his  attention  to  the  reconquest 
from  the  ]\I()slems.  After  a  rapid  succession  of  victories  he 
was  defeated,  as  already  noted,  at  the  battle  of  Alarcos,  on 
which  occasion  the  kings  of  Leon  and  Navarre  failed  to 
accord  him  the  aid  they  had  promised.  Wars  followed 
against  the  two  kings,  but  matters  were  at  length  adjusted 
and  a  tremendous  army,  including  many  foreigners,  was 
raised  to  combat  the  Almohades.  All  seemed  to  be  imbued 
with  the  crusading  spirit,  but  most  of  the  foreigners  deserted 
before  the  issue  presented  itself.  Nearly  all  the  peoples  of 
Christian  Spain  were  represented  in  Alfonso's  host,  how- 
e\er,  and  together  they  won  the  great  battle  of  Navas  de 
Tolosa  in  1212. 

Meanwhile,  the  counts  of  Portugal  had  continued  their 
policy  of  complete  separation  from  Leon  and  Castile,  and 
had  also  extended  their  frontiers  southward  by  successful 
wars  against  the  Moslems.  AfFonso  Enriquez  took  the  title 
of  king,  and  this  was  recognized  in  1143  by  Alfonso  VII, 
subject  to  the  vassalage  of  the  Portuguese  monarch  to  Leon. 
AflFonso  Enriquez  managed  to  avoid  this  condition  by  sub- 
mitting his  state  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  pope,  who  ac- 
cepted it  in  1144,  though  conferring  only  the  title  of  duke 
on  Affonso.  A  few  years  later  Pope  Alexander  III  recog- 
nized the  Portuguese  ruler  as  king.  Thus  Portugal  withdrew 
from  the  current  of  peninsula  unity,  and  established  her 
independence  in  law  and  in  fact. 

Bcrcnguela,  daughter  of  Alfonso  VIII  of  Castile,  had 
married  Alfonso  IX  (1188-1230)  of  Leon,  by  whom  she  had 
a  son,  Ferdinand.  Pope  Innocent  III  brought  about  an 
annulment  of  the  marriage  on  the  ground  of  consanguinity, 
though  he  recognized  the  legitimacy  of  Ferdinand.  On 
the  death  of  Henry  I  of  Castile  in  1217  Berenguela  was 
proclaimed  queen,  but  granted  the  throne  to  her  son,  who 
as  Ferdinand  III,  later  Saint  Ferdinand  (San  Fernando), 
was  to  prove  an  even  greater  monarch  than  his  grandfather, 


ERA   OF  THE   SPANISH   CRUSADES,    1031-1276  77 

Alfonso  VIII.  Wars  with  his  father  and  with  his  nobles 
occupied  the  early  years  of  his  reign,  but  by  1225,  having 
overcome  his  Christian  enemies,  he  was  able  to  renew  the 
campaigns  against  the  Moslems.  City  after  city  fell  into 
his  power;  Cordova  was  taken  in  1236;  Murcia  became 
tributary  in  1241 ;  and  the  culminating  blow  came  with  the 
siege  of  Seville,  which  surrendered  to  Ferdinand  in  1248. 
Despite  the  fact  that  not  a  little  crusading  zeal  entered  into 
these  campaigns  and  that  Ferdinand  himself  was  an  ardent 
Christian,  religious  enthusiasm,  even  yet,  was  not  as  un- 
compromising as  it  later  became.  Ferdinand  was  an  ally 
at  one  time  of  the  Almohade  emperor,  whom  he  restored  to 
his  throne  in  Africa;  he  also  accepted  the  alliance  of  the 
Moslem  prince  of  Granada  in  the  campaign  against  Seville ; 
and  other  similar  instances  of  his  freedom  from  fanatical 
intolerance  might  be  adduced.  Nevertheless,  he  planned 
to  overwhelm  the  Moslem  authority,  and  would  almost 
certainly  have  invaded  Africa  if  he  had  lived  a  few  years 
longer.  His  Christian  spirit,  however,  was  along  practical 
and  national  lines.  When  Louis  IX  of  France  invited  him 
to  join  in  a  crusade  in  the  orient  Ferdinand  is  said  to  have 
replied  :  "There  is  no  lack  of  Moors  in  viy  land."  Not  only 
by  conquests  but  also  by  internal  reforms  he  assisted  in 
the  development  of  Castilian  unity.  One  external  event 
of  capital  importance  was  the  incorporation  into  Castile  of 
the  kingdom  of  Leon  in  1230  on  the  death  of  Alfonso  IX, 
despite  the  latter's  attempt  to  deliver  his  dominions  to  two 
daughters  by  a  marriage  previous  to  that  with  Berenguela, 
With  Ferdinand's  death  in  1252  the  era  of  the  Castilian 
crusades  came  to  an  end. 

Catalonia,  1035  to  1164 

At  the  time  when  Ramon  Berenguer  I  (1035-1076)  be-  The  ex- 
came  count  of  Barcelona,   Catalonia  was  a  federation  of  tension  of 
counties,  acknowledging  the  ruler  of  Barcelona  as  overlord,   ^j^^^.^^ 
Possessed  already  of  Barcelona  and  Gerona,  Ramon  Beren-  ^f  ^^^ 
guer  soon  acquired  two  more  covmties,  which  had  been  left  counts  of 
by  his  father  to  other  sons.     He  extended  his  frontiers  at  Barcelona. 


78 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


the  expense  of  the  Moslems,  and  laid  the  foundations  of 
the  later  Catalonian  power  in  southern  France  through 
marriage  alliances  with  princes  of  that  region.  It  was  in 
his  reign,  too,  that  the  Catalan  code  of  the  Usdticos,  or 
Usatgct  (Usages,  or  Customs),  was  compiled,  though  at  the 
instance  of  his  powerful  vassals,  who  wanted  their  privileges 
reduced  to  writing.  By  the  end  of  his  reign  he  had  united 
five  Catalonian  counties  and  many  other  territories  under 
his  rule,  including  almost  as  much  land  in  southern  France 
as  he  possessed  in  Spain.  No  further  progress  was  made 
until  the  reign  of  Ramon  Berenguer  III  (1096-1131),  who, 
through  inheritance,  without  civil  wars,  acquired  all  of  the 
Catalonian  counties  but  two  and  a  great  part  of  southern 
France.  He  also  waged  wars  against  the  Moslems,  though 
perhaps  the  most  notable  thing  about  them  was  that  the 
Pisans  fought  as  his  allies.  Indeed,  he  established  com- 
mercial and  diplomatic  relations  with  the  various  Italian 
republics,  —  a  beginning  of  Spain's  fateful  connection  with 
Italy.  Ramon  Berenguer  IV  (1131-1162)  inherited  only 
the  Spanish  portions  of  his  father's  domain,  but  extended 
his  authority  over  Tortosa,  Lerida,  and  other  Moslem  regions, 
being  a  notable  warrior.  In  1150  he  married  the  daughter 
of  the  king  of  Aragon,  and  in  1164  his  son  by  this  marriage 
united  Aragon  and  Catalonia  under  a  single  rule. 


Aragon 

The  be-  The  kingdom  of  Aragon  dates  from  the  will  of  Sancho  the 

^."^'^ss       Great   of  Navarre   in   1035.     The   new  state  was   almost 
and  the°^    insignificantly  small   at  the  outset,   but,   by   inheritances, 
union  with  wars  with  the  Moslems,  and  the  peaceful  incorporation  of 
Catalonia.    Navarre  in  1076,  it  already  included  a  large  portion  of  north 
central  Spain  by  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century.     The 
era  of  great  conquests  began  with  Alfonso  I  "the  Battler" 
(1104-1134),  the  same  king  whose  marriage  with  Urraca 
of   Castile   had   resulted   so   unfavorably.     Better   fortune 
awaited  him  on  the  Moslem  frontier.     In  1118  he  captured 
Saragossa,  an  event  as  important  in  Aragon  as  was  the  ac- 
quisition of  Toledo  a  few  years  before  in  Castile.     He  carried 


ERA   OF  THE   SPANISH   CRUSADES,    1031-1276 


79 


his  campaigns  as  far  south,  even,  as  Murcia  and  Andalusia, 
but  the  principal  result  of  these  invasions  was  that  he 
brought  back  ten  thousand  Mozarabes  to  settle  his  newly- 
won  conquests.  Having  no  sons  he  tried  to  leave  his  realm 
to  two  military  orders,  but  this  arrangement  did  not  prove 
agreeable  to  his  subjects.  The  nobles  of  Navarre  elected  a 
king  of  their  own,  withdrawing  from  the  union  with  Aragon, 
while  those  of  Aragon  chose  a  brother  of  Alfonso,  named 
Ramiro,  who  at  the  time  of  his  election  was  a  monk.  The 
reign  of  Ramiro  II  "the  Monk"  (1134-1137)  was  excep- 
tionally important  for  Spain,  without  any  particular  merit 
accruing  therefor  to  the  king.  The  pope  freed  him  from 
his  vows  and  he  married.  From  this  marriage  there  was 
born  a  daughter,  Petronilla.  Ramiro  espoused  her  to 
Ramon  Berenguer  IV  of  Barcelona,  and  soon  abdicated, 
returning  to  his  monastery.  Petronilla's  son,  Ramon 
Berenguer,  who  presently  changed  his  name  to  the  Ara- 
gonese-sounding  Alfonso,  was  the  first  to  rule  in  his  own 
right  over  Aragon  and  Catalonia  in  what  came  to  be  called 
the  kingdom  of  Aragon,  although  Catalonia  was  always  the 
more  important  part. 

Alfonso  II  inherited  Catalonia  in  1162,  and  became  king 
of  Aragon  proper  in  1164  on  the  abdication  of  Petronilla. 
Later  he  inherited  nearly  all  of  southern  France.  He  was 
also  a  frequent  ally  of  Alfonso  VIII  of  Castile  against  the 
Moslems,  gaining  some  territories  on  his  own  account.  In 
1179  these  two  kings  made  a  treaty  dividing  Spain  between 
them,  fixing  the  limits  of  their  respective  present  and  future 
conquests,  —  a  noteworthy  instance  of  the  approach  toward 
the  unification  of  Spain.  Alfonso  II  was  succeeded  by 
Pedro  II  "the  Catholic"  (1196-1213)  at  a  time  when  affairs 
were  in  a  critical  state  in  his  French  dominions.  That 
region  had  been  in  constant  turmoil,  as  a  result  both  of  the 
ambitions  of  the  kings  of  France  and  of  the  comparative 
independence  and  selfish  aims  of  the  feudal  lords.  There  was 
now  added  a  new  factor,  —  the  widespread  Albigensian 
heresy,  which  had  been  accepted  by  the  majority  of  the 
Proven9al  people  and  even  more  by  their  lords.  With  mat- 
ters in  this  state  Pedro  visited  Rome  in  1204,  and,  while 


The  act  of 

vassalage 

to  the 

pope  and 

the 

French 

conquests 

in  Ara- 

gonese 

dominions 

of 

southern 

France. 


80 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN" 


Early 
years  of 
the  reign 
of  Jaime 
"the  Con- 
queror." 


there,  gave  his  dominions  in  vassalage  to  the  pope,  receiving 
them  back  as  a  fief.  This  act  was  to  have  important  con- 
sequences at  a  hiter  time,  hut  if  its  immediate  object  was 
to  check  French  pretensions  to  southern  France,  as  has 
been  supposed,  it  was  not  very  successful,  for  the  pope 
himself  proclaimed  a  crusade  against  the  Albigenses.  The 
crusaders  were  French  nobles,  who  represented  a  purely 
French  invasion  quite  as  much  as  they  did  an  orthodox 
host.  Under  their  leader,  Simon  de  Montfort,  they  won 
several  victories,  displaying  such  cruelty  against  Catholics 
and  heretics  alike  that  they  were  censured  by  a  famous 
religious  at  that  time  preaching  among  the  Albigenses, 
Domingo  de  Guzman.  Guzman  was  the  Spaniard  who 
later  founded  the  Dominican  order,  named  for  him,  and 
who  became  canonized  as  Saint  Dominic  (San  Domingo). 
Pedro  II  endeavored  to  mediate  to  check  the  temporal 
designs  of  Montfort,  but  was  persuaded  by  the  pope  to 
recognize  the  French  leader  as  his  vassal  in  the  regions  he 
had  conquered.  When  Montfort  continued  in  his  aggres- 
sive designs  Pedro  II  declared  war  against  him,  but  was 
defeated  in  a  battle  which  cost  him  his  life. 

The  death  of  Pedro  II  brought  to  the  throne  the  greatest 
Aragonese  monarch  of  the  period,  Jaime  I  "the  Conqueror" 
(1213-1276),  a  worthy  contemporary  of  Ferdinand  III  of 
Castile.  At  the  outset  of  his  reign  he  was  a  mere  child  in 
the  dangerous  possession  of  Simon  de  Montfort.  On  this 
occasion  the  tremendous  influence  of  the  great  pope,  Inno- 
cent III,  was  beneficial  to  Spain,  for  Montfort  was  con- 
strained to  surrender  the  boy  king  to  his  people.  Then 
followed  the  usual  troubles  which  beset  the  early  years  of  a 
youthful  monarch  in  that  period.  There  were  wars  brought 
about  by  ambitious  nobles  fighting  for  the  possession  of  the 
king,  wars  of  the  nobles  among  themselves,  and  wars  of 
the  nobles  against  the  king.  Though  only  a  boy,  Jaime  took 
a  hand  in  the  fighting,  and  was  many  times  in  danger,  — 
twice  he  was  captured  by  hostile  nobles,  —  but  thanks  to 
his  courage  and  coolness  was  always  able  to  free  himself 
from  the  perils  which  beset  him.  Not  until  1228  was  he  in 
full  command  of  the  situation.     Meanwhile,  civil  wars  had 


ERA  OF  THE   SPANISH  CRUSADES,   1031-1276  81 

been  taking  place  in  southern  France,  resolving  themselves 
finally  into  a  struggle  between  the  count  of  Toulouse,  aided 
by  the  Catalans,  and  Simon  de  Montfort.  In  this  war 
Montfort  lost  his  life,  and  the  French  power  in  that  region 
for  the  time  being  vanished. 

Backed  by  the  sentiment  of  most  of  Catalonia,  which  The 
desired  territorial  and  commercial  expansion  in  the  Mediter-  conquests 
ranean,  Jaime  now  planned  a  career  of  conquest.  Many  of  Jaime, 
the  Aragonese  and  western  Catalonian  nobles  declined  to 
join  him  in  this  enterprise ;  so  he  had  to  find  means  as  best 
he  could  without  their  aid.  In  1229  he  entered  the  island 
of  Majorca,  which  for  centuries  had  been  successively  a 
pirate  and  Moslem  stronghold.  Having  achieved  the  con- 
quest, which  proved  an  easy  matter,  Jaime  distributed  the 
lands  among  his  Catalan  followers.  In  1232  Minorca  was 
subjected,  and  in  1235  Ibiza,  too.  Thus  the  Balearic 
Islands  fell  into  Jaime's  power  and  received  a  Catalan 
civilization,  which  they  still  possess.  The  greatest  prize, 
however,  was  the  rich  kingdom  of  Valencia.  Although 
handicapped  by  the  lukewarm  support  of  his  nobles  Jaime 
proceeded  to  the  conquest  with  such  success  that  he  won 
the  aid  of  those  who  had  previously  failed  to  help  him,  and 
in  1238  the  city  of  Valencia  fell,  —  an  event  comparable 
with  the  capture  of  Seville  by  Ferdinand  III.  The  rest 
of  the  kingdom  was  not  long  in  falling  into  Jaime's  power, 
and  the  lands  were  distributed  among  his  nobles,  but  the 
Moslems  were  so  numerous  that  they  were  able  to  rise  in 
rebellion  on  two  occasions  before  the  end  of  the  reign.  On 
achieving  the  conquest  of  Valencia,  Jaime  had  agreed  with 
the  king  of  Castile  that  the  southern  boundary  of  that  king- 
dom should  be  the  limit  of  the  Aragonese  conquest,  while 
Murcia,  which  became  tributary  to  Ferdinand  III  in  1241, 
was  reserved  for  the  ultimate  definitive  conquest  of  Castile, 
The  unquenchable  military  ardor  of  Jaime  I  would  not 
allow  him  to  rest  on  his  laurels,  however,  and  he  engaged  to 
conquer  Murcia  for  the  king  of  Castile.  This  he  accom- 
plished in  the  years  1265  and  1266,  giving  the  lands  to  his 
Catalan  nobles,  who  were  subjected  to  the  Castilian  king, 
whereupon  Jaime  withdrew.     These  relations  between  the 


82 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Other 
charac- 
teristics of 
Jaime's 
rule. 


kings  of  Castile  and  Aragon  not  only  instanced  a  somewhat 
rare  good  faith,  but  also  marked  a  tendency  which  was 
gradually  manifesting  itself  toward  the  ultimate  unity  of 
Spain.  Next,  the  restless  warrior-king  planned  to  go  on  a 
crusade  to  Palestine,  but  his  fleet  was  wrecked,  and  he  gave 
up  the  project,  although  some  Catalan  boats  did  reach  their 
destination.  In  1273  Jaime  wanted  to  conquer  Granada 
for  Castile,  but  this  time  he  could  not  persuade  his  Catalan 
nobles  to  follow  him.  He  did,  however,  send  a  fleet  to 
attack  the  coast  of  Morocco. 

Jaime  was  not  only  a  great  conqueror;  he  was  also  a 
great  administrator.  Owing  to  the  entry  of  feudalism  into 
northeastern  Spain  his  nobles  had  such  power  that  even  the 
able  Jaime  was  obliged  often  to  compromise  or  to  yield 
to  their  wishes.  He  took  steps  to  reduce  their  power,  at 
the  cost  of  civil  war,  and  in  many  other  respects  bettered 
the  administration  of  his  kingdom.  Though  deeply  re- 
ligious he  was  far  from  being  an  ascetic,  as  is  evidenced  by 
the  many  illegitimate  children  descended  from  him,  and 
although  usually  magnanimous  in  character  he  was  capable 
of  acts  of  ferocious  cruelty,  —  such,  for  example,  as  that  of 
ordering  the  tongue  of  the  bishop  of  Gerona  to  be  torn  out 
for  the  hitter's  having  revealed  to  the  pope  a  secret  of  the 
confession.  In  1276  when  the  great  king  died  he  left  a  will 
which  contradicted  the  policies  of  centralization  and  the 
aggrandizement  of  the  kingdom  which  in  his  lifetime  he 
had  unfailingly  pursued.  He  divided  his  realms,  giving 
Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  Valencia  to  his  eldest  son,  Pedro, 
and  Majorca  and  the  Roussillon  (southern  France)  to  his 
son  Jaime.     The  division  was  not  to  endure  long,  however. 


Navarre 


Navarre 

passes 

under 

French 

rule. 


There  is  little  worth  recording  in  the  history  of  Navarre 
in  this  period.  After  the  separation  from  Aragon  in  1134 
Navarre  engaged  periodically  in  civil  strife  and  in  wars  with 
Aragon  or  Castile.  When  the  throne  became  vacant  in 
1234  the  French  count  of  Champagne  was  elected  king,  and, 


ERA   OF  THE   SPANISH   CRUSADES,    1031-1276  83 

with  this,  Navarre  was,  for  many  years,  more  involved  in 
the  history  of  France  than  in  that  of  Spain.  At  length  the 
heiress  of  Navarre  married  PhiHp  IV  of  France,  whereupon 
Navarre  ceased  to  be  a  kingdom,  becoming  a  mere  de- 
pendency of  the  French  monarch. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


SOCIAL   AND    POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION    IN   SPAIN,    1031-1276 


Absolu- 
tism in 
govern- 
ment. 


Social 
factors  in 
Moslem 
Spain. 


Moslem  Spain 

The  principle  of  absolute  monarchy  continued  to  be 
followed  in  Moslem  Spain,  and  was  even  accentuated,  whether 
in  the  eras  of  the  taijas,  or  at  times  of  a  single  dominion. 
Indeed,  this  was  virtually  the  case  while  the  taifas  were 
still  republics,  although  they  soon  converted  themselves 
into  confessed  monarchies.  In  furtherance  of  absolutism 
an  excess  of  court  ceremonial  was  introduced,  and  the  rulers 
rarely  allowed  their  faces  to  be  seen,  holding  audiences,  for 
example,  from  behind  a  curtain.  The  taifa  kings  amassed 
great  wealth,  and  their  palaces  were  overflowing  w^th  luxury. 

The  most  important  social  change  was  the  complete  over- 
throw of  the  Arabic  element,  leaving  the  Berbers  and  Renega- 
dos  in  control.  Arabic  influence  had  already  done  its  work, 
however,  and  the  passing  of  the  contemporary  members  of 
that  race  did  not  mean  the  uprooting  of  Arabic  traits  in 
Spain.  Social  well-being  declined,  owing  to  the  various 
factors  of  war,  the  development  of  vast  landed  estates  (at 
the  expense  of  the  small  proprietor),  and  the  increase  in 
taxation.  The  Jews  enjoyed  great  consideration  for  a 
while,  exercising  an  important  influence  in  material,  intel- 
lectual, and  even  political  affairs.  Under  the  Almoravides 
and  Almohades  they  were  severely  persecuted,  and  many  of 
them  emigrated  to  Castile,  where  for  the  time  being  they 
were  well  received.  The  Mozarabes  were  also  persecuted, 
and  in  increasing  degree  with  the  advance  of  the  Christians, 
for  they  aided  not  a  little  in  the  reconquest.    Many  of  them 

S4 


SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION,"  1031-1276       85 

were  taken  north  by  the  Christian  kings  when  they  returned 
from  their  invasions,  whereupon  those  remaining  in  Moslem 
territory  were  all  the  more  harshly  treated.  The  Almohades 
were  particularly  intolerant. 

Le6n  and  Castile 

The  nobility  continued  to  be  the  most  important  social  Nobles~ 
class,  with  much  the  same  differences  of  grade  among  them-  aiid 
selves,  the  same  authority  and  privileges,  and  the  same  ^^^^^y- 
tendencies  to  war  against  the  king  and  with  one  another 
and  to  commit  acts  of  violence  and  robbery  as  in  the  pre- 
ceding period.  The  conflict  of  the  nobility  as  a  class  against 
the  king  took  definite  shape,  and  a  numerous  new  nobility, 
the  caballeros  (knights),  sprang  up.  The  caballeros  proceeded 
from  the  plebeian  ranks,  being  composed  of  those  who  could 
equip  themselves  for  war  as  cavalrymen.  Although  they 
gained  certain  privileges,  such  as  exemptions  from  taxation, 
thus  weakening  the  king's  power,  they  served  in  fact  as  a 
counterpoise  to  the  hereditary  noble  class.  They  were  much 
favored  by  the  kings,  who  needed  well-equipped  soldiers 
for  their  wars.  The  clergy  made  distinct  gains  as  regards 
personal  immunities  and  the  freedom  of  their  lands  from 
the  usual  obligations,  especially  from  that  of  taxation. 
This  bettering  of  their  position  was  not  the  result  of  general 
laws,  but  rather  of  the  accumulation  of  individual  privileges, 
granted  now  to  one  religious  institution,  now  to  another. 
Their  advantages  in  these  respects  were  not  always  well 
received  by  others,  and  objections  were  made,  especially 
by  the  popular  element,  through  their  representatives  in 
the  national  Cortes  (Congress,  or  Parliament),  —  of  which 
institution  presently. 

The  free  popular  element,  or  middle  class,  which  had  been  The  ad- 
reborn  in  the  preceding  period  with  the  founding  of  the  vance  of 
villas,  or  concejos,  developed  a  much  greater  social  impor-  ^^^  niiddlf 
tance  than  formerly.     Many  factors  contributed  to  this  end, 
such  as  the  increase  in  the  number  of  the  mllas,  the  conces- 
sion of  new  privileges,  the  material  advance  of  Christian 
Spain  (agriculturally,  industrially,  and  commercially),  the 


86 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


classes. 


important  military  services  of  the  municipal  militia,  and 
the  fact  that  not  only  the  caballeros  but  also  the  leading 
jurisconsults  began  to  be  recruited  from  the  middle  class. 
As  a  rule  this  element  paid  taxes,  but  it  enjoyed  not  a  few 
exemptions  and  privileges,  —  for  example,  a  right  not  to 
be  required  to  make  unusual  contributions  at  the  mere  will 
of  the  king,  or  in  some  cases  a  right  to  commute  all  of  their 
Gains  of  taxes  to  a  single  tribute.  At  the  same  time,  the  servile 
the  servile  classes  made  striking  advances,  in  part  through  their  own 
efforts,  but  aided  also  by  an  increasing  sentiment  in  favor 
of  manumissions,  by  the  need  for  population  (both  as  a 
result  of  the  conquests  and  in  consequence  of  economic 
development),  and  by  the  protection  accorded  them  in  the 
villas.  The  movement  for  emancipation  was  not  uniform 
or  free  from  setbacks,  and  this  led  to  numerous  uprisings 
of  serfs,  who  joined  the  enemies  of  their  masters  in  wars 
against  the  latter.  The  monks  of  Cluny,  accustomed  to  the 
much  greater  subjection  of  the  servile  classes  in  France, 
represented  a  strong  current  of  reaction.  At  Sahagun,  the 
principal  Cluniac  centre,  there  were  such  limitations  on 
liberty  as  those  requiring  that  all  bread  must  be  cooked  in 
the  ovens  of  the  monastery,  and  forbidding  anybody  to 
sell  his  wine  before  the  monks  had  sold  theirs,  or  to  buy 
cloth,  fresh  fish,  firewood,  or  other  necessities  before  the 
monks  had  bought  theirs,  and  there  were  other  restrictions 
of  a  like  character.  By  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century  serfs 
generally  had  gained  such  rights  as  the  exact  fixing  of  services 
due  their  lords,  the  abolition  of  the  practice  of  selling  them 
with  the  land,  and  the  recognition  of  the  validity  of  their 
marriages,  whether  consented  to  by  their  lords  or  not.  In 
the  thirteenth  century  they  gained  almost  complete  personal 
liberty,  doing  away  with  the  malos  usos,  or  bad  customs,  like 
those  referred  to  in  the  case  of  the  monastery  of  Sahagun. 

Four  new  social  classes  became  important  at  this  time, 
principally  as  a  result  of  the  wars  of  reconquest,  —  the 
foreigners,  Jews,  INIudejares,  and  Mozarabes.  As  a  general 
rule  each  group  had  its  own  law,  differentiating  it  from  the 
national  elements.  Foreigners  from  every  prominent  western 
European  region  came  to  Leon  and  Castile,  attracted  by 


The  four 
new  social 
classes. 


SOCIAL   AND   POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION,    1031-1276       87 

the  crusading  character  of  the  wars  or  by  the  material  de- 
velopment of  this  part  of  Spain  or  perhaps  fleeing  from  worse 
conditions  in  the  lands  whence  they  had  come.  For  the 
Jews  this  was  the  happiest  period  they  ever  enjoyed  in 
Catholic  Spain,  and  great  numbers  of  them  entered  Castile 
in  order  to  escape  the  persecution  of  the  Almoravides  and 
Almohades.  For  a  while  they  were  on  practically  an  equal 
footing  socially  and  juridically  with  the  Christians,  and 
were  one  of  the  principal  agencies  for  the  diffusion  of  Moslem 
culture  in  Leon  and  Castile.  By  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth 
century  their  situation  began  to  change  with  the  adoption 
of  restrictive  measures,  although  it  was  not  until  the  next 
period  that  these  operated  in  all  their  harshness.  As  the 
conquests  proceeded,  great  bodies  of  Moslems  were  incorpo- 
rated into  the  Christian  states,  and  they  came  to  be  called 
"Mudejares."  Despite  the  growth  of  intolerance  with 
the  advance  in  the  crusading  character  of  the  wars  the 
Mudejares  were  in  general  very  well  treated.  Aside  from 
treaties  of  capitulation  making  promises  to  that  effect, 
political  and  economic  interests  made  it  advisable  both  on 
account  of  the  numbers  of  the  vanquished  Moslems  and 
because  of  the  need  for  population.  Many  of  them,  whether 
as  freemen  or  serfs,  were  agricultural  laborers  enjoying 
considerable  independence,  including  the  right  of  publicly 
practising  their  religion.  As  time  went  on  they  tended  to 
gather  into  the  cities,  although  subjected  to  more  restric- 
tions than  in  the  country,  —  such  as  the  refusal  to  allow 
the  public  practice  of  the  Moslem  faith  (with  a  number  of 
exceptions,  however)  or  requirements  that  they  must  wear 
a  distinctive  dress  and  live  in  a  separate  section  of  the  city. 
If  they  were  not  greatly  molested  in  other  respects  they  did 
have  to  endure  very  heavy  taxation,  even  including  the 
tithe  for  the  benefit  of  the  Christian  church.  The  Mozarabes, 
though  of  the  same  race  and  religion  as  the  Leonese  and 
Castilian  population,  had  lived  so  long  in  contact  with 
Moslem  civilization  that  they  represented  a  class  apart, 
having  their  special  laws  differing  from  those  of  the  native- 
born  Christians.  Naturally,  they  were  well  received. 
Among  the  social  traits  of  the  era  may  be  noted  a  cer- 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Forms  of 
wedlock. 


The 

family. 


Advance 
in  do- 
mesticity. 


tain  moral  laxity.  Tw'o  forms  of  marriage  were  recognized, 
that  of  hendicidn  (blessing  of  the  church),  accompanied  by 
a  religious  ceremony,  and  the  wedding  d  yuras  (under  oath), 
by  a  simple  contract  between  the  parties  concerned.  A 
third  form  of  union,  similar  to  the  latter  but  not  recognized 
as  lawful  wedlock,  was  that  of  barragania  (concubinage). 
The  essential  conditions  of  barragania  were  permanence 
and  fidelity.  Both  parties  were  supposed  to  be  single, 
although  the  custom  often  extended  to  include  married 
men ;  in  the  latter  case,  but  not  in  the  former,  the  children 
were  held  to  be  illegitimate.  Many  clergymen  entered  into 
this  relation,  despite  efforts  to  prevent  the  practice.  Bar- 
ragania and  the  marriage  d  yuras  have  been  considered  to 
be  a  Christian  imitation  of  Moslem  marital  customs.  Di- 
vorce was  allowed  for  serious  cause.  The  father  was  recog- 
nized as  the  master  of  the  family,  although  the  wife  and 
children  gained  certain  financial  and  personal  rights  which 
had  not  formerly  been  accorded  them.  The  bonds  of  family 
were  so  strong,  however,  that  individuals  who  were  free  by 
law  to  emancipate  themselves  —  for  example,  by  marriage 
—  often  continued  under  the  parental  roof.  Thus  great 
family  groups  living  in  common  were  formed. 

As  a  result  of  the  greater  economic  wealth,  the  comparative 
peace  back  from  the  frontier,  and  the  development  of  the 
towns  the  manner  of  life  underwent  a  rapid  change,  which 
may  be  summed  up  by  saying  that  people  began  to  live 
inside  the  house  instead  of  out,  giving  more  active  play  to 
the  domestic  instinct  of  the  woman,  which  in  its  turn  had 
a  much  needed  softening  effect  upon  the  man.  Houses  now 
had  hearths,  although  not  always  a  chimney  and  as  late  as 
the  twelfth  century  no  panes  of  glass  in  the  windows.  Furni- 
ture reached  a  degree  of  luxury  and  comfort  far  in  advance 
of  what  it  had  been  since  the  Roman  era.  It  was  heavy  and 
very  sober  in  decoration  at  first,  but  increased  in  adornment 
later  on.  Beds  were  an  object  of  luxury  in  the  eleventh 
century;  people  slept  on  benches  or  on  the  floor.  By  the 
thirteenth  century  artisans  and  laborers  usually  had  a  bed, 
as  also  a  table,  two  chairs,  and  a  chest.  Chairs,  throughout 
the  period,  were  low,  and  rarely  had  backs ;  those  with  both 


SOCIAL  AND   POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION,    1031-1276       89 


arms  and  a  back  were  reserved  for  the  master  of  the  house. 
Floors,  even  in  palaces,  were  usually  bare  of  cover.  Habits 
of  cleanliness  were  not  yet  very  much  in  evidence.  Cloth- 
ing was  customarily  worn  until  worn  out,  without  being 
changed  or  washed.  At  table  it  was  rare  for  the  diners  to 
have  individual  plates  or  napkins,  and  the  fork  was  not  yet 
known.  Bones  and  refuse  were  left  on  the  table,  or  thrown 
on  the  floor,  and  the  use  of  water  for  any  purpose  other  than 
for  drinking  was  unusual.  The  custom  of  public  baths  had  Other 
some  vogue  in  the  cities,  however.  Men  still  lived  much  social 
in  the  open,  but  women  habitually  withdrew  from  public  ^^^^^^^s. 
view.  Crimes  against  women,  from  those  which  were  more 
serious  down  to  the  comparatively  mild  offence  of  pulling  a 
woman's  hair,  were  punished  with  extreme  severity,  —  not 
that  women  enjoyed  high  esteem  or  even  an  equal  considera- 
tion with  men,  for  the  supposed  gallantry  of  the  medieval 
period  did  not  in  fact  exist.  Men  wore  their  hair  long,  and 
a  long  beard  was  considered  as  an  indication  of  dignity,  — 
so  much  so,  that  a  heavy  penalty  was  imposed  on  anybody 
who  pulled  or  cut  another's  beard.  Amusement  was  pro- 
vided by  jugglers  or  by  dancing  and  singing,  especially  on 
days  of  religious  festivals,  or  holidays,  and  during  the  hold- 
ing of  fairs.  Among  the  great  people  the  French  sport  of 
the  tourney  was  much  in  favor.  From  France,  too,  came 
feudal  chivalry,  imposing  the  ideals  of  valor,  loyalty,  and 
dignity  (to  the  extent  that  nobody  should  doubt  another's 
nobility,  his  word,  or  his  courage)  on  those  professing  it. 
This  exaggerated  sense  of  honor  led  to  duelling,  and  com- 
ported ill  with  the  real  conduct  of  the  nobles.  Epidemics  of 
leprosy  and  plagues  (bubonic  ?)  were  frequent,  resulting  in 
the  founding  of  hospitals  and  institutions  of  charity. 

Fundamentally,  Leon  and  Castile  had  much  the  same  Political 
political  organization  as  before,  but  the  popular  element,  and  ad- 
as  represented  in  the  villas  and  the  Cortes,  began  to  be  a  ^i^^^^^^^- 
real  political  force,  and  the  kings  increased  their  strength  changes 
at  the  expense  of  the  nobles,  although  their  struggle  with 
the  nobility  as  a  class  was  not  to  result  in  complete  royal 
victory  for  more  than  two  centuries  yet.     The  throne  con- 
tinued elective  in  theory,  but  the  tendency  was  for  it  to 


90  A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 

become  hereditary,  although  the  question  was  not  definitely 
settled  at  this  time.  The  right  of  women  to  reign  became 
recognized  with  the  crowning  of  Berenguela.  In  adminis- 
tration many  governmental  districts  were  enlarged  to  in- 
clude various  counties,  the  whole  being  ruled  by  a  governor 
appointed  directly  by  the  king,  assisted  by  functionaries 
called  merinos  mayores,^  who  had  charge  of  civil  and  criminal 
jurisdiction.  An  important  reform  was  effected  by  removing 
the  nobles  from  the  post  of  the  king's  representative  in  the 
counties  and  substituting  officials  called  adelantados,  whose 
authority  at  this  time  was  more  civil  than  military,  and 
therefore  less  dangerous.^  Still  others  exercised  respec- 
tively political  and  military  authority. 
Begin-  For  centuries  the  kings  had  been  in  the  habit  of  holding 

nings  of       councils  of  nobles  or  ecclesiastics,  or  both,  although  there 
the  Carres.    ^^.^^   ^  tendency  to  exclude  the   churchmen.     In    1137  a 

1  The  word  "merino'"  is  an  untranslatable  term  for  an  official 
in  Spanish  administration  whose  powers  varied  greatly  from  century 
to  century.  While  the  merinos  were  at  times  "judges  of  sheep- 
walks,"  as  the  word  is  often  translated,  they  usually  had  much 
broader  power  as  officials  of  the  king.  The  merinos  mayores,  or 
greater  merinos,  were  appointed  by  the  king,  with  functions  largely 
judicial  in  character  and  with  authority  extending  over  the  greater 
provinces,  such  as  Castile,  Le<3n,  or  Galicia.  Merinos  menores, 
or  lesser  merinos,  might  be  the  appointees  and  subordinates  of 
merinos  mayores,  or,  similarly,  of  the  corregidores,  or  rulers  of  dis- 
tricts. 

*  The  term  " adelantado"  comes  from  the  fact  that  the  officials 
so-called  were  "advanced,"  or  "put  forward,"  in  the  place  of  the 
king,  to  act  in  his  name.  There  is  some  authority  to  the  effect 
that  the  title  was  in  existence  as  early  as  the  tenth  century,  but 
it  was  certainly  employed  by  the  latter  part  of  the  twelfth  centiu*y. 
In  origin  the  adelantados  mayores,  or  greater  adelantados,  were 
judicial  officials,  hearing  appeals  that  had  formerly  gone  to  the 
king.  The  adelantado  menor,  or  lesser  adelantado,  came  into  ex- 
istence early  in  the  thirteenth  century,  at  which  time  he  was  a 
judicial  officer  of  higher  rank  than  the  merinos,  but  also  possessed 
extensive  administrative  powers.  Many  of  the  adelantados  menores 
were  stationed  in  frontier  districts,  and  indeed  they  were  often 
called  adelantados  fronterizos  (frontier  adelantados).  It  was  natural, 
therefore,  that  they  should  acquire  military  functions.  It  was  the 
adelantado  fronterizo  of  Spain  who  figured  so  prominently  in  the 
conquest  of  the  Americas.  Most  of  the  conquerors  of  the  sixteenth 
century  were  adelantados.  AfttT  that  the  title  died  out.  Hill, 
Roscoe  R.,  The  office  of  adelantado,  in  Political  science  quarterly, 
v.  XXVIII,  no.  4;   Dec,  1913. 


SOCIAL  AND   POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION,    1031-1276       91 

council  of  nobles  at  Najera  was  called  the  Cortes.  The 
popular  element  was  first  admitted  in  1188,  at  a  Cortes 
held  in  Leon,  —  possibly  the  first  occasion  in  the  history  of 
Europe  when  representatives  of  the  towns  appeared  in  such 
an  assembly.  The  first  known  instance  in  Castile  occurred 
in  1250.  For  a  number  of  years,  Leon  and  Castile,  though 
become  a  single  kingdom,  continued  to  have  a  separate 
Cortes.  The  kings  called  this  body  whenever  they  wished, 
although  they  often  made  promises  (which  they  did  not 
fulfil)  to  set  regular  intervals.  None  of  the  individuals 
called,  whether  nobles,  ecclesiastics,  or  representatives  of 
the  mllas  (or  towns),  had  the  right  to  present  themselves; 
that  was  left  to  the  choice  of  the  king,  but  the  custom 
gradually  became  fixed  that  certain  towns  should  have  the 
privilege  of  being  represented.  Each  member  had  one  vote, 
but  the  number  of  representatives  from  the  towns  differed, 
without  being  subject  to  a  general  rule.  The  towns  them- 
selves chose  who  should  represent  them,  but  the  methods  of 
choice  were  various.  The  Cortes  was  allowed  to  make  peti- 
tions to  the  king,  each  branch  for  itself,  and  to  fix  the  sum 
of  money  that  it  would  grant  him.  It  had  no  true  legislative 
functions,  but  the  king  sought  its  advice,  or  its  approval 
for  his  laws,  and  its  influence  was  such,  that  it  was  able  to 
procure  desired  legislation.  The  king  presided  in  person 
at  the  opening  and  closing  sessions,  and  through  officials 
of  his  own  appointment  at  the  other  meetings.  The  king 
continued  to  be  the  principal  legislative  authority,  and  the  Legisla- 
law  retained  its  former  diversity  and  its  fundamental  basis  tion. 
of  privilege ;  the  variety  even  increased,  with  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  new  social  classes.  The  Fuero  Juzgo,  which  was 
the  common  law,  applied  in  but  few  respects.  The  kings 
did  something  in  the  way  of  producing  greater  juridical 
similarity,  as  by  making  dispositions  of  a  general  character 
at  meetings  of  the  Cortes,  and  by  using  certain  municipal 
charters  as  types,  while  Ferdinand  III  commenced  to  draw 
up  a  uniform  code,  although  he  did  not  live  to  complete  it. 

Municipal  organization  retained  the  essential  features  of  Political 
the  preceding  era,  such  as  the  local  assembly  and  the  various  ^^  of  the 
officials,  of  whom  the  most  important  were  the  judges.     The  ^°"'"^^- 


92  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

latter  came  to  be  called  alcaldes  (from  an  Arabic  term  mean- 
ing "the  judges"),  —  an  example  of  Moslem  influence. 
In  many  cities,  there  were  representatives  of  the  king,  called 
merinos  and  other  names.  Communication  with  the  king 
was  also  maintained  by  the  use  of  messengers,  now  of  the 
king,  now  of  the  city.  The  actual  monarchical  authority 
was  so  slight  that  the  towns  often  acted  with  complete  in- 
dependence. Like  the  nobles  they  made  forays  against  the 
]\Ioslems  on  their  own  account,  or  fought  one  another,  or 
with  very  good  reason  attacked  neighboring,  lawless  nobles. 
For  these  wars  they  often  formed  leagues,  or  brotherhoods 
{hermandndcs),  of  towns  (or  occasionally  leagues  which  in- 
cluded some  nobles),  for  which  special  ordinances  were 
drawn  up  without  previously  consulting  the  king.  Some  of 
the  towns  of  the  north  coast  were  so  independent  that  they 
joined  in  the  wars  between  France  and  England,  against 
the  latter.  Often  the  towns  changed  their  own  charters 
without  royal  permission,  although  this  was  not  done  in 
open  defiance  of  the  king,  but,  rather,  in  secret  and  fraudu- 
lently. The  privileges  of  the  towns  in  respect  to  taxation 
(although,  indeed,  they  paid  the  bulk  of  what  the  king  re- 
ceived from  his  free.  Christian  subjects)  have  already  been 
mentioned.^  Taxes  were  also  collected  within  the  towns  for 
local  purposes.  In  addition  to  revenues  from  direct  contri- 
butions the  towns  also  imposed  obligations  of  personal 
service  on  their  citizens,  and    owned  lands  which  formed 

^  Taxes  at  that  time  were  many  and  varied  in  kind,  but  may  be 
reduced  to  three  types :  regular  contributions,  but  depending  on 
the  happening  of  some  event ;  indemnities  to  escape  rendering 
certain  duo  services ;  and  fines.  As  examples  of  the  first  type 
may  bo  mentioned  the  goyosa  (rejoicing)  paj'able  by  a  married  man 
at  the  birth  of  a  child;  the  movicio  (removal)  payable  whenever 
one  changed  his  residence ;  the  yantar,  or  food  supplies,  for  the 
king  and  his  retinue  whenever  he  visited  a  town ;  the  servicios 
(services),  or  subsidies,  granted  by  the  Cortes;  the  diezmos  de  mar 
(tithes  of  the  sea),  or  customs  duties  collected  at  the  ports.  The 
most  notable  tax  of  the  second  class  was  the  fonsndo  (foss),  pay- 
able by  those  who  wished  to  escape  the  obligation  of  going  on  a  mili- 
tary campaign.  One  of  the  third  group  was  the  cnlnnn  (fine),  due  from 
the  inhabitants  of  a  region  whore  a  crime  had  been  committed  and 
the  guilty  person  had  not  been  found.  Gradually  it  became  the 
practice  to  commute  these  taxes  for  a  single  payment,  except  for 
the  fonsado  and  the  yantar,  which  were  not  dispensed  with. 


SOCIAL   AND   POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION,    1031-1276       93 


perhaps  their  most  important  source  of  wealth.  These 
lands  were  of  two  kinds,  the  yro'pios  (estates  "  belong- 
ing to "  a  mmiicipality  and  utilized  to  assist  in  de- 
fraying public  expenses),  which  were  worked  directly 
or  rented  by  the  town,  and  the  comunales,  or  land  com- 
mon, for  the  use  of  all,  subject  to  local  regulations.  In 
seigniorial  towns,  especially  in  those  acknowledging  an 
ecclesiastical  lord,  great  progress  was  made  toward  an  ap- 
proximation of  the  rights  enjoyed  by  the  royal  towns  and 
cities.  They  had  already  gained  economic  independence, 
but  now  wished  to  attain  to  political  freedom  as  well.  They 
fought  against  the  lord's  practice  of  arbitrarily  choosing 
their  principal  magistrates ;  next,  they  endeavored  to  gain 
for  their  own  assembly  the  exclusive  right  of  choice ;  then 
they  tried  to  increase  the  powers  of  the  locally  chosen 
oflBcials  as  compared  with  those  appointed  by  the  lord ; 
and,  all  along,  they  aimed  to  acquire  more  authority  for 
their  assemblies,  or  for  the  council  which  came  to  represent 
them,  —  for  example,  the  right  to  fix  wages.  By  the  open- 
ing of  the  thirteenth  century  local  autonomy  had  been 
gained  at  Santiago  de  Compostela,  and  many  other  seign- 
iorial towns  (both  noble  and  ecclesiastical)  had  achieved 
equal,  or  nearly  equal,  good  fortune. 

Justice  belonged  fundamentally  to  the  king,  but  the 
alcaldes  of  the  towns  usually  exercised  civil  jurisdiction, 
and  often  criminal  as  well ;  in  some  towns  royal  merinos 
or  adelantados  had  charge  of  criminal  jurisdiction.  The 
king  might  punish  local  judges,  however,  even  removing 
them  and  appointing  others,  but  this  power  did  not  in  fact 
enable  him  to  check  abuses.  Appeals  went  to  the  king, 
who  also  had  the  right  to  try  in  first  instance  the  serious 
crimes  of  murder,  assault  on  a  woman,  robbery,  and  others. 
In  such  cases  the  king  was  assisted  in  administering  justice 
by  a  group  of  men  of  his  own  appointment,  called  the  Cort 
(not  to  be  confused  with  the  Cortes),  but  this  body  merely 
advised  him,  for  the  decision  was  left  to  him.  As  might  be 
expected  in  an  age  of  disorder,  punishments  were  atrocious, 
—  such,  for  example,  as  mutilation,  stoning  to  death, 
throwing  over  a  cliff,  burning,  burial  alive,  starvation,  cook- 


The  ad- 

ministra" 
tion  of 
justice. 


94  A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 

Ing,  stripping  off  the  skin,  drowning,  and  hanging ;  only  the 
last-named  has  survived.  On  the  other  hand,  composition 
for  murder,  or  the  payment  of  a  sum  of  money,  was  allow- 
able, —  for  men  were  valuable  to  the  state,  —  although  the 
murderer  was  not  free  from  the  private  vengeance  of  the 
dead  man's  family.  The  so-called  "vulgar  proofs,"  — 
such  as  the  tests  of  the  hot  iron  and  hot  water,  and  the 
wager  of  battle,  —  besides  torture,  were  employed  (as  else- 
where in  western  Europe)  as  a  means  for  acquiring  evidence, 
but  these  methods  were  already  being  looked  upon  with 
disfavor.  Real  justice  was  in  fact  rare;  the  wealthy,  es- 
pecially if  they  were  nobles,  were  able  to  take  matters  into 
their  own  hands  or  to  procure  favorable  decisions,  if  affairs 
should  reach  the  point  of  litigation. 
Methods  Military  service  was  obligatory  upon  all,  but  except  for 

of  war-        a  small  royal  guard  there  was  no  permanent  army.     Organi- 
'"®*  zation  continued  to  be  simple ;  the  seigniorial  troops  were 

commanded  by  the  lord  or  his  representative,  and  the  militia 
of  the  towns  by  an  alferez  (standard-bearer).^  Large  niun- 
bers  of  foreigners  joined  in  the  wars  against  the  Moslems, 
but  perhaps  the  most  important  element  was  that  of  the 
military  orders.  These  orders  had  a  mixed  religious  and 
secular  character,  for,  while  some  members  took  the  usual 
monastic  vows,  others  were  not  required  to  do  so.  Aside 
from  the  orders  of  general  European  prominence,  like  that 
of  the  Templars,  there  were  three  which  were  confined  to 
the  peninsula,  those  of  Calatrava,  Santiago,  and  Alcantara, 
all  formed  in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century.  Their 
membership  became  so  numerous  and  their  wealth  so  great 
that  they  constituted  one  more  important  force  with  which 
the  kings  had  to  reckon  in  the  struggle  for  the  establishment 
of  royal  authority,  although  the  peril  proved  greater  in  its 
possibilities  than  in  the  fact.  War  was  absolutely  merciless, 
falling  quite  as  heavily  on  the  non-combatant  as  upon  the 
opponent  with  arms  in  his  hands.  The  enemy  population 
might  be  subjected  to  the  loss  of  their  lands  and  to  enslave- 
ment, unless  this  seemed  inadvisable,  and  pillage  was  legally 

1  At  the  present  time  the  word  alferez  is  equivalent  to  "sub- 
lieutenant." 


SOCIAL  AND   POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION,    1031-1276        95 

recognized,  with  a  share  of  the  booty  going  to  the  king. 
Such  weapons  as  the  sword,  lance,  and  pike  were  still  the 
principal  types.  The  use  of  flags  was  introduced  as  a  means 
of  inciting  the  troops  to  deeds  of  valor,  while  priests  were 
employed  to  provide  a  like  stimulus.  The  first  navy  in 
this  part  of  Spain  was  the  private  fleet  of  Bishop  Gelmirez 
of  Santiago  de  Compostela.  Private  navies  were  the  rule. 
The  first  royal  navy  was  formed  by  Ferdinand  III,  as  a  result 
of  the  important  part  played  by  the  private  naval  levies 
which  had  assisted  in  the  taking  of  Seville. 

Notwithstanding  the  increase  in  privileges  accorded  the  The 
church,  the  king  had  always  intervened  in  its  affairs,  —  as  Dionks  of 
by  the  appointment  or  deposition  of  bishops,  and  even  by  „i,!!^^^'^ 
taking  under  his  own  jurisdiction  certain  cases  on  appeal  reform, 
from  the  ecclesiastical  courts.  The  monks  of  Cluny,  in- 
fluential in  so  many  respects,  set  about  to  uproot  the  de- 
pendence of  the  church  upon  the  king  and  to  bring  about  a 
closer  relation  of  the  clergy  with  the  papacy.  Aided  by 
the  piety  of  the  kings  themselves  they  were  able  to  achieve 
their  ends,  although  the  monarchs  maintained  that  the 
pope's  measures  should  not  be  valid  in  the  royal  dominions 
without  governmental  consent.  Thenceforth,  the  pope 
and  his  legates  began  to  take  the  place  of  the  king  in  church 
affairs.  The  same  centralizing  policy  of  the  monks  of  Cluny 
and  the  great  popes  of  the  era  was  employed  to  bring  the 
Castilian  church  into  uniformity  with  that  of  Rome  in 
matters  of  doctrine  and  rite.  Some  difliculty  was  ex- 
perienced in  the  latter  respect,  for  the  Spanish  people  were 
attached  to  their  form  of  worship,  which  was  called  the 
Visigothic,  or  IMozarabic,  rite.  Earlier  popes  had  recog- 
nized this  as  orthodox,  but  Gregory  VII  asked  Alfonso  VI 
to  abolish  it.  The  king  was  willing,  but  the  people  and  the 
clergy  were  not.  The  matter  was  once  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  wager  of  battle,  and  again  to  that  of  fire,  but  in  each 
case  the  local  rite  came  out  victorious.  Finally,  the  king 
rode  roughshod  over  judicial  proofs,  and  abolished  the  local 
rite.^     It  was  in  this  period,  therefore,  that  the  hierarchy 

1  It  is  still  allowed  to  exist  in  a  chapel  of  the  cathedral  of  Toledo, 
and  in  another  of  Salamanca. 


9G 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


of  the  church,  depending  on  the  pope,  was  estabhshed  in 
Spain.  At  this  time,  too,  the  monasteries  (and  the  mihtary 
orders  as  well)  became  independent  of  the  bishops,  and  as- 
cended to  the  pope,  or  his  legate,  through  the  medium  of 
their  abbots  (or  grand  masters).  The  increasing  wealth 
and  privileges  of  the  church  have  already  been  sufficiently 
alluded  to;  many  of  the  orders  degenerated  greatly,  even 
that  of  the  monks  of  Cluny,  as  a  result  of  the  luxury  which 
their  means  permitted.  At  the  moment  when  clerical 
ostentation  had  become  greatest  there  came  the  founding 
of  the  mendicant  orders,  early  in  the  thirteenth  century. 
In  the  peninsula,  as  elsewhere,  these  orders  (whose  principal 
vow  was  poverty)  achieved  a  great  work  for  the  church ; 
the  Franciscans  went  chiefly  among  the  poor,  and  the 
Dominicans  dealt  more  with  the  upper  classes,  but  both 
preached  the  necessity  for  repentance  and  for  conversion 
to  the  faith.^  They  also  contributed  greatly  to  doing  away 
with  the  loose  practices  which  had  become  current  among 
the  clergj^  in  all  parts  of  Christendom.  One  such  practice 
persisted,  despite  their  efi^orts,  the  earlier  efforts  of  the 
monks  of  Cluny,  and  the  continuous  opposition  of  the  kings 
(translated  into  severe  laws),  —  that  of  priests  entering 
into  the  form  of  union  called  barragania. 


Social  in- 
stitutions 
in  Aragon. 


Aragon  proper 

In  institutions,  Aragon  proper  must  be  distinguished, 
throughout  this  period,  from  the  Catalonian  region  of  the 
greater  kingdom  of  Aragon.  Social  differences  were  much 
more  marked  than  in  Leon  and  Castile,  for  there  was  an 
excessively  privileged  feudal  nobility,  which  had  a  despotic 
power  over  the  servile  classes ;  the  movement  for  emancipa- 
tion from  slavery  and  serfdom  belongs  to  a  much  later  time. 
Lords  had  a  right  even  to  kill  their  serfs.  Slavery  (con- 
fined usually  to  Moslems)  was  not  personal,  for  the  slaves 
were  attached  legally  to  the  land.  What  has  been  said  for 
Castile  as  regards  the  church,  the  Jews,  Mozarabes,  and 
IVIudejares  applies  generally  for  Aragon.  There  were  more 
*  To  Saint  Dominic  is  due  the  institution  of  the  rosary. 


SOCIAL  AND   POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION,    1031-1276       97 

Mudejares  than  in  Castile,  but,  although  they  enjoyed 
equality  with  Christians  before  the  law,  they  were  on  a 
lower  plane  socially,  and  were  more  heavily  taxed.  The 
practice  of  living  in  communal  family  groups  was  the  rule 
in  Aragon. 

The  nobles  had  privileges  of  a  political,  as  well  as  of  a  Political 
social  character,  being  virtually  sovereigns  on  their  own  ^^^^  ^J^^ 
estates.  One  noteworthy  official  to  develop  was  the  Justicia  ^j.^l^\ 
(Justice,  or  Justiciar),  charged  with  hearing  cases  of  viola-  Aragon, 
tion  of  privilege  and  complaints  generally  against  the  authori- 
ties. The  nobles  tried  to  take  the  appointment  of  this 
official  to  themselves,  but  failing  in  this  were,  nevertheless, 
able  to  compel  Jaime  I  to  recognize  that  the  functions  of  the 
Justicia  were  to  be  exercised  in  his  own  right,  and  not  by 
delegation  of  the  king,  —  for  example,  in  cases  in  which  the 
Justicia  acted  as  judge,  or  mediator,  between  the  nobles 
and  the  king.  The  free  towns  usually  sided  with  the  crown, 
as  in  Castile,  but  they  were  not  nearly  so  numerous,  and  not 
equally  an  agency  for  the  liberation  of  the  servile  classes. 
According  to  some  writers  they  were  represented  in  the 
Cortes  as  early  as  1163  (which  was  earlier  than  in  Leon),  but 
others  make  1274  the  date  of  their  entry.  There  were  four 
estates  in  the  Aragonese  Cortes,  — -  the  higher  nobility,  the 
caballeros,  the  clergy,  and  the  representatives  of  the  towns. 
Aragon  and  Catalonia  continued  to  have  a  separate  Cortes 
after  the  union  of  the  two  states,  and  Valencia  also  received 
one  of  its  own,  but  there  were  times  when  a  general  Cortes 
of  the  entire  kingdom  was  held.  The  principal  form  of 
legislation  was  that  of  the  royal  charters.  The  same  diver- 
sity of  law  existed  as  in  Castile,  but  Jaime  I  did  something 
to  bring  about  unification  by  having  a  code  drawn  up.  This 
code,  called  the  Compilacion  de  CaneUas  (Compilation  of 
Canellas),  for  one  Canellas  was  the  compiler,  embodied  the 
traditional  law  of  Aragon,  supplemented  by  principles  of 
equity.  It  did  not  do  away  with  the  charters,  applying 
only  to  matters  which  they  did  not  cover.  The  Roman 
law  of  Justinian  and  the  canon  law,  both  of  which  greatly 
favored  the  king,  were  beginning  to  be  studied,  but  the 
nobility  opposed  the  assertion  of  these  legal  principles  in 


98 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Social  in- 
stitutions 
in  Cata- 
lonia. 


courts  of  law.  Taxes  fell  more  heavily  and  more  vexatiously 
on  the  common  people  than  they  did  in  Castile,  but  a  greater 
proportion  went  to  the  lords  and  less  to  the  king;  Jaime  I 
had  to  give  his  note  for  the  royal  dinners,  at  times,  and  he 
paid  his  tailor  by  an  exemption  from  taxation.  The  king 
was  not  always  able  to  persuade  his  nobles  to  join  him  in 
war,  though  in  other  respects  the  military  customs  resembled 
those  of  Castile.  The  principal  difference  in  the  religious 
history  of  the  two  regions  was  that  the  influence  of  the  monks 
of  Cluny  in  favor  of  ecclesiastical  dependence  on  the  pope 
was  much  earlier  accepted  in  Aragon;  the  Visigothic,  or 
Mozarabic,  rite  was  abolished  as  early  as  1071.  Pedro  II's 
submission  of  the  kingdom  to  the  pope  was  not  well  received, 
however,  by  either  the  nobility  or  the  people  of  both  Aragon 
and  Catalonia. 

Catalonia 

Different  as  Catalonia  was  from  Aragon,  the  two  regions 
had  many  features  in  common  because  of  the  existence  of 
feudalism.  The  feudal  hierarchy  was  composed  of  counts, 
viscounts,  vahasores  (barons),  and  free  vassals,  of  whom  the 
first  three  grades  were  noble.  Underneath  was  the  institu- 
tion of  serfdom,  equally  harsh  as  in  Aragon,  and  almost 
equally  late  in  advancing  toward  emancipation.  Personal 
slavery  (of  Moslem  prisoners  of  war,  as  a  rule)  also  existed. 
There  were  not  many  Mozarabes  or  INIudejares,  but  the 
Jews  were  fairly  numerous.  All  enjoyed  the  same  lenient 
treatment  as  that  accorded  in  Castile  and  Aragon,  —  with 
a  beginning  of  restrictive  measures  at  the  end  of  the  period. 
The  middle  class  of  the  cities  was  more  important  than  in 
Aragon,  especially  in  the  coast  cities  or  towns,  where  the 
citizens  engaged  in  commerce.  Although  the  communal 
family  group  was  the  general  rule  in  Catalonia,  this  institu- 
tion was  considerably  modified  by  the  existence  of  the  law 
of  primogeniture,  causing  the  entailment  of  landed  properties 
to  each  successive  eldest  son,  —  a  variation  from  the  Fvero 
Juzgo.  This  aided  in  economic  prosperity,  because  it  kept 
estates  intact,  and  influenced  younger  brothers  to  go  forth 
in  order  to  build  up  estates  of  their  own.     In  other  respects, 


SOCIAL   AND   POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION,    1031-1276       99 


social  customs  did  not  vary  materially  from  those  of  Aragon 
and  Castile.^ 

The  only  new  factor  of  interest  in  general  political  and 
administrative  organization  was  the  increase  in  the  actual 
authority  of  the  counts  of  Barcelona  (and,  similarly,  after 
they  became  kings  of  Aragon),  although  on  the  same  legal 
basis  of  feudalism  as  before.  This  came  about  through  the 
uniting  of  most  of  the  counties  in  the  single  family  of  the 
counts  of  Barcelona,  who  therefore  were  able  to  exercise  a 
decisive  influence  in  Catalonian  affairs.  The  rise  in  im- 
portance of  Barcelona  was  the  most  notable  event  in  mu- 
nicipal history.  Its  commerce  and  wealth  were  so  great, 
and  its  prestige  as  capital  of  the  county  so  influential,  that  it 
exercised  a  veritable  hegemony  over  the  other  towns.  Each 
year  the  general  assembly  elected  five  councillors,  who  in 
turn  appointed  a  council  of  one  hundred,  or  Consell  de  Cent, 
which  was  the  principal  governing  body  of  the  city.  The 
city  was  allowed  to  coin  money  and  to  appoint  consuls 
charged  with  looking  after  the  business  interests  of  Barce- 
lona in  foreign  lands.  The  Consell  also  had  mercantile 
jmisdiction.  The  Catalan  commercial  customs  were  to 
pass  over  in  a  developed  form  into  Castile,  and  from  there 
to  the  Americas.  The  Catalonian  Cortes  had  but  three 
estates,  and  was  in  other  respects  similar  to  that  of  Castile. 
The  representatives  of  the  towns  were  admitted  in  1218,  but 
their  right  to  appear  was  not  definitely  affirmed  until  1282. 
Barcelona  had  unusual  weight  in  that  body,  for  it  possessed 
five  votes.  The  Usatges  (the  code  adopted  in  the  reign 
of  Ramon  Berenguer  I)  merely  expressed  in  writing  the 
feudal  customs  which  were  already  in  vogue,  and  therefore 
it  was  generally  observed.  It  did  not  supersede  the  char- 
ters, the  Fiiero  Juzgo,  and  local  customs,  all  of  which  con- 
tinued in  effect.  The  Roman  and  canon  law,  despite  the 
resistance  of  the  nobility,  came  to  be  regarded  as  supple- 
mentary to  other  legal  sources,  although  not  as  of  right 
until  centuries  later.     In  naval  affairs  Catalonia  was  far 


Political 
life  and 
adminis- 
tration in 
Catalonia. 


Impor- 
tance of 
Barcelona. 


1  A  curious  law  of  Jaime  I  recommended  that  ladies  of  noble 
rank  should  not  offer  food  or  lodging  to  jugglers,  or  even  give  them 
kisses. 


100 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


The  royal 
power  in 
the  social 
and  politi- 
cal life  of 
Valencia. 


ahead  of  the  rest  of  Spain.  Both  a  merchant  and  a  naval 
marine  had  existed  since  the  ninth  century,  and  the  former 
was  encoura<j;cd  by  the  suppression  of  taxes  and  by  favorable 
treaties  with  the  Italian  states.  The  navy  had  become  a 
permanent  state  institution  by  the  middle  of  the  twelfth 
century  (in  the  reign  of  Ramon  Berenguer  IV).  Individual 
k)rds  and  towns  had  naval  vessels  of  their  own,  however. 
The  history  of  the  church  followed  the  same  course  as  in 
Aragon ;  the  Roman  rite  was  adopted  in  the  time  of  Ramon 
Berenguer  I  (1035-1076). 

Valencia 

When  Jaime  I  conquered  Valencia,  he  had  an  opportunity 
to  put  into  effect  some  of  his  ideas  with  regard  to  strength- 
ening the  principle  of  monarchy,  and  did  not  fail  to  take 
advantage  of  it.  In  the  distribution  of  lands  among  the 
nobles,  the  king  was  recognized  as  the  only  lord ;  further- 
more, the  majority  of  the  lands  were  given  outright,  in  small 
parcels,  to  middle  class  proprietors,  subject  only  to  the  royal 
and  the  neighborhood  taxes.  Most  of  the  recipients  were 
Catalans,  and  thus  the  Catalan  civilization  came  to  pre- 
dominate in  Valencia.  The  most  numerous  body  of  the 
population,  however,  was  that  of  the  Mudejares.  Many 
of  these  were  not  molested  in  their  estates  and  their  busi- 
ness, and  some  were  even  granted  lands,  but  the  majority 
were  obliged  to  pay  heavy  taxes  in  return  for  the  royal 
protection.  The  Mudejar  uprisings  led  to  the  introduction 
of  more  rigorous  measures.  In  poHtical  affairs,  too,  Jaime  I 
established  a  system  more  favorable  to  monarchy.  The 
nobles  wished  to  have  the  Aragonese  law  apply,  but  the 
king  introduced  new  legislation  whereby  the  greater  part  of 
the  authority  rested  with  him.  The  Valencian  Cortes,  of 
three  branches,  dates  from  1283. 


Similarly 
in  the 
Balearic 
Islands. 


Balearic  Islands 

Jaime  I  pursued  the  same  policy  in  the  Balearic  Islands 
as  in  Valencia,  avoiding  the  evils  of  feudalism,  and  treating 
the  Mudejares  well,  —  for  here  too  they  were  in  the  majority. 


SOCIAL  AND   POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION,    1031-1276      101 


Navarre 


The  extreme  of  feudal  organization,  similar  to  that  in 
Aragon,  existed  in  Navarre.  French  peoples  were  an  im- 
portant element  in  the  population,  and  the  power  of  the 
monks  of  Cluny  was  unusually  great.  Although  the  kings 
established  hereditary  succession,  the  nobles  continued  to 
be  virtually  absolute  on  their  estates.  The  towns  did  not 
become  as  important  a  power  as  elsewhere  in  Spain,  and  it 
was  not  until  the  next  era,  possibly  in  the  year  1300,  that 
their  representatives  were  admitted  to  the  Cortes. 


Feudalism 
and 

French  in- 
fluences in 
Navarre. 


CHAPTER  IX 

MATERIAL  AND   INTELLECTUAL  PROGRESS  IN   SPAIN, 

1031-1276 


Economic 

vicissi- 
tudes. 


Moslem 
intellec- 
tual 

achieve- 
ments. 


Moslem  Spain 

The  political  vicissitudes  of  Moslem  Spain  could  not  fail 
to  have  an  unfavorable  effect  on  industry  and  commerce. 
The  economic  decline  did  not  at  once  manifest  itself  and 
was  not  continuous  in  any  event,  for  the  periods  of  depres- 
sion were  often  followed  by  others  of  great  prosperity. 
Agriculture,  industry,  and  the  arts  profited  by  new  impulses, 
and  trade  was  carried  on  with  eastern  IVIediterranean  lands. 
The  Christian  conquests  meant  an  end  of  these  commercial 
relations,  but  many  of  the  industries  survived  in  the  hands 
of  Moslems,  now  become  INIudejares. 

In  intellectual  culture,  Moslem  Spain  was  even  greater  than 
it  had  been  in  the  days  of  its  political  power,  —  at  least  in 
the  higher  manifestations  of  that  culture.  The  taifa  kings 
encouraged  freedom  of  thought  and  expression,  even  when 
unorthodox ;  yet,  in  literature  and  science  the  greatest 
heights  were  reached,  by  both  Jewish  and  Moslem  writers, 
in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  during  the  rule  of 
the  intolerant  Almoravides  and  Almohades.  That,  too,  was 
the  period  of  their  greatest  influence  on  the  Christians. 
The  principal  service  of  IMoslem  Spain  to  western  Europe 
was,  as  has  been  said,  the  transmission  of  Greek  thought, 
although  not  in  its  purity,  but  with  the  modifications  and 
variants  of  its  later  days,  especially  those  of  the  Alexandrian 
school.  In  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  many 
European  scholars  of  note  visited  Spain,  and  took  back 

102 


MATERIAL   AND    INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS,    1031-1276      103 


with  them  the  Greco-oriental  thought  which  was  to  be  the 
chief  basis  of  the  philosophy  and  science  of  Christendom, 
until  the  true  Greek  texts  were  discovered  at  the  time  of 
the  Renaissance.  The  Moslems  were  further  advanced 
in  medicine  than  the  other  western  European  peoples,  and 
were  the  first  in  Europe  since  the  days  of  the  Greeks  to  culti- 
vate the  study  of  botany.  In  pure  mathematics  and  its 
applications,  such  as  in  astronomy  and  the  pseudo-science 
of  astrology,  they  were  equally  to  the  fore.  Their  greatest 
influence  was  to  make  itself  felt,  however,  in  the  realm  of 
philosophy,  especially  in  the  works  of  Averroes  and  Mai- 
monides,  scholars  who  are  to  be  compared  with  Saint  Isidore, 
both  as  respects  the  greatness  of  their  achievements,  and 
as  concerns  the  breadth,  almost  universality,  of  their  at- 
tainments. Averroes  of  Cordova  (1126-1198),  as  com- 
mentator and  propagator  of  the  ideas  of  Aristotle  and  Plato, 
was  perhaps  the  principal  resort  of  western  European 
scholarship  for  an  early  knowledge  of  Greek  thought.  He 
was  also  a  distinguished  doctor  and  mathematician.  Mai- 
monides  (or  Moises  ben  Maimon),  also  of  Cordova  (1139- 
1205),  was  the  founder  of  the  rationalistic  explanation  of 
Jewish  doctrine  and  a  bitter  opponent  of  the  neoplatonism  ^ 
of  the  Alexandrian  school,  but  he  was  much  influenced  by 
Aristotle,  whose  ideas  he  contributed  to  disseminate  in 
western  Europe.  He  was  also  a  celebrated  physician.  In 
addition  to  individual  treatises  on  the  various  sciences, 
many  encyclopedias  were  written  inclusive  of  all.  As 
might  be  expected,  the  rhetorical  taste  of  Moslem  Spain 
found  abundant  expression,  in  both  poetry  and  prose,  and 
in  subject-matter  of  a  heroic,  fabulous,  satirical,  or  amatory 
character.  History,  which  at  this  time  was  more  akin  to 
literature  than  to  science,  was  also  much  cultivated.  Aben- 
Hayyan  of  Cordova  wrote  a  history  in  sixty  volumes,  of 
the  epoch  in  which  he  lived;  and  there  were  others  almost 

1  Neoplatonism  was  a  late  and  decadent  form  of  the  Greek 
philosophies.  It  endeavored  to  unite  the  precepts  of  Christian, 
Jewish,  and  oriental  religions,  and  displayed  a  disregard  for  the 
empirical  investigation  of  the  universe,  holding  that  the  way  to 
redemption  lay  through  rising  superior  to  the  material  manifesta- 
tions of  life. 


Averroes 
and 

Maim(5ni- 
des. 


104 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Architec- 
tural 
medio- 
crity. 


equally  prolific  who  dealt  with  different  phases  of  the  history 
of  Moslem  Spain.  In  the  sciences,  Jewish  scholars  followed 
the  current  of  their  INIoslera  masters,  but  in  philosophy  and 
literature  they  developed  originality,  inspired  by  their 
religious  sentiments.  Their  poetry  had  a  somewhat  more 
elevated  tone  than  that  of  the  IMoslems. 

Although  the  Almoravides  and  Almohades  were  great 
builders,  this  period  was  less  important  in  Moslem  architec- 
ture than  either  the  preceding  or  the  following  eras.  The 
principal  characteristic  seems  to  have  been  a  withdrawal 
from  Visigothic  and  classical  forms,  but  the  execution  was 
less  correct  and  in  poorer  taste  than  formerly. 


Advance 
of  agri- 
culture 
and  stock- 
raising. 


Le6n  and  Castile 

The  advance  of  the  conquests,  leaving  large  areas  back 
from  the  frontier  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  measure  of  peace, 
furthered  economic  development.  There  continued  to  be 
civil  wars  in  the  interior,  and  personal  security  against 
abuses  of  the  lords  and  the  attacks  of  bandits  was  none  too 
great,  but  matters  were  very  much  better  than  before,  as  a 
result  of  legislation  favorable  to  property,  the  greater  im- 
portance of  the  towns,  and  the  emancipation  of  the  servile 
classes.  Agricidture  was  encouraged,  —  for  example,  by 
laws  granting  unbroken  lands  to  whoever  should  cultivate 
them.  The  conquest  made  itself  directly  felt  through  the 
introduction  of  the  vine  and  the  olive  of  Moslem  Spain  into 
regions  which  had  not  previously  cultivated  them.  Works 
of  irrigation  and  the  buildings  of  roads,  so  important  for 
the  agricultural  prosperity  of  Spain,  seem  not  to  have  been 
undertaken,  however.  Stock-raising  was  much  more  ac- 
tively pursued  than  agriculture,  due  in  part  to  the  traditional 
importance  of  that  occupation,  and  in  part  to  the  ease  with 
which  that  form  of  wealth  could  be  withdrawn  from  the 
hazards  of  war,  —  an  advantage  which  agriculture,  naturally, 
could  not  share.  The  age-long  war  of  the  stock-raisers 
against  the  farmers  was  usually  favorable  to  the  former, 
who  were  wont  to  appropriate  commons  for  their  animals 
and  even  to  enter  cultivated  fields  and  damage  or  despoil 


MATERIAL   AND    INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS,    1031-1276      105 


them.  Associations  of  stock-raisers  to  protect  their  interests 
were  already  in  existence. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  Castihan  Spain  made  a  be- 
ginning of  industrial  and  commercial  life,  of  which  Santiago 
de  Compostela  had  been  perhaps  the  only  representative 
prior  to  that  date.  Laborers  united  in  guilds,  just  as  in 
other  western  European  lands,  working  together  according 
to  the  laws  of  their  guild,  and  living  in  the  same  street. 
Many  of  them  were  foreigners,  Jews,  or  Mudejares.  An 
export  trade  of  raw  materials  and  wine  developed  between 
the  towns  of  the  north  coast  and  the  merchants  of  Flanders, 
England,  and  Germany,  and  just  at  the  end  of  the  period 
the  capture  of  Seville  added  commercial  wealth  to  Castile, 
through  the  trade  of  that  city  in  the  western  Mediterranean. 
Interior  commerce  still  encountered  the  difficulties  which 
had  harassed  it  in  earlier  times,  but  some  of  them  were  over- 
come through  the  development  of  fairs  to  facilitate  exchange. 
Certain  days  in  the  year,  usually  corresponding  with  the 
feast  of  the  patron  saint  of  the  town,  were  set  aside  by  im- 
portant centres  for  a  general  market,  or  fair,  on  which  oc- 
casions special  measures  were  undertaken  to  assure  the 
safety  of  the  roads  and  to  protect  all  who  might  attend,  — 
Moslem  and  Jews  as  well  as  Christians.  Men  naturally 
travelled  in  large  groups  at  such  times,  which  was  an  addi- 
tional means  of  security.  The  season  of  the  fair  might  be 
the  only  occasion  in  a  year  when  a  town  could  procure  a 
supply  of  goods  not  produced  at  home,  wherefore  this  in- 
stitution assumed  great  importance.  The  increased  use 
of  coin  as  a  medium  of  exchange  demonstrates  the  com- 
mercial advance  of  this  period  over  the  preceding. 

In  every  branch  of  intellectual  culture  there  was  a  vigorous 
awakening  at  this  time.  The  classical  traditions  of  the 
Spanish  clergy  and  the  Mozarabes  were  reinforced  by 
western  European  influences  coming  especially  from  France, 
while  the  Greco-oriental  culture  of  the  Mudejares  and 
Mozarabes  merged  with  the  former  to  produce  a  Spanish 
civilization,  which  became  marked  after  the  conquests  of 
the  thirteenth  century.  In  the  twelfth  century  universities 
had  sprung  up  in  Italy  and  France,  where  the  Roman  and 


Industrial 
and  com- 
mercial 
begin- 
nings. 


The  in- 
tellectual 
awaken- 
ing. 


106 


A   HISTORY    OF    SPAIN 


Romance 
poetry. 


the  canon  law,  theology,  and  philosophy  were  taught.  In 
those  countries  the  formal  organization  of  the  universities 
had  grown  naturally  out  of  the  gatherings  of  pupils  around 
celebrated  teachers,  but  Spain  had  no  Irnerius  or  Abelard, 
wherefore  the  origins  of  the  universities  of  the  peninsula 
were  the  result  of  official  initiative.  In  1212  or  1214  Alfonso 
VIII  founded  a  university  at  Palencia,  but  this  institution 
lived  only  thirty-one  years.  About  the  year  1215  Alfonso  IX 
of  Leon  made  a  beginning  of  the  more  celebrated  University 
of  Salamanca,  the  fame  of  which  belongs,  however,  to  the 
next  following  era.  By  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century 
the  Castilian  language  had  become  definitely  formed,  as 
also  the  Leonese  and  Galician  variants.  By  the  middle  of 
the  twelfth  century  all  three  had  become  written  languages, 
and,  by  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth,  Latin  works  were 
already  being  translated  into  the  Romance  tongues. 

One  of  the  earliest  forms  of  Romance  literature  was  that 
of  popular  poetry  of  an  epic  character,  singing  the  deeds  of 
Christian  warriors.  This  was  of  French  origin,  coming  in 
with  French  crusaders  and  the  monks  of  Cluny.  Two  long 
poems  of  this  class,  both  dealing  with  the  life  of  the  Cid, 
have  been  preserved.  One,  the  Poema  (Poem),  is  believed 
to  date  from  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  while  the 
other,  the  Crdnica  (Chronicle),  is  probably  of  later  origin. 
Both  mix  legend  with  fact,  but  the  former  is  the  less  legend- 
ary. In  the  thirteenth  century  another  type  of  poetry 
developed  in  Castile  called  mester  de  clerecia  (oflBce  of  the 
clergy),  also  bound  up  with  French  influences,  but  more 
erudite  and  formally  correct  and  usually  religious  in  sub- 
ject-matter, a  Spanish  expression  of  European  scholasticism. 
From  the  side  of  Aragon  came  the  influence  of  southern 
France,  in  the  lyrical  and  erotic  poetry  of  the  Proven9al 
troubadours.  Galicia  was  much  affected  by  these  foreign 
impulses,  due  to  the  journeys  of  pilgrims  to  Santiago  de 
Compostela,  and  developed  a  notable  poetry  of  its  own.  In 
this  period,  too,  the  Castilian  theatre  had  its  origins,  in  the 
mystery  plays  of  the  church  and  in  the  popular  performances 
the  drama,  ^f  jugglers  in  the  streets.  Whereas  the  former  were  in  the 
nature  of  a  religious  ceremony,  the  latter,  which  were  ulti- 


Begin- 
nings  of 


MATERIAL   AND    INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS,    1031-1276       107 


mately  to  exercise  the  greater  influence,  were  of  a  secular 
character,  usually  satirical,  and  given  to  great  liberty  of 
expression. 

In  historical  literature  there  were  two  names  of  some  note 
in  this  period.  Rodrigo  Jimenez  de  Rada,  archbishop  of 
Toledo  (1170-1247),  reduced  the  early  Spanish  chronicles 
to  a  narrative  form,  embellished  by  erudite  references  which 
his  classical  knowledge  enabled  him  to  employ.  He  may  be 
regarded  as  the  father  of  Spanish  historiography.  Naturally, 
given  the  age,  his  works  were  not  free  from  legends  and  errors, 
and  do  not  display  the  critical  spirit  of  modern  times.  Bishop 
Lucas  of  Tuy  (died  1288),  though  far  inferior  to  Jimenez 
de  Rada  in  both  method  and  criticism,  wrote  a  life  of  Saint 
Isidore  and  other  works  which  enjoyed  great  popularity  in 
the  thirteenth  century.  In  scientific  literature  there  were 
no  great  names,  for  this  was  a  period  of  study  and  the  trans- 
lation of  Arabic  and  western  European  texts,  rather  than 
one  of  original  composition. 

Just  as  the  Romance  tongues  replaced  the  Latin,  so 
Romanesque  architecture  took  the  place  of  the  decadent 
classical  styles.  Although  there  was  not  a  little  variety  in 
details,  this  style  was  characterized  in  Leon  and  Castile  by 
an  accentuation  of  the  cruciform  ground  plan,  robustness 
of  form,  heaviness  in  proportions,  and  profuse  ornamenta- 
tion, often  of  a  rude  type.  Arches  were  sometimes  round, 
and  sometimes  slightly  pointed.  Over  the  crossing  there 
often  appeared  a  polygonal  dome  or  a  tower  with  arcades 
and  a  cap.  The  wooden  roof  was  supplanted  by  barrel- 
vaulting  in  stone,  and  this  led  to  a  strengthening  of  the 
walls,  reducing  the  window  space,  and  to  the  use  of  heavy 
piers  or  columns  and  of  exterior  buttresses  attached  to  the 
walls.  The  west  front,  or  portal,  of  churches  was  adorned 
in  luxurious  style,  notably  with  the  sculptured  work  of  men, 
animals,  or  foliage.  At  the  same  time,  new  influences 
proceeding  out  of  France  were  making  themselves  felt,  and 
by  the  thirteenth  century  the  so-called  Gothic  style  of 
architecture  was  firmly  established.  In  this  the  entire  edifice 
was  subordinated  to  the  treatment  of  the  vault,  which  at- 
tained to  a  great  height  through  the  use  of  the  true  pointed 


History 

and 

science. 


Roman- 
esque 
architec- 
ture. 


Early 
Gothic 
architec- 
ture. 


108  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN. 

arch  and  of  transversals  to  receive  the  weight  of  the  vault. 
For  this  purpose  the  flying  buttress,  now  free  from  the  walls, 
was  greatly  developed.  Edifices  not  only  became  higher, 
but  also  were  enabled  to  use  a  large  amount  of  space  for 
windows,  since  the  walls  no  longer  had  to  sustain  the  thrust. 
At  the  same  time  decorative  effects  were  increased,  not  only 
in  porticoes,  but  also  in  the  glass  of  the  windows,  the  capitals 
of  columns,  water-spouts,  pinnacles  and  towers,  and  in 
various  forms  of  sculpture.  The  spaces  between  the  but- 
tresses were  often  filled  in  to  form  chapels.  Remarkable 
as  was  the  advance  made  in  architecture,  the  work  of  this 
period  was  sober  and  robust  when  compared  with  the  later 
Gothic  work.  Nevertheless,  the  development  was  very 
great,  and  is  to  be  explained,  very  largely,  by  social  causes, 
such  as  the  advance  in  the  population  and  importance  of 
the  cities  and  of  the  middle  class.  Greater  cathedrals  were 
therefore  needed,  but  they  were  also  desired  from  motives 
of  vanity,  which  prompt  new  social  forces  to  construct  great 
monuments.  The  cathedrals  became  not  only  a  religious 
centre  but  also  a  place  of  meeting  for  the  discussion  of  busi- 
ness and  political  affairs,  the  heart  and  soul  of  the  cities  in 
which  they  were  located.  Gothic  architecture  also  mani- 
fested itself  in  military  and  civil  edifices.  The  castle  was 
the  characteristic  type  of  the  former.  The  material  now 
became  stone,  instead  of  wood.  As  in  other  parts  of  Europe, 
there  were  the  surrounding  moat  and  the  bridge,  the  walls 
with  their  salients  and  towers,  the  buildings  inside  for  the 
artisans  on  the  one  hand,  and  for  the  lord  and  his  soldiers 
on  the  other,  and  the  powerfully  built  tower  of  homage  to 
serve  as  a  last  resort.  The  growth  of  the  towns  gave  rise 
to  the  erection  of  local  government  buildings,  or  town  halls, 
and  private  dwellings  began  to  have  an  important  architec- 
Mudejar  tural  character.  Another  style  of  architecture,  usually 
architec-  called  Mudejar,  existed  in  this  period,  combining  Arabic 
ture.  with  Christian  elements,  of  which  the  latter  were  Gothic 

of  a  simplified  character.  The  roof  was  of  wood,  but  with 
the  ornamentation  of  the  period.  The  body  of  the  edifice 
was  of  brick,  which  was  left  without  covering  on  the  outside, 
giving  a  reddish  tone  to  the  building.     Sculpture  had  an 


MATERIAL   AND    INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS,    1031-1276      109 

important  vogue  as  an  adjunct  of  architecture.     Gradually,   Sculpture, 
it  passed  from  the  badly  proportioned,  stiff  figures  of  the  painting, 
earlier  years  to  something  approaching  realism  and  to  a  ^ 
great  variety  of  form.     Painting  was  notable  only  for  its 
use  in  the  adornment  of  manuscripts  and  of  windows,  and 
in  these  respects  the  work  done  was  of  a  high  order.     Both 
sculpture  and  painting  were  employed  to  represent  sacred 
history  or  allegory.     Rich  tiles  were  much  used,  both  in  the 
form  of  azulejos,  and  in  that  of  compositions  of  human 
figures,  in  which  the  usual  symbolism  appeared.     The  gold 
work  and  furniture  also  bore  witness  to  the  greater  wealth 
of  this  period  as  compared  with  earlier  times. 


Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  Valencia 

Much  that  has  been  said  about  Leon  and  Castile  as  re- 
gards material  prosperity  might  be  repeated  for  Aragon, 
Catalonia,  and  Valencia.  Aragon  proper  was  the  poorest 
part  of  this  region,  economically.  Stock-raising  and  indus- 
tries growing  out  of  it  were  the  principal  occupations  there. 
Catalonia,  though  not  backward  in  agriculture,  was  not  too 
well  adapted  to  it,  since  certain  crops,  notably  grain,  could 
not  be  raised,  but  it  had  a  varied  industrial  life  and  an  active 
commerce.  Valencia  was  the  most  favored  region,  being 
agriculturally  wealthy,  on  account  of  the  extensive  use  of 
irrigation,  and,  like  Catalonia,  having  a  rich  industrial  and 
commercial  life.  This  was  true  also  of  IMajorca.  The 
Catalans  had  been  engaged  in  Mediterranean  commerce 
since  the  ninth  century,  but  in  this  period  their  trade  reached 
much  greater  proportions.  Although  Catalan  boats  went  to 
every  part  of  the  IMediterranean,  the  principal  relations  w^ere 
with  Italy ;  there  were  frequent  commercial  treaties  with 
Pisa  and  Genoa.  Jaime  I  brought  about  the  sending  of 
commercial  representatives,  or  consuls,  to  foreign  countries, 
and  was  responsible  for  the  establishment  of  mercantile 
bodies,  called  consulados  de  mar  (commercial  tribunals  of 
the  sea)  in  Catalan  ports.  A  special  maritime  law  sprang 
up,  and  was  embodied  in  a  code,  called  the  Lihro  del  considado 
de  mar  (Book  of  the  coiisulado  of  the  sea). 


Economic 
differences 
in  the 
kingdom 
of  Aragon. 


Catalan 
commerce. 


no 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Intellec- 
tual mani- 
festations. 


Raymond 
Lull. 


Archi- 

tectiu-e. 


The  intellectual  movement  in  Aragon  and  Catalonia  ran 
along  lines  parallel  to  that  in  Leon  and  Castile,  but  with 
more  frequent  contact  with  French  and  Italian  thought. 
Jaime  I  followed  the  custom  of  the  era  in  founding  universi- 
ties, establishing  one  at  Lerida  and  another  at  Valencia. 
One  great  name  appeared  in  the  literary  history  of  this  period, 
reaching  over  into  the  next,  that  of  Raimundo  Lulio,  known 
to  English  scholars  as  Raymond  Lull,  or  Lully  (1232-1315), 
a  philosopher,  mystic,  and  poet,  who  WTote  many  books  which 
had  a  noteworthy  influence  on  European  thought.  Writing 
in  the  vulgar  tongue  and  in  a  style  adapted  to  the  general 
public,  he  attacked  the  pantheistic  ideals  of  Averroes  and 
held  that  all  sciences,  though  they  have  their  individual 
principles,  lead  to  a  single  all-embracing  science,  which,  for 
him,  was  Christianity;  in  other  words,  he  represented  the 
reconcilement  of  Christianity  with  reason  and  science. 
The  development  of  the  Romance  tongues  followed  the  same 
course  as  in  Castile,  but  the  Catalan  became  widely  separated 
from  the  other  peninsular  tongues,  being  more  akin  to  the 
Proven9al,  or  language  of  southern  France.  The  Provencal 
influence  on  poetry  was  earlier  in  evidence  in  Catalonia 
than  in  Castile,  and  was  more  pronounced.  Lyric  poetry, 
accompanied  by  music,  was  so  high  in  favor  that  great 
nobles  and  the  kings  themselves  cultivated  it.  Alfonso  II 
(1162-1196)  was  the  first  Spanish  troubadour,  and  other 
kings  followed,  including  Jaime  I.  History  was  the  most 
important  form  of  prose  literature,  and  the  principal  work 
was  that  of  Jaime  I  himself,  a  chronicle  of  the  vicissitudes  of 
his  reign.  Jaime  I  also  compiled  a  collection  of  proverbs 
and  the  sayings  of  wise  men. 

The  Romanesque  art  of  this  region  was  less  heavy  and 
more  gracefully  proportioned  than  that  of  Castile,  —  pos- 
sibly, the  result  of  Italian  influences.  Catalan  Gothic 
architecture  was  especially  affected  by  Italian  art,  —  so 
much  so,  that  it  lacked  some  of  the  principal  elements  of 

the  Gothic. 

Navarre 

Attention  need  be  called  only  to  the  profound  French 
influence  in  this  region. 


CHAPTER  X 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD  NATIONAL  UNITY: 

1252-1479 


CASTILE, 


After  the  death  of  Ferdinand  III  and  of  Jaime  I  the 
reeonquest  of  Spain  from  the  Moslems  came  to  a  virtual 
standstill  for  over  two  centm-ies.  Some  slight  accessions 
of  territory  were  obtained  by  Castile,  but  no  serious  effort 
was  made  to  acquire  the  only  remaining  enemy  stronghold, 
the  kingdom  of  Granada.  Conditions  had  changed  to  such 
an  extent  that  Moslem  Spain  for  the  first  time  in  more  than 
five  centuries  was  of  secondary  and  even  minor  importance. 
Castile  and  Aragon  devoted  their  principal  attention  to 
other  affairs,  and  both  took  great  strides  ahead  in  the  march 
of  civilization.  In  Castile  the  chief  problems  were  of  an 
internal  social  and  political  nature.  On  the  one  hand  this 
period  marked  the  change  from  a  seigniorial  country  type  of 
life  to  that  of  the  developed  town  as  the  basis  of  society; 
on  the  other  it  witnessed  the  struggle  of  monarchy  and  the 
ideal  of  national  unity  against  seigniorial  anarchy  and 
decentralization  for  which  the  lords  (including  many  of  the 
great  churchmen)  and  the  towns  contended.  As  before, 
the  king's  principal  opponents  were  the  nobles,  and  the  civil 
wars  of  this  era,  whatever  the  alleged  causes,  were  really 
only  the  expression  of  the  struggle  just  referred  to.  Out- 
wardly the  kings  appeared  to  have  been  defeated,  but  in 
no  period  of  the  history  of  Spain  has  the  external  narrative 
been  more  at  variance  with  the  actual  results,  as  shown  by 
a  study  of  the  underlying  institutions,  than  in  this.  The 
real  victory  lay  with  monarchy  and  unity,  and  this  was  to 
be  made  manifest  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
following  this  era.     That  reign  was  therefore  the  true  end 

111 


General 
character- 
istics of 
the  era. 


112 


A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Alfonso 

"the 

Learned. 


His 

foreign 

policy. 


of  this  perioH,  but  as  it  was  even  more  the  beginning  of 
modern  Spain  it  has  been  left  for  separate  treatment.  The 
institutions  of  Castile  from  the  thirteenth  to  the  fifteenth 
century  were  therefore  of  more  than  usual  importance,  and 
particularly  so  since  they  formed  the  basis  for  the  system 
which  Spain  was  so  soon  to  establish  in  the  Americas.  In 
almost  every  aspect  of  life,  social,  political,  economic,  and 
intellectual,  Castile  forged  as  far  ahead  over  the  preceding 
period  as  that  had  over  the  one  before  it,  although  it  did 
not  reach  that  high  and  intricate  culture  which  is  the  product 
of  modern  times.  Castile  was  still  medieval,  like  nearly  all 
of  Europe,  but  the  new  age  was  close  at  hand. 

Alfonso  X  "the  Learned,"  or  "the  Wise"  (1252-1284), 
was  one  of  the  kings  whose  reign  seemed  to  be  a  failure,  but 
in  fact  it  was  he  who  sowed  the  seed  which  was  to  bring 
about  an  eventual  victory  for  the  principles  of  monarchy 
and  national  unity.  Besides  being  a  profound  scholar 
Alfonso  was  a  brave  and  skilful  soldier,  but  his  good  traits 
were  balanced  by  his  lack  of  decision  and  will  power,  which 
caused  him  to  be  unnecessarily  stubborn  and  extremely 
variable.  He  engaged  in  a  number  of  campaigns  against 
the  Moslems,  and  made  some  minor  conquests,  but  these 
wars  were  of  slight  consequence  except  as  they  bore  on  his 
struggles  with  the  nobles.  The  same  thing  may  be  said  for 
Alfonso's  FAU"opean  policy,  which  aimed  not  only  at  the 
aggrandizement  of  Castile  but  also  at  his  acquisition  of  the 
title  of  Holy  Roman  Emperor.  The  kings  of  Castile  had 
long  claimed  the  throne  of  Navarre,  and  Alfonso  now  at- 
tempted to  invade  that  realm,  but  desisted  when  it  seemed 
that  this  might  lead  to  complications  with  Jaime  I  of  Aragon. 
He  also  had  a  legal  claim  to  the  Basque  province  of  Gascony, 
which  had  come  to  the  throne  of  Castile  as  the  dowry  of 
the  wife  of  Alfonso  VHI,  and  planned  to  incorporate  it  into 
a  de  facto  part  of  the  kingdom,  but  he  renounced  his  rights 
to  England  upon  the  marriage  of  his  sister  to  Prince  Edward, 
the  later  Edward  I,  of  England.  In  1257  the  imperial  elec- 
tors chose  Alfonso  X  as  Holy  Roman  Emperor,  but  many 
German  princes  supported  the  pretensions  of  an  English 
earl  of  Cornwall,  and  on  the  latter's  death  those  of  Count 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD   NATIONAL   UNITY,    1252-1479      113 


Rudolph  of  Hapsburg.  For  sixteen  years  Alfonso  endeavored 
to  get  possession  of  the  imperial  title,  going  to  great  expense 
in  wars  for  that  purpose,  but  the  opposition  of  the  popes, 
wars  with  Granada  and  with  his  own  nobles,  and  a  general 
lack  of  sympathy  with  the  project  in  Castile  combined  to 
prevent  him  from  even  making  a  journey  to  Germany  in 
order  to  be  crowned.  In  1273  Rudolph  of  Hapsburg  was 
formally  chosen  emperor,  and  Alfonso's  opportunity  passed. 

Meanwhile,  influenced  by  the  Roman  law,  Alfonso  had 
been  enunciating  monarchical  doctrines  which  were  at 
variance  with  the  selfish  and  unscrupulous  designs  of  the 
nobles,  who  fought  the  king  at  every  turn.  Other  causes 
for  strife  existed,  but  they  were  not  fundamental.  These 
were,  especially,  the  unwise  measures  employed  by  Alfonso 
to  procure  funds  for  his  sadly  depleted  treasury,  and  on 
the  other  hand  his  extravagant  liberality.  Alfonso  reduced 
the  tribute  due  from  Granada,  debased  the  coinage,  increased 
the  salaries  of  court  officials,  expended  enormous  sums  in 
celebration  of  the  marriage  of  his  eldest  son,  and  was  responsi- 
ble for  other  acts  of  a  like  character.  In  line  with  his  claim 
of  absolute  royal  power  he  ceded  the  province  of  Algarve  to 
the  king  of  Portugal,  renounced  his  right  to  homage  from 
that  king,  and  as  already  noted  gave  Gascony  to  England, 
all  of  which  he  did  on  his  own  authority.  These  acts  were 
alleged  by  the  nobles,  who  fought  him  themselves,  or  even 
went  so  far  as  to  join  the  Moslems  of  Granada  and  IMorocco 
against  him.  The  most  serious  period  of  the  struggle  was 
reserved  for  the  last  years  of  the  reign.  This  was  precipi- 
tated by  a  fresh  appearance  of  the  Moslem  peril. 

The  Almohades  had  been  succeeded  in  their  rule  of  northern 
Africa  by  the  Benimerines,  who  were  invited  by  the  Moslems 
of  Granada  to  join  them  in  a  war  against  Castile.  The  in- 
vitation was  accepted,  but,  although  the  Benimerines  landed 
and  were  for  a  time  victorious,  the  danger  was  averted. 
Its  chief  importance  was  that  the  king's  eldest  son,  Fernando 
de  la  Cerda,  was  killed  in  battle  in  1275,  thereby  precipitat- 
ing a  dynastic  question.  According  to  the  laws  of  succession 
which  x\lfonso  had  enacted  the  eldest  son  of  the  dead  prince 
should  have  been  next  heir  to  the  throne,  but  this  did  not 


Causes  of 
his  strife 
with  the 
nobles. 


War  of 

succession 

between 

Alfonso 

and 

Sancho. 


114  A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 

suit  Alfonso's  second  son,  Sancho,  who  alleged  the  superiority 
of  his  own  claim.  He  did  not  fail  to  support  his  pretension 
by  promises  of  favors  to  disaffected  nobles,  which  procured 
him  a  backing  strong  enough  to  persuade  Alfonso  himself 
to  name  Sancho  as  his  heir.  Later,  Alfonso  decided  to  form 
a  new  kingdom  in  the  territory  of  Jaen,  though  subject  to 
Castile,  for  the  benefit  of  his  grandson.  Sancho  objected, 
and  persisted  even  to  the  point  of  war,  which  broke  out  in 
1281.  The  partisans  of  Sancho,  who  included  nearly  all 
of  the  nobles,  the  clergy,  and  most  of  the  towns,  held  a 
Cortes  in  Valladolid  in  1282,  and  deposed  Alfonso.  The 
latter  soon  won  over  some  of  Sancho's  followers,  and  con- 
tinued the  war,  but  died  in  1284,  disinheriting  Sancho, 
leaving  Castile  to  his  grandson  and  smaller  kingdoms  in 
southern  Spain  to  two  of  his  j'ounger  sons. 
Sancho  That  the  elements  which  supported  Sancho  were  really 

"the  fighting  for  their  own  independent  jurisdiction  was  early 

Brave."  made  clear.  In  1282  they  obtained  an  acknowledgment 
from  Sancho  of  the  right  of  the  nobles  and  towns  to  rise  in 
insurrection  against  the  illegal  acts  of  the  king,  and  to  bring 
royal  officials  and  judges  to  trial  for  their  maladministration, 
being  privileged  to  inflict  the  death  penalty  on  them.  With 
their  aid  he  was  able  to  set  aside  his  father's  will  and  become 
King  Sancho  IV  (1284-1295),  later  styled  "the  Brave." 
Once  in  possession  of  the  throne  he  too  showed  a  disposition 
to  check  the  turbulence  of  the  nobles,  for  it  was  as  impossible 
for  a  king  to  admit  the  arbitrary  authority  of  the  lords  as 
it  was  for  the  latter  to  accept  the  same  attribute  in  the  king. 
Internal  strife  continued,  but  the  pretext  changed,  for 
Sancho's  opponents  alleged  the  will  of  Alfonso  in  justifica- 
tion of  their  insurrections.  Sancho  was  at  least  an  energetic 
character,  and  put  down  his  enemies  with  a  stern  hand,  on 
one  occasion  having  no  less  than  four  thousand  partisans 
of  his  nephew  put  to  death.  His  brother  Juan,  whom 
Sancho  had  deprived  of  the  small  kingdom  which  Alfonso 
had  left  him,  gave  him  the  most  trouble,  at  one  time  enlisting 
the  aid  of  the  Benimerines,  but  without  success.^ 

^  The  wars  of  Sancho  and  Juan  gave  rise  to  the  celebrated  act 
of  heroism  of  Guzman  el  Bueno.     Guzmdn  was  governor  of  Tarifa, 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD   NATIONAL   UNITY,    1252-1479      115 

Ferdinand  IV  "the  Summoned"  ^  (1295-1312)  was  only  Ferdinand 
nine  years  old  when  his  father  died,  wherefore  the  opponents  "t^^  Sum- 
of  strong  monarchy  seized  the  occasion  for  a  new  period  of  '^o'^®"- 
civil  strife  which  lasted  fourteen  years.  His  uncle,  Juan, 
and  his  cousin,  Alfonso,^  renewed  their  pretensions,  furnish- 
ing an  opportunity  for  the  lords  and  towns  to  join  one  side 
or  the  other,  according  as  they  could  best  serve  their  own 
interests,  as  also  affording  a  chance  for  the  intervention  of 
Portugal,  Aragon,  France,  and  Granada  with  a  view  to 
enlarging  their  kingdoms.  Although  the  towns  usually 
supported  the  king,  they  did  so  at  the  price  of  such  privileges 
as  had  been  exacted  from  Sancho  in  1282,  showing  that  they 
had  the  same  spirit  of  feudal  independence  as  the  lords, 
despite  the  monarchical  sentiment  of  the  middle  class  and 
the  interest  which  they  had  in  common  with  the  king  in 
checking  the  turbulence  of  the  lords.  That  the  king  was 
able  to  extricate  himself  from  these  difficulties  was  due  in 
greatest  measure  to  his  mother,  Maria  de  Molina,  one  of  Maria  de 
the  regents  during  his  minority.  By  her  political  skill,  Molina, 
added  to  the  prestige  of  her  word  and  presence,  she  was 
able  to  attract  many  towns  and  nobles  to  Ferdinand's  side 
and  to  separate  the  more  dangerous  foreign  enemies  from 
the  conflict  against  him.  This  she  did  not  do  without  mak- 
ing concessions,  but,  at  any  rate,  by  the  time  the  king  had 
attained  his  majority  at  the  age  of  sixteen  the  most  serious 
perils  had  been  overcome.     Ferdinand  IV  showed  himself 

and  had  promised  Sancho  that  he  would  not  surrender  the  place. 
Juan  appeared  before  Tarifa  with  a  Moslem  army,  and  threatened 
to  kill  Guzmto's  infant  son,  whom  he  had  in  his  power,  unless  the 
fortress  were  delivered.  Guzman  preferred  to  keep  faith  with  his 
king,  and  sent  his  own  dagger  for  Juan  to  use  in  fullilling  his  threat. 
Juan  had  the  boy  beheaded  in  front  of  the  walls  of  Tarifa,  but 
failed  to  take  the  town.  The  incident  is  illustrative  of  the  savage 
brutality  of  the  age,  and  was  a  rather  unusual  instance  for  that 
time  of  keeping  political  faith  at  any  cost. 

1  So  called  from  a  legend  respecting  his  death.  He  is  said  to 
have  ordered  two  men  put  to  death  for  a  crime  which  they  pro- 
tested they  did  not  commit.  As  the  sentence  was  being  executed 
they  summoned  Ferdinand  to  appear  before  the  tribunal  of  God 
within  thirty  days,  and  on  the  thirtieth  day  thereafter  Ferdinand 
was  dead. 

2  The  eldest  son  of  Fernando  de  la  Cerda,  and  therefore  the 
rightful  king  according  to  the  laws  of  Alfonso  X. 


116 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Able  rule 
of  Alfonso 
XI  in  do- 
mestic 
affairs. 


an  ingrate,  demanding  a  strict  account  from  his  mother  of 
her  use  of  the  puhHc  funds.  Not  only  was  she  able  to  justify 
her  administration,  but  she  also  demonstrated  her  devotion 
to  her  son's  interests  on  later  occasions,  causing  the  failure 
of  two  insurrections  headed  by  Ferdinand's  uncle,  Juan. 
Ferdinand  made  several  minor  campaigns  against  the 
Moslems,  but  died  while  engaged  in  one  of  them,  leaving  as 
his  heir  a  year  old  boy. 

Alfonso  XI  (1312-1350)  shares  with  Alfonso  X  the  honor 
of  being  the  greatest  Castilian  king  of  this  era,  and  he  was 
by  far  more  successful  than  his  great-grandfather  had  been. 
Natiually,  civil  wars  broke  out  at  the  beginning  of  the 
reign ;  a  dispute  over  the  regency  served  as  one  of  the  pre- 
texts. ]\Iaria  de  Molina  came  forward  again,  and  saved 
her  grandson  as  she  had  saved  his  father,  although  she  was 
miable  to  put  down  the  insurrections.  In  1325,  when  he 
was  but  fourteen  years  old,  Alfonso  was  declared  of  age,  and 
began  his  reign  with  an  act  which  was  characteristic  of  the 
man  and  his  time.  He  summoned  an  uncle  of  his,  his  prin- 
cipal opponent,  to  a  meeting  at  his  palace,  under  a  pretence 
of  coming  to  an  agreement  with  him,  and  when  the  latter 
came  had  him  put  to  death.  He  tried  the  same  policy  with 
success  against  other  leaders,  and  intimidated  the  rest  so 
that  he  soon  had  the  situation  under  control.  x\lfonso 
combined  a  hand  of  iron  with  great  diplomatic  skill,  both  of 
which  were  necessary  if  a  king  were  to  succeed  in  that  period. 
An  exponent  of  the  monarchical  ideas  of  Alfonso  X,  he 
proceeded  by  diverse  routes  to  his  end.  Thus,  in  dealing 
with  the  nobles  he  made  agreements  wath  some,  deceived 
others,  punished  still  others  for  their  infractions  of  the  law, 
developed  a  distrust  of  one  another  among  them,  employed 
them  in  wars  against  the  Moslems  (in  order  to  distract  their 
forces  and  their  attention),  destroyed  their  castles  whenever 
he  had  a  sufficient  pretext,  and  flattered  them  when  he  had 
them  submissive,  —  as  by  encouraging  them  in  the  practices 
of  chivalry  and  by  enrolling  them  in  a  new  military  order 
which  he  creatcfl  to  reward  warlike  services.  In  fine  he 
employed  all  such  methods  as  would  tend  to  reduce  the  power 
of  the  nobles  without  stirring  up  unnecessary  opposition. 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD    NATIONAL   UNITY,    1252-1479      117 


He  was  strong,  but  was  also  prudent.  He  followed  the 
same  policy  with  the  towns  and  the  military  orders.  For 
example,  he  promised  that  no  royal  town  should  ever  be 
granted  to  a  noble  (or  churchman),  —  a  promise  which  was 
not  observed  by  his  successors  or  even  by  Alfonso  himself. 
He  was  also  successful  in  getting  generous  grants  of  money 
from  the  Cortes,  which  assisted  him  materially  in  the  carry- 
ing out  of  his  policy.  He  won  the  favor  of  the  people  by 
correcting  abuses  in  the  administration  of  justice  and  by 
his  willingness  to  hear  their  complaints  alleging  infractions 
of  the  law,  whether  by  his  own  officials  or  by  the  nobles. 
He  procured  the  comparative  security  of  the  roads,  and  in 
other  ways  interested  himself  in  the  economic  betterment 
of  his  people.  Meanwhile,  he  enhanced  his  own  authority 
m  local  government,  and  always  maintained  that  the  na- 
tional legislative  function  belonged  to  the  king  alone,  not  only 
for  the  making  or  amending  of  laws,  but  also  for  interpreting 
them. 

Alfonso's  great  work  was  the  political  and  administrative 
organization  of  the  country,  but  there  were  two  external 
events  of  his  reign  which  are  worth  recording.  In  1332 
the  Basque  province  of  Alava  was  added  to  Castile,  although 
with  a  recognition  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  law  of  Alava. 
More  important,  perhaps,  was  a  great  conflict  with  Granada 
and  the  Benimerines  of  Morocco,  who  once  more  tried  to 
emulate  the  successes  of  their  coreligionists  of  the  eighth 
century.  The  kings  of  Aragon  and  Portugal  joined  Alfonso 
to  avert  this  peril,  and  a  great  battle  was  fought  in  1340 
at  the  river  Salado,  near  Tarifa,  where  the  Moslem  forces 
were  completely  defeated.  Though  not  yet  forty  at  the 
time  of  his  death  Alfonso  had  already  written  his  name  in 
large  letters  on  the  pages  of  Castilian  history. 

The  work  of  Alfonso  XI  seemed  to  be  rendered  in  vain 
by  the  civil  wars  of  the  reign  of  his  successor,  Pedro  I, 
variously  called  "the  Cruel"  or  "the  Just"  (1350-1369). 
In  fact,  the  basis  of  the  structure  which  Alfonso  had  reared 
was  not  destroyed,  and  even  Pedro  took  some  steps  which 
tended  to  increase  the  royal  power.  He  was  not  the  man 
for  the  times,  however,  since  he  lacked  the  patience  and 


The  acqui- 
sition of 
Alava  and 
repulse  of 
a  Moslem 
invasion. 


Pedro 

"the 

Cruel." 


118 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Civil  wars 
of  the 
reign  of 
Pedro 
"the 
Cruel." 


diplomacy  which  had  distinguished  his  father.  He  was, 
above  all,  impetuous  and  determined  to  procure  immediate 
remedies  for  any  ill  which  beset  him,  even  to  the  point  of 
extreme  cruelty.  He  possessed  a  stern  hand,  energy,  and 
courage,  but  he  had  to  deal  with  a  nobility  as  turbulent  and 
unsubmissive  as  was  the  spirit  of  Pedro  himself.  The  tale 
of  his  reign  may  be  told  at  somewhat  greater  length  than 
some  of  the  others,  —  not  that  it  was  more  important,  but 
by  way  of  illustrating  the  usual  course  of  the  civil  wars  in 
that  time. 

Pedro  I  was  the  only  legitimate  son  of  Alfonso  XI,  who 
had  left  five  illegitimate  sons  by  his  mistress,  Leonor  de 
Guzman,  to  each  of  whom  he  had  given  important  holdings 
and  titles.  On  the  death  of  Alfonso,  his  wife  (Pedro's 
mother)  procured  the  arrest  of  Leonor  de  Guzman  and  later 
her  assassination.  Naturally,  this  incensed  the  five  sons 
of  Leonor,  although  all  but  the  eldest,  Count  Henry  of 
Trastamara,  appeared  to  accept  the  situation.  Other  pre- 
texts for  internal  strife  were  not  lacking.  Pedro  was  a 
mere  boy,  and  at  one  time  became  sick  and  seemed  about 
to  die,  whereupon  the  nobles  began  to  prepare  for  a  dynastic 
struggle.  Pedro  lived,  however,  but  caused  discontent  by 
choosing  a  Portuguese,  named  Alburquerque,  as  his  lead- 
ing adviser  and  favorite;  the  chief  basis  for  the  objections 
of  the  nobles  was  that  each  one  wished  the  post  for  himself. 
The  resistance  to  Alburquerque  was  the  rallying-cry  in  the 
early  period  of  the  wars,  in  which  Pedro's  illegitimate  brothers 
joined  against  him.  Pedro  was  successful,  and  it  is  note- 
worthy that  he  dealt  leniently  with  his  brothers,  in  contrast 
with  his  energetic  cruelty  against  the  other  rebels.  In 
1353,  as  the  result  of  negotiations  which  had  been  arranged 
by  Alburquerque,  Pedro  married  a  French  princess,  Blanche 
of  Bourbon.  Previously,  however,  he  had  entered  into  re- 
lations with  a  handsome  young  lady  of  good  family,  named 
Maria  de  Padilla,  to  whom  he  remained  ardently  devoted 
for  the  rest  of  his  life.  So  blindly  in  love  with  her  was  he 
that  Alburquerque  had  to  take  him  from  the  arms  of  Maria 
in  order  to  have  him  assist  at  his  own  wedding.  Three 
days  later  the  youthful  Pedro  deserted  his  wife  in  favor  of 


DEVELOPMENT   TOWARD    NATIONAL   UNITY,    1252-1479       119 

his  mistress.  Alburqiierque  wisely  took  himself  away,  the 
Padillas  were  established  as  the  favorites  at  court,  and  the 
young  queen  was  imprisoned.  The  nobles  could  no  longer 
pretend  that  they  were  fighting  Alburquerque ;  on  the 
contrary,  they  joined  the  very  man  they  had  assumed  to 
oppose,  in  a  war  against  the  king,  with  various  alleged 
objects,  but  in  fact  with  the  usual  desire  of  seizing  an  oppor- 
tunity for  increasing  their  own  power.  At  one  time  they 
contrived  to  capture  Pedro,  but  he  escaped  and  wreaked 
a  fearful  vengeance  on  his  enemies,  though  once  again  he 
allowed  his  brothers,  who  as  usual  were  against  him,  to  sub- 
mit. Meanwhile,  Pedro's  marital  experiences  included  a 
new  wife,  for  he  found  two  bishops  who  declared  his  first 
marriage  null,  despite  the  pope's  efforts  to  get  the  king  to 
return  to  Blanche  of  Bourbon.  Pedro  married  Juana  de 
Castro,  but  this  time  was  able  to  wait  only  one  day  before 
returning  to  Maria  de  Padilla.  These  events  had  their 
influence  in  the  civil  wars,  for  many  towns  refrained  from 
giving  Pedro  aid  or  joined  against  him  out  of  disgust  for  his 
actions. 

The  wars  were  renewed  from  the  side  of  Aragon,  where  The  wars 
Henry  of  Trastamara,  who  for  years  had  been  the  Castilian  with 
monarch's  principal  opponent,  formed  an  alliance  with  the  f^^^^ 
king  of  Aragon.     The  ruler  of  Aragon  at  that  time  was  u^^ra 
Pedro  IV,  a  man  of  the  type  of  Alfonso  XI.     Having  over- 
come the  seigniorial  elements  in  his  own  realm  he  did  not 
scruple  to  take  advantage  of  Pedro  I's  difficulties  in  the 
same  regard  to  seek  a  profit  for  himself,  or  at  least  to  damage 
a  neighboring  king  of  whom  he  felt  suspicious.     Prior  to 
the  outbreak  of  hostilities  Pedro  I  gave  himself  up  to  a 
riot  of  assassinations,  and  among  his  victims  were  three  of 
his  half  brothers  and  several  members  of  their  families. 
His  enemies  were  not  yet  able  to  defeat  him,  however,  even 
with  the  aid  of  Aragon,  and  a  peace  was  signed  in  1361. 
Shortly  afterward,   both  Blanche  of  Bourbon  and  Maria 
de  Padilla  died,  the  latter  deeply  bemoaned  by  Pedro  I. 
In  1363  Henry  of  Trastamara  and  Pedro  IV  again  formed  a 
league  against  the  Castilian  king,  and  it  was  at  this  time  that 
Henry  first  set  up  a  claim  to  the  crown  of  Castile.     To  aid 


120  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

them  ill  their  project  they  employed  the  celebrated  "White 
companies,"  an  army  of  military  adventurers  of  all  nations 
who  sold  their  services  to  the  highest  bidder.  They  were 
at  that  time  in  southern  France  and  (as  usually  happened 
in  such  cases)  were  regarded  as  unwelcome  guests  now  that 
their  aid  was  no  longer  required  there.  The  pope  (then 
resident  at  Avignon)  gave  them  a  vast  sum  of  money  on 
conditit)n  that  they  would  go  to  Aragon,  and  Pedro  IV 
offered  them  an  equal  amount  and  rights  of  pillage  (other 
than  in  his  own  realm)  if  they  would  come.  Therefore,  led 
by  a  French  knight,  Bertrand  du  Guesclin,  they  entered 
Spain,  and  in  1306  prociu"ed  the  conquest  of  most  of  Castile 
for  Henry,  who  had  himself  crowned  king.  Pedro  I  sought 
aid  of  his  English  neighbors,  for  England  at  that  time  pos- 
sessed a  great  part  of  western  France,  and,  in  return  for 
certain  concessions  which  Pedro  promised,  Edward  III  of 
England  was  persuaded  to  give  him  an  army  under  the 
command  of  the  celebrated  military  leader,  Edward,  the 
Black  Prince.  It  was  Plenry's  turn  to  be  defeated,  and  he 
fled  to  France.  Pedro  I  now  took  cruel  vengeance  on  his 
enemies,  disgusting  the  English  leader,  besides  which  he 
failed  to  keep  the  promises  by  which  he  had  procured  his 
aid.  The  English  troops  therefore  went  back  to  France, 
at  a  time  when  a  fresh  insurrection  was  about  to  break  out 
in  Castile,  and  when  Henry  of  Trastamara  was  returning 
with  a  new  army.  Pedro  I  was  utterly  defeated  at  INIontiel, 
and  was  besieged  in  a  castle  where  he  took  refuge.  Captured 
by  Henry  through  a  trick,  he  engaged  in  a  hand-to-hand 
struggle  with  his  half  brother,  and  seemed  to  be  winning, 
but  with  the  aid  of  one  of  his  partisans  Henry  at  length  got 
the  upper  hand  and  killed  Pedro,  —  a  fitting  close  to  a 
violent  reign. 
Diffieul-  Hemy  II  (1369-1379),  as  the  victor  of  Montiel  was  now 

ties  of  entitled  to  be  called,  did  not  retain  his  crown  in  peace, 

enry  .  j)^>j^pi^g  ^j^p  f ^^^.^  ^]^.^^  ]^^  }^jjj  gravely  weakened  the  monarchy 
by  his  grants  of  lands  and  privileges  in  order  to  gain  support, 
he  was  beset  by  those  who  were  still  faithful  to  Pedro,  or 
who  at  least  pretended  they  were,  in  order  to  operate  in 
their  own  interest.     Aragon,  Navarre,  Portugal,  and  Eng- 


DEVELOPMENT   TOWARD   NATIONAL   UNITY,    1252-1479      121 


land  waged  war  on  Henry,  and  the  two  last-named  countries 
supported  Pedro's  illegitimate  daughters  by  Maria  de 
Padilla,  Constanza  and  Isabel  (for  Pedro  had  no  legitimate 
children),  in  their  pretensions  to  the  throne,  as  against  the 
claims  of  Henry.  The  most  serious  demands  were  put 
forward  by  John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster  and  husband 
of  Constanza,  backed  by  Edward  III  of  England.  Henry 
overcame  his  difficulties,  although  at  the  cost  of  concessions 
to  the  nobles  which  were  to  be  a  serious  obstacle  to  future 
kings. 

The  reign  of  Juan  I  (1379-1390)  was  marked  by  two  im- 
portant events.  Juan  married  the  heiress  to  the  Portuguese 
throne,  and  the  union  of  Spain  and  Portugal  seemed  about 
to  take  place,  but  this  arrangement  did  not  suit  the  Portuguese 
nobility.  A  new  king  of  Portugal  was  chosen,  and  the 
Castilian  army  was  completely  defeated  at  Aljubarrota  in 
1385.  Shortly  afterward,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  landed  in 
Spain  with  an  English  army  to  prosecute  the  claims  of  his 
wife.  This  matter  was  settled  by  the  marriage  of  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster's  daughter,  in  1388,  to  Juan's  heir,  Prince 
Henry.  Thus  was  the  conflict  of  Pedro  I  and  Henry  II 
resolved.  Their  descendants,  though  tainted  with  illegiti- 
macy in  both  cases,  had  joined  to  form  the  royal  family  of 
Spain.  The  young  prince  and  his  consort  took  the  titles 
of  Prince  and  Princess  of  Asturias,  which  have  been  used 
ever  since  by  the  heirs  to  the  Spanish  throne. 

Henry  III  "the  Sickly"  (1390-1406),  though  already 
married,  was  only  a  minor  when  he  became  king,  wherefore 
there  occm'red  the  usual  troubled  years  of  a  minority. 
Despite  the  pallor  of  his  complexion  (whence  his  nickname) 
he  was  a  spirited  individual,  and  upon  becoming  of  age 
(when  fourteen  years  old)  set  about  to  remedy  some  of  the 
evils  which  had  been  caused  by  the  grants  of  favors  to  the 
nobles  duirng  the  regency  and  in  preceding  reigns.  He 
also  adopted  a  vigorous  policy  in  his  relations  with  Portugal, 
Granada,  and  the  pirates  of  the  North  African  coast,  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  send  two  somewhat  celebrated  em- 
bassies to  the  Mogul  emperor  and  king  of  Persia,  Tamerlane. 
One  event  of  capital  importance  in  his  reign  may  be  taken 


Juan  I 
and  the 
battle  of 
Aljubar- 
rota. 


The 

Prince  and 
Princess  of 
Asturias. 


Henry 

"the 

Sickly." 


Luna. 


122  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

as  the  first  step  in  the  Castilian  venture  across  the  seas. 
In  1402  Rubin  de  Bracamonte  and  Juan  de  Bethencourt 
commenced  the  conquest  of  the  Canary  Islands  under  the 
patronage  of  Henry.  The  young  king  was  also  preparing 
to  conquer  Granada,  when  at  the  age  of  twenty-seven  his 
life  was  unfortunately  cut  short. 
Juan  II  It  seemed  likely  that  the  opening  years  of  the  reign  of 

and  Juan  II  (1 400- 1454)  would  witness  a  fresh  period  of  civil 

Alvaro  de  struggle,  since  the  king  was  not  yet  two  years  old.  That 
this  was  not  the  case  was  due  to  the  appearance  of  a  man 
who  was  both  able  and  faithful  to  his  trust,  the  regent, 
Ferdinand  of  Antequera,  an  uncle  of  Juan  II.  In  1412, 
however,  he  left  Castile  to  become  king  of  Aragon,  and  a 
few  years  later  Juan's  majority  was  declared  at  fourteen 
years  of  age.  Juan  II  was  the  first  truly  weak  king  of 
Castile.  In  the  history  of  Spanish  literature  he  occupies 
a  prominent  place,  and  he  was  fond  of  games  of  chivalry, 
but  he  lacked  the  decision  and  will-power^ to  govern.  Fortu- 
nately he  had  a  favorite  in  the  person  of  Alvaro  de  Luna  who 
governed  for  him.  On  several  occasions  in  the  reign  Alvaro 
de  Luna  was  able  to  win  successes  against  Granada,  but  the 
fruits  of  \'ictory  were  lost  because  of  civil  discord  in  Castile. 
During  most  of  the  reign  the  nobles  were  in  revolt  against 
Alvaro  de  Luna,  and  the  weak  king  occasionally  listened 
to  their  complaints,  banishing  the  favorite,  but  he  could  not 
manage  afTairs  without  him,  and  Alvaro  de  Luna  would  be 
brought  back  to  resume  his  place  at  the  head  of  the  state. 
By  1445  the  position  of  Alvaro  de  Luna  seemed  secure,  when 
a  blow  fell  from  an  unexpected  quarter.  He  had  procured 
a  Portuguese  princess  as  the  second  wife  of  Juan  II,  but  she 
requited  him  by  turning  against  him.  She  persuaded  Juan 
to  give  an  order  for  his  arrest,  and,  since  there  was  no  cause 
for  more  serious  charges,  he  was  accused  of  having  bewitched 
the  king,  and  was  put  to  death  in  1453.  This  time  Juan 
could  not  call  him  back;  so  he  followed  him  to  the  grave 
within  a  year. 

The  evil  of  internal  disorder  which  for  so  many  years  had 
been  hanging  over  the  Castilian  monarchy  came  to  a  head 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  IV   "the  Impotent"   (1454-1474). 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD   NATIONAL  UNITY,    1252-1479      123 


If  Juan  II  had  been  weak,  Henry  IV  was  weaker  still,  and 
he  had  no  Alvaro  de  Luna  to  lean  upon.  He  commenced 
his  reign  with  an  act  of  characteristic  flaccidity  which  was  to 
serve  as  one  of  the  pretexts  for  the  insurrections  against 
him.  War  was  declared  upon  Granada,  and  the  Castilian 
army  reached  the  gates  of  the  Moslem  capital,  when  the 
king  developed  a  humanitarianism  which  hardly  fitted  the 
times,  declining  to  engage  in  a  decisive  battle  lest  it  prove 
to  be  bloody.  A  more  important  pretext  for  rebellion  arose 
out  of  a  dynastic  question.  Failing  to  have  issue  by  his 
first  wife,  Henry  procured  a  divorce  and  married  again. 
For  six  years  there  were  no  children  by  this  marriage, 
wherefore  the  derisive  name  "  the  Impotent  "  was  popularly 
applied  to  the  king,  but  at  length  a  daughter  appeared, 
and  was  given  the  name  Juana.  Public  opinion,  especially 
as  voiced  by  the  nobles,  proclaimed  that  the  father  was  the 
king's  favorite,  Beltran  de  la  Cueva,  on  which  account  the 
young  Juana  became  known  vulgarly  as  "La  Beltraneja." 
The  Cortes  acknowledged  Juana,  and  she  was  also  recognized 
as  heir  to  the  throne  by  the  king's  brothers  and  by  his  sister, 
Isabella,  but  the  nobles  formed  a  league  on  the  basis  of  her 
supposed  illegitimacy  with  the  object  of  killing  the  favorite. 
They  directed  an  insulting  letter  to  the  king,  demanding 
that  his  brother,  Alfonso,  should  be  named  heir.  Instead 
of  presenting  a  bold  front  against  these  demands,  Henry 
was  weak  enough  to  consent  to  them. 

The  dynastic  question  was  far  from  being  the  principal 
one  in  the  eyes  of  the  nobles.  By  this  time  it  was  perfectly 
clear  that  the  real  struggle  was  political,  between  the  ele- 
ments of  seigniorial  independence  and  strong  monarchy. 
Thus  the  nobles  and  their  allies  had  insisted  that  the  king's 
guard  should  be  disarmed  and  that  its  numbers  should  be 
fixed  ;  that  the  judges  in  royal  towns  and  certain  other  royal 
officials  should  be  deprived  of  their  office  and  be  replaced 
by  the  appointees  of  the  league ;  that  the  king  should  be 
subjected  to  a  council  of  state  formed  of  nobles  and  church- 
men, which  body  was  to  intervene  in  the  affairs  formerly 
handled  by  the  king  himself,  including  even  the  exercise  of 
ordinary  judicial  authority;  that  all  cases  against  nobles 


Henry 
"the  Im- 
potent" 
and  Juana 
"La  Bel- 
traneja." 


The  seign- 
iorial 
program 
and  the 
vacillation 
of  the 
king. 


124 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  mar- 
riage of 
Ferdinand 
and  Isa- 
bella. 


The  union 
of  Castile 
and 
Aragon. 


and  churchmen  sliould  1)0  tried  by  a  tribunal  of  three  nobles, 
three  churchmen,  and  three  representatives  of  the  towns, 
and  several  of  the  members  who  were  to  compose  the  tri- 
bunal (all  of  them  opponents  of  the  king)  were  named  in 
the  document  of  these  demands ;  and  that  there  should  be  a 
right  of  insurrection  against  the  king  if  he  should  contravene 
the  last-named  provision.  After  he  had  accepted  the 
nobles'  terms  Henry  realized  the  gravity  of  his  act  and 
changed  his  mind,  declaring  his  agreement  void.  The 
nobles  then  announced  the  deposition  of  the  king,  and  named 
his  brother,  Alfonso,  in  his  stead,  but  the  royal  troops  de- 
feated them  soon  afterward,  and  Alfonso  suddenly  died. 
The  nobles  then  offered  the  crown  to  Isabella,  but  she  de- 
clined to  take  it  while  her  brother  was  living,  although  con- 
senting to  do  so  in  succession  to  him,  thus  retracting  her 
previous  recognition  of  Juana.  On  this  basis  the  nobles 
offered  peace  to  the  king,  and  he  consented,  which  for  the 
second  time  put  him  in  the  position  of  acknowledging  the 
dishonor  of  his  wife  and  the  illegitimacy  of  Juana.  The 
queen  protested,  and  in  1470  Henry  again  recanted,  but  at 
the  time  of  his  death,  in  1474,  he  had  not  yet  resolved  the 
succession  to  the  throne. 

Meanwhile  Isabella  had  contracted  a  marriage  of  sur- 
passing importance  in  the  history  of  Spain.  In  1469  she 
married  Ferdinand,  heir  to  the  throne  of  Aragon,  rejecting 
Henry  IV's  proposal  of  a  marriage  with  the  king  of  Portugal. 
Isabella  was  proclaimed  queen  on  the  death  of  her  brother, 
but  many  nobles  now  took  the  other  side,  upholding  the 
cause  of  Juana,  including  some  who  had  formerly  fought  on 
the  side  of  Isabella,  —  for  example,  the  archbishop  of 
Toledo.  The  hand  of  Juana  was  promised  to  the  king  of 
Portugal,  who  therefore  joined  in  the  war  on  her  side.  The 
forces  of  Isabella  were  victorious,  and  in  1479  a  treaty  was 
made  whereby  she  was  recognized  as  the  queen.  The  un- 
fortunate Juana  chose  to  enter  a  convent.  In  the  same 
year,  1479,  Ferdinand  became  king  of  Aragon,  and  at  last 
a  political  union  of  the  greater  part  of  Christian  Spain  had 
become  a  fact. 


CHAPTER  XI 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD   NATIONAL  UNITY 

1276-1479 


ARAGON, 


The  general  remarks  made  with  respect  to  Castilian 
history  in  this  period  apply,  with  but  few  modifications,  to 
that  of  the  kingdom  of  Aragon.  In  Aragon  the  victory  of 
monarchy  over  seigniorial  anarchy  was  externally  clear  as 
early  as  the  middle  of  the  fom'teenth  centiu-y.  The  civil 
wars  after  that  date  (and  there  were  very  few  until  the  last 
reign  of  the  period)  were  due  to  the  vast  power  of  the  city 
of  Barcelona  in  conflict  with  the  king,  to  the  difference  in 
interests  of  Aragon  proper  and  Catalonia,  and  to  social 
uprisings.  Social  progress  in  this  region,  but  especially  in 
Catalonia,  was  much  more  marked  than  in  Castile,  merely 
because  there  was  so  much  more  to  gain,  and  great  as 
were  the  advances  made  they  did  not  bring  the  masses 
to  a  state  of  social  freedom  equal  to  that  which  had  been 
attained  in  Castile.  Of  great  importance  to  the  future  of 
Spain  was  the  embarkation  of  Aragon  on  a  career  of  Italian 
conquest.  Fatal  as  Spain's  Italian  aspirations  were  to  be 
in  succeeding  centuries,  that  evil  was  balanced,  at  least 
in  part,  by  a  contact  with  Renaissance  influences  proceeding 
out  of  Italy,  and  by  a  favorable  commerce  which  redounded 
in  many  ways  to  the  benefit  of  Spain.  This  was  one  of  the 
periods  when  the  advantages  of  the  Italian  connection  were 
greater  than  the  disadvantages. 

Pedro  III  (1276-1285)  showed  in  his  short  reign  that  he 
was  a  man  of  his  father's  mould.  Able  as  he  was  he  had  to 
yield  not  a  little  to  his  nobles  and  the  oligarchical  towns,  as 
indeed  had  Jaime  I,  —  as  witness  the  case  of  the  independent 
position  of  the  Justicia  won  from  Jaime  I.     From  Pedro  III 

125 


General 
character- 
istics of 
the  era. 


Pedro  III 
and  the 
nobles. 


126 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Foreign 
policy  of 
Pedro  III. 


these  elements,  especially  those  of  Aragon  proper,  obtained 
the  rights  embodie<l  in  a  document  called  the  "General 
Privilege";  by  this  the  Justicla  was  proclaimed  chief  jus- 
tice for  all  cases  coming  before  the  king,  and  was  made  to 
depend  more  closely  on  the  nobles  and  allied  towns.  They 
also  gained  many  other  privileges,  such  as  the  restoration 
of  the  goods  and  lands  taken  from  them  by  Jaime,  exemption 
from  naval  service,  and  a  reduction  in  the  number  of  days  of 
military  service  required  of  them.  Yet  Pedro  was  able  to 
keep  them  sufficiently  in  hand  to  enable  him  to  embark 
up:)n  an  ambitious  foreign  policy. 

Pedro  took  the  first  step  toward  the  reincorporation  of 
the  realm  left  by  his  father  to  Pedro's  brother  Jaime  when 
he  procured  a  recognition  from  the  latter  that  he  held  his 
kingdom  of  Majorca  as  a  vassal  of  the  king  of  Aragon. 
Reaching  out  still  farther  he  established  a  protectorate  over 
the  Moslem  state  of  Tunis,  gaining  great  commercial  ad- 
vantages at  the  same  time.  The  next  logical  move  was  the 
conquest  of  the  island  of  Sicily.  Two  events  combined  to 
bring  Pedro  III  into  competition  for  dominion  there.  One 
was  his  denial  of  vassalage  to  the  pope,  repudiating  the 
arrangement  of  Pedro  II,  and  the  other  was  his  marriage 
to  Constance,  the  daughter  of  King  Manfred  of  Sicily.  The 
papacy  had  only  recently  won  its  struggle  of  several  cen- 
turies against  the  Hohenstaufen  Holy  Roman  Emperors, 
and  it  claimed  that  the  territory  of  Naples,  or  southern 
Italy  and  Sicily,  was  at  the  pope's  disposal.  Manfred  of 
Sicily  was  a  member  of  the  defeated  imperial  family,  and 
would  not  recognize  the  papal  claim,  whereupon  the  pope 
offered  the  kingdom  as  a  fief  to  the  French  prince,  Charles 
of  Anjou.  Charles  accepted  and  succeeded  in  conquering 
the  island,  putting  Manfred  to  death.  He  then  proceeded 
to  rule  in  tyrannical  fashion,  until  in  1282  he  provoked  the 
celebrated  uprising  known  as  the  "Sicilian  vespers,"  when 
a  terrible  vengeance  was  wreaked  upon  the  followers  of 
Charles.  Pedro  HI  already  had  a  great  army  near  by  in 
Tunis,  and  when  he  was  invited  by  the  Sicilians  to  help 
them  he  accepted,  alleging  the  claims  of  his  wife  to  the 
Sicilian  crown,  and  landing  in  Sicily  in  the  same  year,  1282. 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD  NATIONAL  UNITY,    1276-1479      127 


In  a  short  time  he  was  master  of  the  entire  island,  and 
through  the  exploits  of  his  great  admiral,  Roger  de  Lauria, 
in  control  of  not  a  little  of  the  Italian  coast  as  well,  though 
only  temporarily. 

Affronted  both  by  the  denial  of  vassalage  and  by  the 
conquest  of  Sicily  the  pope  excommunicated  Pedro,  and 
declared  his  deposition  as  king  of  Aragon,  granting  the 
throne  in  his  stead  to  Charles  of  Valois,  second  son  of  the 
king  of  France.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  proclaim  a 
crusade  against  Pedro,  and  a  great  French  army  was  pre- 
pared to  carry  out  his  decision  and  to  establish  the  claim  of 
Charles  of  Valois.  Allies  were  found  in  King  Jaime  of 
Majorca  and  many  of  Pedro's  own  nobles  and  churchmen. 
The  French  forces  soon  overran  much  of  Catalonia,  but 
when  matters  looked  darkest  a  great  naval  victory  by  Roger 
de  Lauria  and  an  epidemic  which  broke  out  in  the  French 
army  turned  the  tide,  and  the  invaders  were  driven  across 
the  PjTcnees.  In  the  same  year  Pedro  died,  but  just  before 
his  death  he  offered  to  return  Sicily  to  the  pope,  —  so  strong 
was  the  prestige  of  the  papacy  in  that  day. 

Pedro's  son,  Alfonso  III  (1285-1291),  had  no  idea  of 
abandoning  Sicily.  He  made  it  into  a  separate  kingdom 
under  his  brother  Jaime,  and  the  strife  with  France  and 
the  pope  went  on.  Alfonso  was  not  of  his  father's  calibre, 
however,  and  in  1291  agreed  to  renounce  the  Sicilian  claim 
and  to  fight  Jaime  if  the  latter  should  fail  to  comply  with 
this  arrangement;  furthermore,  he  agreed  to  pay  the  papal 
tribute  of  the  treaty  of  Pedro  II,  including  all  back  sums  still 
unpaid.  Before  Alfonso  could  act  on  this  agreement  he 
died.  His  reign  had  not  been  free  from  struggles  with  the 
nobility,  and  the  latter  were  in  no  small  degree  responsible 
for  the  weak  result  of  his  foreign  policy;  only  an  excep- 
tionally capable  monarch,  such  as  Pedro  III  had  been,  could 
handle  successfully  the  grave  foreign  and  domestic  problems 
of  the  time.  The  nobles  and  towns  of  Aragon  proper  and 
Valencia  had  banded  together  in  a  league  called  the  Union, 
and  they  used  their  combined  influence  to  exact  new  privi- 
leges from  Alfonso.  When  he  resisted  they  went  so  far  as 
to  conspire  for  the  succession  of  the  French  pretender,  and 


The 

French 

invasion. 


Alfonso 
III. 


Struggles 
with  the 
nobility 
and  the 
Privilege 
of  the 
Union. 


128  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

took  other  extreme  measures  which  soon  decided  the  king 
to  give  way.  In  1287  he  granted  the  famous  "Privilege  of 
the  Union."  '  By  this  document  the  king  was  restrained 
from  proceeding  against  any  member  of  the  Union  without 
the  consent  of  both  the  Justicia  and  the  Cortes,  and  a  council 
was  to  be  appointed  to  accompany  him  and  decide  with 
him  the  matters  of  government  affecting  Aragon  and  Valen- 
cia. If  he  should  fail  to  obser\e  the  Privilege  in  these  and 
other  respects  (for  there  were  other  articles  of  lesser  note) 
the  members  of  the  Union  might  elect  a  new  king.  Thus,  as 
Alfonso  III  put  it,  "There  were  as  many  kings  in  Aragon 
as  there  were  ricoshombres"  (great  nobles).  Jaime  II  (1291- 
1327),  brother  of  the  preceding,  contrived  to  reduce  some 
of  the  privileges  granted  by  this  document,  although  in- 
directly, for  he  recognized  its  legal  force.  He  enacted  laws 
which  were  in  fact  inconsistent  with  it,  and  in  this  way 
managed  to  deprive  the  Justicia  of  some  of  the  vast  power 
to  which  he  had  attained. 
Jaime  II  The  reign  of  Jaime  II  was  especially  interesting  from  the 

and  the  standpoint  of  foreign  affairs.  Having  been  king  in  Sicily, 
Jaime  was  not  disposed  to  surrender  the  island  to  the  pope, 
and  left  his  son,  Fadrique,  there  to  govern  for  him.  Soon 
he  changed  his  mind,  and  made  a  similar  agreement  to  that 
of  Alfonso  III,  whereby  the  island  was  to  be  given  to  the 
pope,  and  Jaime  was  to  employ  force,  if  necessary,  to  achieve 
this  end.  Jaime  was  soon  afterward  granted  Sardinia  and 
Corsica  in  compensation  for  Sicily,  although  they  were  to 
be  held  as  a  fief  from  the  pope,  and  he  was  to  make  good  his 
claim  by  conquering  them.  The  Sicilians  were  not  favor- 
able to  Jaime's  agreement,  and  proceeded  to  elect  Fadrique 
king,  resisting  Jaime's  attempts  to  enforce  his  treaty. 
After  a  long  war,  peace  was  made  in  1302  on  terms  whereby 
Fadrique  married  the  daughter  of  the  Angevin  claimant, 
the  papal  candidate,  and  promised  the  succession  to  his 
father-in-law.     Toward  the  close  of  Jaime's  reign  Sardinia 

I  This  document  ii?  often  rendered  in  English  as  "Privilege  of 
Union,"  a  phrase  which  is  frequently  misunderstood  to  mean, 
privilege  to  unite.  The  use  of  the  article  is  necessary  in  order  to 
give  the  correct  connotation. 


Sicilian 
question. 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD   NATIONAL  UNITY,    1276-1479      129 

was  conquered,  in  1324,  by  the  king's  eldest  son.  It  was 
at  this  time,  too,  that  a  body  of  Catalan  mercenaries  set  up 
their  rule  in  the  duchy  of  Athens,  thus  extending  Catalan 
influence  to  the  eastern  Mediterranean.^ 

Alfonso  IV  "the  Benign"  (1327-1335)  had  a  brief,  not  Alfonso 
very  eventful  reign,  marked  by  wars  with  Pisa  and  Genoa   "the 
for  the  possession  of  Sardinia,  but  more  especially  interesting  Bemgn. 
as  a  preparation  for  the  reign  to  follow.     Alfonso's  second 
wife  tried  to  procure  a  kingdom  for  her  son  by  a  partition 
of  the  realm,  thus  depriving  the  king's  eldest  son,  Pedro, 
of  his  full  inheritance.     Alfonso  was  willing  to  accede  to 
her  wishes,  but  the  energetic  character  of   Pedro,  backed 
by  popular  sentiment,  obliged  him  to  desist  from  the  project. 

Pedro  IV  "the  Ceremonious"  (1335-1387)  forms  a  curious 
parallel  to  his  Castilian  contemporaries,  the  great  Alfonso  XI 
and  the  violent  Pedro  I.     Like  the  latter  he  was  energetic, 

1  The  lack  of  regular  armies  in  the  medieval  period  gave  rise 
to  the  employment  of  mercenary  troops  composed  of  adventurers 
from  all  countries,  whose  presence  became  a  danger  to  the  state, 
once  the  purpose  for  which  they  had  been  hired  had  been  achieved. 
Fadrique  of  Sicily  found  himself  in  this  position  at  the  end  of  the 
war  with  his  father  in  1302.  He  therefore  suggested  to  Roger  de 
Flor,  one  of  his  mercenary  leaders,  that  he  go  to  the  aid  of  the 
Roman  emperor  of  Constantinople,  then  in  grave  danger  from  the 
Turks,  who  had  overrun  Asia  Minor.  Roger  de  Flor  accepted 
the  idea,  and  embarked  for  the  east  with  a  large  body  of  mercenaries, 
many  of  whom  were  Catalans.  Through  their  aid  the  emperor 
won  great  successes  against  the  Turks,  and  he  therefore  granted 
wealth  and  honors  to  his  mercenary  helpers,  with  the  result  that 
yet  more  mercenaries  came  to  share  in  the  prosperity  of  their 
brothers  in  arms.  Some  of  the  Byzantine  Greek  nobles  became 
jealous  of  the  favor  accorded  to  Roger  de  Flor  and  his  men,  and 
planned  a  massacre  which  was  so  successfully  executed  that  that 
leader  and  thousands  of  his  followers  were  killed.  The  survivors, 
some  3300  in  number,  did  not  lose  courage,  but  on  the  contrary 
resolved  to  avenge  this  treachery,  and  did  so,  so  effectively  that 
the  "Catalan  vengeance"  has  become  quite  as  famous  a  term  in 
history  as  the  "Sicilian  vespers."  They  defeated  their  enemies 
in  several  battles,  and  sacked  and  burned  many  towns,  but  at 
length  accepted  a  call  from  the  duke  of  Athens  to  assist  him  in 
his  wars.  They  freed  the  duke  from  the  danger  which  threatened 
him,  but  when  he  tried  to  deal  with  them  as  the  Byzantine  Greeks 
had  done  they  dethroned  him  and  sent  a  message  to  Fadrique  of 
Sicily  asking  him  to  take  them  under  his  protection.  Fadrique 
sent  his  son,  Manfred,  who  established  the  Catalan  duchy  of  Athens, 
which  was  destined  to  endure  over  half  a  century,  from  1326  to 
1387  or   1388. 


130 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Pedro 
"the  Cere- 
monious" 
and  the 
overthrow 
of  seign- 
iorial 
anarchy. 


treacherous,  and  cruel,  but  was  more  hypocritical,  having 
a  great  regard  for  appearances  and  standing  on  the  letter 
of  the  law  (hence  his  nickname).  Withal,  like  Alfonso  XI, 
he  was  the  t\'pe  of  ruler  needed  at  the  time,  and  was  even 
more  successful  than  the  great  Castilian,  for  he  definitely 
decided  the  question  between  the  nobility  and  the  crown. 
The  struggle  began  over  a  dynastic  issue  when  Pedro,  who 
at  the  time  had  no  sons,  endeavored  to  arrange  for  the  suc- 
cession of  his  daughter  Constance,  instead  of  his  brother 
Jaime.  The  nobles  and  the  towns  of  the  Aragonese  and 
Valencian  parts  of  the  kingdom  used  this  event  as  a  pretext 
for  a  renewal  of  the  activities  of  the  Union,  and  in  the  first 
conflict  they  were  too  strong  for  Pedro.  He  was  obliged  in 
1347  to  acknowledge  the  Privilege  of  the  Union,  and  in 
addition  had  to  consent  to  a  division  of  the  kingdom  into 
districts  ruled  by  delegates  of  the  Union,  who  had  broad 
powers,  including  a  right  to  receive  the  taxes,  which  hence- 
forth were  not  to  go  to  the  king.  Pedro  was  not  a  man  to 
bow  at  the  first  defeat,  and  in  the  same  year  renewed  the 
contest.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  Catalonian  nobles  and 
towns  were  on  the  king's  side,  possibly  because  of  their 
interest  in  Mediterranean  expansion,  which  necessitated 
the  backing  of  a  strong  goverimaent.  In  addition,  certain 
democratic  towns  in  Valencia  and  Aragon  joined  Pedro, 
as  well  as  many  individuals  who  resented  the  tjTanny  of 
the  recently  victorious  Union.  In  1348  Pedro  crushed  the 
Aragonese  opposition  at  the  battle  of  Epila,  and  then  over- 
whelmed his  opponents  in  Valencia,  punishing  them  after- 
wards with  a  ruthless  hand,  displaying  a  rather  vitriolic 
humor  when  he  made  some  of  his  enemies  drink  the  molten 
metal  of  which  the  bell  for  calling  meetings  of  the  Union 
had  been  composed.  The  legal  effect  of  these  victories 
was  little  more  than  the  nullification  of  the  Privilege  of  the 
Union  and  a  reduction  of  the  powers  of  the  Justicia  and  of 
the  exaggerated  pretensions,  social  and  otherwise,  of  the 
nobles,  while  the  General  Privilege  and  other  royal  charters 
remained  in  force.  In  fact,  however,  a  death-blow  had 
been  struck  at  feudal  anarchy,  and  the  tendency  henceforth 
was  toward  centralization  and  absolutism. 


DEVELOPMENT   TOWARD   NATIONAL  UNITY,    1276-1479      131 


The  reign  of  Pedro  was  not  without  note,  also,  in  foreign 
affairs.  Even  before  setthng  his  dispute  with  the  Union 
he  had  accompHshed  something  for  the  aggrandizement  of 
Aragon.  He  somewhat  treacherously  provoked  a  quarrel 
with  the  king  of  Majorca,  and  then  conquered  the  island 
in  1343.  Proceeding  at  once  against  the  same  king's  pos- 
sessions in  southern  France  he  incorporated  them  into  his 
kingdom.  Pedro  had  also  assisted  Alfonso  XI  of  Castile 
against  the  Benimerines,  contributing  to  the  victory  of  the 
Salado  in  1340.  The  war  with  Genoa  and  the  uprisings  in 
Sardinia  which  had  filled  the  reign  of  his  predecessor  gave 
trouble  also  to  Pedro,  but  after  a  campaign  in  Sardinia  in 
person  he  was  able  temporarily  to  get  the  upper  hand.  His 
intervention  in  the  civil  wars  of  Castile  has  already  been 
noted,  and  from  these  he  came  out  with  some  not  greatly 
important  advantages.  He  also  cast  his  eyes  upon  Sicily 
with  a  view  to  restoring  it  to  the  direct  authority  of  the 
Aragonese  crown,  although  this  was  not  accomplished  in 
his  reign,  and  he  encouraged  commercial  relations  with  the 
lands  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean.  In  1381  he  accepted 
an  offer  to  become  the  sovereign  of  the  Catalan  duchy  of 
Athens.  These  events  were  more  indicative  of  a  conscious 
Catalan  policy  of  predominance  in  the  Mediterranean  than 
important  in  themselves. 

The  reigns  of  the  next  two  kings,  Juan  I  (1387-1395)  and 
Martin  I  (1395-1410),  were  more  important  from  the  stand- 
point of  social  institutions  than  in  external  political  events. 
In  the  former  reign  occurred  the  loss  of  the  duchy  of  Athens. 
In  the  latter,  the  island  of  Sicily,  as  foreseen  by  Pedro  IV, 
returned  to  the  Aragonese  line  when  Martin  of  Sicily  suc- 
ceeded his  father  as  king  of  Aragon.  On  the  death  of 
Martin  without  issue,  a  dispute  arose  as  to  the  succession 
to  the  throne.  The  most  prominent  claimants  were  Ferdi- 
nand of  Antequera,  then  regent  of  Castile,  a  son  of  Martin's 
sister,  and  Jaime,  count  of  Urgel,  son  of  a  cousin  of  JNIartin. 
Ferdinand  was  supported  by  the  Aragonese  anti-pope, 
Benedict  XIII,^  by  the  ecclesiastical  and  popular  elements 

*  This  was  at  the  time  of  the  Great  Schism  in  the  church.  Ben- 
edict was  an  Avignon  pope. 


Pedro's 
successful 
foreign 
policy. 


Juan  I 
and 
Martin  I. 


The  dis- 
pute over 
the  suc- 
cession 
and  the 
crowning 
of  Ferdi- 
nand I. 


132 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Alfonso 
"the 

Magnani- 
mous" 
and 

Aragonese 
expansion 
into  Italy. 


Juan  II, 
J  nana 
Enriquez, 
and 

Charles  of 
Viana. 


of  most  of  Aragon  proper,  by  various  nobles,  and  by  the 
political  influence  of  the  Castilian  state,  while  Jaime  counted 
on  the  popular  support  of  Catalonia  and  Valencia  and  of 
part  of  Aragon,  as  well  as  on  various  noble  families.  Jaime 
had  the  advantage  of  being  a  native  of  the  kingdom,  while 
Ferdinand  was  looked  upon  as  a  foreigner,  but  as  a  matter  of 
law  Ferdinand  had  the  better  claim.  For  two  years  there 
were  serious  distiu-bances  on  the  part  of  the  noble  families, 
which  united  their  personal  rivalries  to  the  question  of  the 
dynastic  succession.  Finally,  the  matter  was  left  to  a 
commission  of  nine,  three  each  from  Aragon,  Catalonia, 
and  Valencia,  and  this  body  rendered  a  decision,  in  1412,  in 
favor  of  the  Castilian  claimant,  who  thereby  became  Ferdi- 
nand I  of  Aragon  (1410-1416).  Jaime  resisted  for  a  time, 
but  was  soon  obliged  to  submit,  and  was  imprisoned  in  a 
castle,  although  well  treated  there. 

Ferdinand  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Alfonso  V,  called 
variously  "the  Learned"  or  "the  Magnanimous"  (1416- 
1458),  under  whom  the  Catalan  policy  of  Mediterranean 
expansion  advanced  to  a  stage  far  beyond  anything  pre- 
viously attempted.  Most  of  his  reign  was  passed  by  him 
in  warfare  in  Italy.  Invited  by  the  queen  of  Naples,  who 
adopted  him  as  her  heir,  to  assist  her  against  the  house  of 
Anjou,  Alfonso  was  at  length  able  to  dominate  the  land  and 
to  set  up  a  brilliant  court  at  the  city  of  Naples.  He  also 
intervened  successfully  in  other  wars,  and  even  thought  of 
attempting  to  reconquer  Constantinople  from  the  Turks, 
for  that  city  had  been  taken  by  them  in  1453.  Meanwhile, 
his  absence  from  his  Spanish  dominions  permitted  of  a 
revival  of  internal  disorders,  which  were  to  come  to  a  head 
in  the  next  reign.  Alfonso  gave  Naples  (southern  Italy) 
to  his  illegitimate  son  Ferdinand,  and  the  rest  of  his  domains, 
including  Sardinia  and  Sicily,  to  his  brother  Juan. 

Prior  to  his  succession  to  the  Aragonese  throne  Juan  II 
(1458-1479)  had  married  the  queen  of  Navarre,  and  at  her 
wish,  consented  to  by  their  son,  Charles,  Prince  of  Viana, 
had  continued  to  act  as  king  of  that  land  after  his  wife's 
death.  He  had  contracted  a  second  marriage  with  a  Cas- 
tilian   lady,    Juana    Enriquez,    and   her    intrigues    against 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD  NATIONAL  UNITY,    1276-1479      133 

Charles  of  Viana  had  already  caused  that  prince  no  little 
trouble.  In  the  interests  of  her  own  children  (one  of  whom, 
the  later  great  King  Ferdinand,  was  to  be  a  worthy  exemplar 
of  the  scheming  traits  of  his  mother)  she  plotted  to  deprive 
him  of  his  rights,  first  to  the  throne  of  Navarre,  and  later, 
after  Juan  had  succeeded  to  the  Aragonese  crown,  to  that  of 
Aragon.  The  Catalans  took  up  the  cause  of  Charles  of 
Viana  with  enthusiasm,  and  when  Juan  refused  to  declare 
him  his  heir  civil  war  broke  out,  not  only  in  Catalonia,  but 
also  in  Aragon  and  Navarre.  Charles  was  at  first  successful, 
and  his  father  consented  to  recognize  him  as  his  successor 
and  to  appoint  him  governor  of  Catalonia,  but  the  agree- 
ment had  hardly  been  signed  when  the  young  prince  died. 
Public  opinion  ascribed  his  death  to  poisoning  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  his  step-mother,  and  so  great  was  the  general  in- 
dignation over  this  event  that  civil  war  in  Catalonia  broke  The  revolt 
out  afresh.  The  Catalans  were  at  a  legal  disadvantage  of  the 
in  not  having  a  legitimate  lord  to  set  up  against  Juan  11.  ^^^^^^^^' 
They  elected  various  individuals  as  count  of  Barcelona,  and 
even  thought  of  organizing  a  republic,  but  the  successive 
deaths  of  their  chosen  rulers,  and  the  length  of  the  war, 
which  had  already  lasted  twelve  years,  inclined  many, 
toward  the  close  of  the  year  1470,  to  make  peace  with  the 
king.  The  very  misfortunes  of  the  latter,  despite  the 
crimes  which  he  had  committed,  tended  to  this  end,  for  he 
had  again  become  a  widower,  and  was  blind  and  alone,  for 
his  son,  Ferdinand,  had  remained  in  Castile  after  his  im- 
portant marriage  with  Isabella  in  1469.  Finally,  in  1472, 
a  peace  satisfactory  to  both  sides  was  arranged.  It  is  to 
be  noted  that  this  war  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  earlier 
struggle  of  the  lords  against  the  king,  but  was  sustained 
rather  by  the  city  of  Barcelona  and  the  permanent  com- 
mittee, or  deputation,  representing  the  Cortes  of  Catalonia, 
against  the  king,  being  fought  mostly  in  Catalonia,  and 
being  involved  also  with  the  attempts  of  the  Catalan  peasant 
classes  to  shake  off  the  social  burdens  which  they  had  so 
long  been  obliged  to  bear.  The  former  seigniorial  stronghold 
of  Aragon  proper  was  in  this  war  the  most  powerful  royalist 
element.    The  closing  years  of  Juan's  reign  were  devoted 


134 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


to  a  war  against  France  for  the  reconquest  of  Cerdagne 
and  the  Roussillon,  which  had  previously  been  granted  by- 
Juan  to  the  French  king  in  return  for  support  against  the 
former's  Catahin  enemies.  This  war  was  still  going  on 
when,  in  1479,  Juan  died,  and  Ferdinand  ascended  the  throne, 
to  rule,  j()intl\-  with  Isabella,  the  entire  realms  of  Castile 
and  Aragon.  Thus  had  the  evil  intrigues  of  Juana  Enriquez 
redounded  to  the  benefit  of  Spain. 


Navarre 
re-enters 
the  cur- 
rent of 
peninsula 
history. 


Early 
history  of 
the 

Basque 
provinces 
and  their 
ultimate 
incorpora- 
tion in 
the  king- 
dom of 
Castile. 


Namrre 

From  1285  to  1328  Navarre  was  a  French  province,  but 
recovered  its  independence  under  the  house  of  Evreux  on 
the  death  of  Charles  IV  of  France  without  succession.  The 
next  heir  after  Charles  of  Viana  was  his  sister  Blanche,  but 
her  father,  Juan  II  of  Aragon,  had  her  imprisoned,  and  a 
younger  sister,  Leonor,  was  enthroned  in  her  stead. ^  Leonor 
and  her  husband,  the  count  of  Foix,  established  a  new 
dynasty  which  was  destined  to  be  of  short  duration,  for  in 
1512  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  conquered  Spanish  Navarre. 
French  Navarre  remained  for  a  time  under  the  rule  of  the 
house  of  Foix,  but  presently  became  a  part  of  the  kingdom 
of  France. 

The  Basque  Provinces 

The  three  Basque  provinces  of  Alava,  Vizcaya,  and 
Guipuzcoa  had  more  of  interest  in  their  internal  organi- 
zation than  in  their  external  political  history,  since  in  the 
latter  respect  they  were  closely  united  to  Navarre  and 
Castile,  which  states  disputed  the  dominion  of  these 
provinces.  They  were  usually  subject  to  one  power  or 
the  other,  although  some  of  their  towns,  together  with 
others  of  the  Castilian  north  coast,  formed  themselves  into 
leagues  (hermandades),  and  enjoyed  a  certain  amount  of 
independence  in  their  dealings  with  England  and  France. 

1  Blanche  was  the  unfortunate  queen  divorced  by  Henry  the 
Impotent  of  Castile.  Shortly  after  her  imprisonment  in  Navarre 
she  died  suddenly,  probably  poisoned  by  order  of  her  sister. 


DEVELOPMENT  TOWARD   NATIONAL  UNITY,    1276-1479      135 

A  number  of  popular  beliefs  exist  with  regard  to  the  history 
of  these  provinces,  one  of  which  is  that  they  have  never  been 
conquered.  It  is  true  that  no  conqueror  ever  stamped  out 
the  indomitable  spirit  and  the  customs  of  the  people,  but 
the  land  was  rarely  independent.  It  is  believed  that  the 
Moslem  invasion  of  the  eighth  centiu*y  did  not  extend  to 
these  provinces,  but  at  a  later  time  they  did  suffer  from 
Moslem  incursions.  ^  With  the  organization  of  the  kingdom 
of  Asturias,  both  Alava  and  Vizcaya  seem  to  have  been 
either  dependent  on  that  realm  or  at  least  in  close  relation- 
ship with  it.  At  times,  from  the  eighth  to  the  tenth  centuries, 
the  counts  of  Alava  were  also  counts  of  Castile.^  Passing 
into  the  hands  of  Sancho  the  Great  of  Navarre,  Alava  was 
incorporated  in  that  kingdom  until  the  reign  of  iVlfonso 
VIII  of  Castile.  Alfonso  VIII  won  the  battle  of  Vitoria, 
and  conquered  the  land  in  1200.  Thenceforth  it  remained 
under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Castilian  monarch,  although 
with  an  assembly,  the  Cofradia  (Fraternity,  or  Association) 
of  Arriaga,  of  its  own.  In  1332,  in  the  reign  of  Alfonso  XI,  the 
incorporation  with  Castile  was  made  complete,  although  with 
a  retention  of  the  charters  and  liberties  of  the  province. 
Vizcaya  also  vacillated  between  Navarre  and  Castile  as  a 
more  or  less  independent,  protected  country,  until  in  1370  it 
passed  over  to  the  Castilian  crown  by  inheritance  of  the 
wife  of  Henry  III.  The  course  of  events  in  Guipuzcoa  was 
very  similar.  In  1200  the  province  submitted  to  the  con- 
queror of  Vitoria,  and  from  that  time  forth  the  external  po- 
litical history  of  Guipuzcoa  was  that  of  Castile. 


Granada 

The  Moslem  state  of  Granada  was  of  very  slight  political 
importance  in  this  period,  despite  its  by  no  means  insignif- 
icant territorial  extent,  wealth,  and  population.  It  was  a 
mere  political  accident,  annoying  to  the  Christians  at  times, 
but  as  a  rule  not  worthy  of  serious  consideration  as  an  enemy. 
It  was  precisely  because  it  was  not  greatly  to  be  feared  or 
very  troublesome  that  it  was  permitted  to  maintain  its 
independence.     It  is  to  be  noted,  also,  that  there  was  very 


Inconse- 
quential 
character 
of  Grana- 
dine 
political 
history. 


136  A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 

little  of  the  crusading  spirit  in  these  centuries ;  if  there  had 
been,  Granada  WDuld  soon  have  been  conquered.  On 
several  occasions,  when  the  rulers  of  Granada  called  in  the 
Benimerines  and  others  from  Africa,  the  Moslems  were  a 
serious  peril  to  Christian  Spain,  but  the  battle  of  the  Salado 
in  1340  proved  decisive,  being  followed  by  a  decline  of  the 
political  strength  of  the  Moslem  states  of  northern  Africa. 
After  1340  the  rulers  of  Granada  limited  themselves,  in  their 
relations  with  the  Christian  states,  to  intervening  in  Castile 
during  periods  of  civil  war,  or  to  asking  Castilian  aid  at 
times  of  internal  strife  in  Granada.  Uprisings  and  de- 
thronements were  of  frequent  occurrence,  but  so  too  were 
Moslem  raids  into  Castilian  territory. 


CHAPTER  XII 


SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION  IN  SPAIN,   1252-1479 


Castile 

As  regards  social  organization  this  period  represents 
merely  an  evolution  of  the  factors  which  had  already  ap- 
peared in  the  preceding  era,  and  its  chief  results  were  the 
following :  the  end  of  serfdom ;  the  advance  of  the  middle 
class  and  its  opposition  to  the  lords,  principally  through  its 
jurisconsults  and  the  cabaUeros  of  the  towns ;  an  increase 
in  the  privileges  of  the  clergy ;  and  additional  landed  wealth 
for  the  nobles  through  the  donations  of  the  kings  or  private 
conquests.  The  principal  social  struggle  was  no  longer  that 
of  the  serfs  against  their  lords,  but  rather  of  the  middle  class, 
as  represented  by  the  wealthier  citizens  of  the  towns,  against 
the  nobles  and  clergy  for  legal  equality,  especially  as  regards 
taxation  and  other  duties  to  the  state.  The  disappearance 
of  serfdom  did  not  bring  economic  well-being  to  the  agri- 
cultural laborers ;  their  fortunes  in  this  regard  were  often 
as  vexatious  and  hard  to  bear  as  their  former  personal 
dependence  had  been.  At  the  same  time,  the  poorer  people 
of  the  towns  became  a  fairly  numerous  class,  but  they  were 
in  a  position  of  inferiority  as  compared  with  the  wealthier 
citizens. 

Through  civil  wars  and  the  weakness  of  the  kings  the 
power  of  the  nobles,  both  socially  and  politically,  appeared 
to  increase.  They  did  not  confine  their  strife  to  opposition 
to  the  king,  but  fought  one  another  incessantly,  not  for  any 
political  or  other  ideal,  but  mainly  for  personal  reasons. 
Such  was  the  nature  of  the  wars,  for  example,  between  the 

137 


Social 
changes  of 
the  era  in 
Castile. 


Social  and 
political 
prestige  of 
the 
nobility. 


138 


A   HISTORY  OF  SPMN 


F*rimo- 
geniture 
and  lali- 
iundia. 


Guzman  and  Ponce  families  of  Seville.  As  time  went  on, 
these  intra-class  struggles  increased,  being  more  numerous 
than  ever  in  the  fifteenth  century.  The  nobility  would 
have  destroyed  itself  if  the  kings  had  known  how  to  take 
advantage  of  the  situation,  but  most  of  them  failed  to  ap- 
preciate their  oi)portunity.  Sancho  IV,  Alfonso  XI,  Pedro 
I,  and  Henry  III  tried  to  reduce  the  nobles  by  direct  attack, 
and  Henry  IV  gave  special  attention  to  the  development 
of  a  new  nobility  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  old,  but  usually 
the  kings  dared  to  fight  only  indirectly,  as  by  granting  the 
petitions  of  the  towns  which  involved  a  diminution  of 
seigniorial  authority.  Two  circumstances  in  addition  to 
their  political  victories  tended  to  secure  the  position  of  the 
nobles  :  the  adoption  of  the  law  of  primogeniture  with  regard 
to  the  succession  to  both  their  titles  and  their  lands ;  and 
the  increase  in  the  territorial  domains  in  the  possession  of 
the  nobles.  By  the  law  of  primogeniture  the  wealth  of  the 
family  and  the  lustre  of  its  name  were  given  in  charge  of  the 
eldest  son,  maintaining  in  this  way  the  powerful  position 
of  the  particular  noble  house.  The  second  sons  {segiindones) , 
in  large  measure  disinherited,  sought  a  career  as  members  of 
the  clergy  or  as  soldiers.  Henry  II  himself  was  partly 
responsible  for  the  introduction  of  this  new  practice  of  the 
nobility,  and  he  and  later  kings  usually  required  that  the 
lands  granted  by  them  to  the  nobles  should  be  inalienable 
and  subject  to  the  law  of  primogeniture.  The  royal  dona- 
tions, which  were  especially  great  from  the  time  of  Henry  II 
on,  were  usually  of  two  kinds :  honores  (honors),  or  grants 
of  the  fiscal  rights  which  the  king  had  in  a  specifically  named 
place;  and  tierras  (lands),  or  grants  of  a  fixed  rent  on  a 
certain  town  or  towns.  Both  forms  were  termed  generally 
grants  in  encomienda.  The  nobles  increased  their  holdings 
yet  more  by  usurpations  and  private  conquests.  Early  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  IV,  for  example,  the  Duke  of  Medina 
Sidonia  and  other  nobles  conquered  territories  of  vast  size 
from  the  Moslems,  and  these  latifundia  (broad  estates)  have 
influenced  even  to  the  present  day  the  economic  life  of 
Andalusia. 

The  cahalleros  of  the  military  orders  were  a  notably  im- 


SOCIAL   ORGANIZATION   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479  139 

portant  element.  A  noble  of  high  rank  was  usually  chosen  Decline 
as  grand  master,  and  this  gave  him  a  preponderantly  strong  of  the 
position.  The  vast  power  of  these  orders  was  the  cause  of  "^^l^tary 
their  downfall,  the  impulse  for  which  came  from  without, 
through  the  joint  action  of  the  French  monarchy  and  the 
popes.  The  order  of  the  Templars,  the  strongest  of  all,  was 
abolished  by  the  pope  in  1312,  and  this  reacted  to  cause  a 
decline  of  the  other  orders.  Furthermore,  the  reason  for 
their  existence  ceased  with  the  entry  of  the  Turks  into 
Europe  and  the  cessation  of  the  Spanish  crusades.  Except 
as  concerned  the  military  orders  the  nobles  seemed  to  have 
reached  the  height  of  their  social  ambitions,  conducting 
themselves  in  a  lawless  manner  with  a  more  or  less  complete 
lack  of  loyalty,  high  ideals,  or  moral  sense,  but  (as  will  be 
pointed  out  in  the  following  chapter)  their  authority  ap- 
peared to  be  greater  than  it  actually  was.^ 

The  personal   immunities   of  the   clergy  were  not  only  Social  im- 
extended,  but  were  also  made  applicable  to  a  greater  num-  portance 
ber  than  formerly,  and  the  wealth  of  the  church  was  in-     , 
creased.     Not  only  priests,  but  also  their  servants  and  the 
members  of  the  religious  orders,   including  even  those  of 
the  lay  orders,  acquired  the  so-called  "benefit  of  clergy," 

1  The  figure  of  Pedro  Lopez  de  Ayala  (1332-1407)  is  typical 
of  the  nobility  of  the  times,  illustrating  also  the  new  tendency  to 
win  triumphs  in  court  intrigues  rather  than  in  warlike  pursuits. 
Despite  the  facihty  wit^h  which  he  changed  from  one  side  to  another, 
he  was  able  to  procure  a  profit  for  himself  (even  out  of  his  reverses) 
without  scandal  and  under  a  pretence  of  serving  the  pubUc  good, 
being  always  on  the  border  of  immorality  without  falling  openly 
and  resolutely  into  it.  Thus  he  was  able  to  rise  from  untitled 
poverty  to  nobility  and  extraordinary  wealth,  and  to  the  position 
of  chancellor  of  Castile.  He  was  also  the  most  noted  historian  of 
his  time. 

A  worthy  successor  of  the  preceding  was  Pedro  Tellez  Girdn, 
grand  master  of  Calatrava,  whose  achievements  occupied  the 
latter  years  of  Juan  II  and  most  of  the  reign  of  Henry  IV.  As  a 
favorite  of  the  latter  before  he  became  king  he  was  influential  in 
causing  the  downfall  of  Alvaro  de  Luna,  and  profited  by  that  event 
to  secure  honors  and  wealth  for  himself,  so  that  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  IV  he  proved  to  be  the  most  powerful  of  the  Castilian  lords. 
He  was  also  one  of  the  most  turbulent  and  disloyal  of  the  nobles, 
and  knew  how  to  procure  a  good  price  for  his  services  in  the  civil 
wars  of  his  time.  He  would  have  married  Isabella,  the  successor 
of  Henry  IV,  if  he  had  Uved,  and  in  that  event  the  history  of  Spain 
might  have  taken  a  different  course. 


140 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Advance 
of  the 
middle 
class. 


which  exempted  them  from  certain  financial  obligations  to 
the  state  and  to  the  towns,  and  secured  them  the  privilege 
of  being  subject  judicially  to  the  ecclesiastical  courts  only. 
Fiu'thermore,  entry  into  religious  orders  became  so  com- 
paratively easy  that  the  number  of  ecclesiastics  proper  in- 
creased greatly,  although  many  of  them  continued  to  be 
business  men,  lawyers,  administrative  officers,  and  even 
jugglers  and  buffoons,  frequently  leading  a  licentious  life. 
Similarly,  the  mendicant  orders  had  lost  their  early  ideals 
of  poverty  and  self-sacrifice,  and  besides  being  lax  at  times 
in  their  mode  of  life  were  devoting  themselves  to  the  ac- 
quisition of  wealth,  especially  by  procuring  inheritances. 
These  conditions  were  cited  in  complaint  after  complaint 
of  the  national  Cortes,  asking  the  king  for  their  redress. 
Finally,  Henry  II  issued  a  law,  confirmed  by  Juan  I,  that 
clergymen  should  contribute  to  the  funds  applied  on  public 
works,  and  that  lands  which  had  been  tributary  should  con- 
tinue to  pay  taxes  after  their  acquisition  by  the  church. 
These  laws  seem  not  to  have  been  complied  with,  for  the 
complaints  were  renewed  in  later  meetings  of  the  Cortes; 
it  was  charged  that  the  clergymen  excommunicated  the  tax 
collectors.  On  the  other  hand  the  right  of  the  church  to 
collect  the  diezmo,  or  tithe  (not  precisely  a  tenth),  of  the 
produce  of  lands  not  their  own,  a  right  which  had  already 
existed  in  some  jm-isdictions,  became  general.  The  king 
profited  by  this  arrangement,  since  a  portion  called  the  royal 
thirds  {tercias  reales)  ^  went  to  him  for  expenditure  for 
public  charities  or  pious  works,  such  as  the  building  of 
churches,  although  the  kings  did  not  always  so  employ  it.^ 

The  same  causes  which  had  conduced  to  the  development 
of  the  middle  class  in  the  preceding  era  were  accentuated  to 
procure  a  corresponding  advance  in  this,  —  such  as  the  in- 
crease in  population,  the  growth  of  industry,  commerce, 
and  agriculture,  the  freedom  of  the  servile  classes,  the 
prominence  of  the  jurisconsults  and  secondary  nobility,  or 

1  Usually  the  "royal  thirds"  amounted  to  two-ninths.  At  a 
later  time,  both  in  Spain  and  the  colonies,  this  tax  was  specifically 
called  the  das  novenas  (two-ninths). 

2  The  customs  of  the  clergy  will  be  taken  up  more  fully  in  chapter 
XIV. 


SOCIAL   ORGANIZATION   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479  141 

cahalleros  (proceeding  usually  from  the  towns,  and  living 
there  allied  with  the  middle  class  against  the  greater  nobles), 
and  the  great  political  importance  which  the  towns  acquired. 
The  basis  of  the  middle  class  was  the  town,  partisan  of  the 
centralizing,  absolutist  tendency  of  the  kings  so  far  as  it 
related  to  the  nobles  and  clergy,  but  strenuously  insistent 
on  the  retention  of  its  own  local  charter.  The  middle  class 
had  control  of  production  and  was  the  nerve  of  the  state, 
but  was  virtually  the  only  element  to  pay  taxes,  despite  the 
fact  that  the  great  bulk  of  territorial  wealth  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  nobility  and  the  church.  The  term  "  middle  class  " 
began  to  refer  more  and  more  clearly  to  the  wealthier,  free, 
but  untitled  element,  for  the  laboring  class  became  more 
prominent  in  the  towns,  sharing  in  the  charter  privileges  of 
their  richer  neighbors,  but  with  certain  limitations  on  their 
economic  liberty.  There  was  no  social  conflict  of  consequence 
between  the  two  classes,  however,  for  the  laborers  were  not 
yet  very  numerous,  and  the  evils  of  their  situation  were  not 
so  great  as  they  later  became,  besides  which,  self-interest 
united  them  with  the  middle  class  against  the  nobles  and 
clergy.  Such  strife  as  there  was  between  them  was  of  a 
political,  and  not  of  a  social,  character.  The  so-called  popu- 
lar element  of  the  Cortes  represented  the  middle  class  only. 
The  practice  of  forming  leagues  (hermandades)  of  towns  and 
cahalleros  against  the  abuses  of  the  higher  nobility  was 
much  indulged  in,  for  it  was  not  safe  to  rely  solely  on  the 
king.  The  victory  in  the  end  lay  with  the  towns,  although 
they  were  far  from  obtaining  their  specific  aims  at  this  time. 
Nevertheless,  the  fourteenth  century  was  characterized  by 
the  transformation  of  society  from  its  earlier  basis  of  chivalry 
and  war,  when  the  scene  had  been  laid  in  the  castles  of  the 
country,  to  the  bourgeois  life  of  the  towns,  devoted  to  in- 
dustry and  commerce. 

The  rural  servile  classes,  which  had  all  but  won  complete  Improved 
personal  liberty  in  the  preceding  period,  attained  both  that  basis  of 
and  nearly  complete  economic  liberty  at  this  time.     Thus  ''^"'f'^ 
the  ordinance  of  Valladolid,  in  1325,  prohibited  the  lords 
from  retaining  either  the  realty  or  the  personalty  of  any  man 
who  should  move  from  seigniorial  to  royal  lands,  preserving 


142 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Slavery. 


Treat- 
ment of 
the  Mud6- 
jares. 


the  owner's  right  to  cultivate  or  sell  his  lands,  and  to  make 
any  use  he  saw  fit  of  his  personal  effects.  The  ordinance  of 
Alcala,  of  1348,  took  a  step  backward,  limiting  the  owner's 
freedom  of  sale,  lest  the  lands  fall  into  privileged,  non- 
taxpaying  hands,  and  requiring  him  to  keep  somebody  on 
the  land,  so  that  there  might  always  be  a  taxpayer  there. 
Finally,  the  ideal  of  the  ordinance  of  Valladolid  prevailed. 
At  the  same  time,  the  old  servile  relation  whereby  the  lord 
procured  the  cultivation  of  his  own  lands  changed  to  one  of 
landlord  and  tenant,  based  on  the  payment  of  a  stipulated 
rent.  The  fact  that  there  were  no  social  struggles  in  Castile 
in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  is  evidence  of  the 
comparatively  satisfactory  condition  of  the  rural  classes. 
Naturally,  there  were  abuses  of  an  extra-legal  character  by 
the  nobles,  such  as  the  forced  loans  exacted  by  them,  the 
compulsory  marriages  of  rich  widows  to  members  of  a  lord's 
following,  and  outright  robbery,  but  the  real  interests  of 
the  lords  called  for  them  to  use  conciliatory  measures  to 
attract  population,  and  some  of  them  at  least  did  follow 
that  policy.  Personal  slavery  still  continued,  but  the  num- 
ber of  slaves  was  very  greatly  diminished  and  gradually  got 
smaller,  —  a  tendency  which  was  favored  by  the  laws. 

The  free  Mud ej  ares  continued  to  receive  lenient  treatment, 
and  their  numbers  increased  greatly ;  many  of  the  Moslem 
faith  preferred  to  leave  Granada  and  live  in  Christian  Castile. 
The  legislation  of  Alfonso  X  put  them  under  the  royal  pro- 
tection and  allowed  them  to  have  their  own  courts  and  their 
own  law.  They  were  permitted  to  retain  the  mosques  they 
already  had,  but  were  forbidden  to  build  new  ones;  they 
could  not  worship  in  public  in  places  settled  chiefly  by 
Christians,  but  otherwise  no  objection  was  made ;  the 
obligations  of  former  times  as  regards  taxation,  mode  of 
dress,  and  dealings  with  Christians  were  also  retained ;  and 
the  gathering  of  Mudejares  into  the  cities,  despite  the  greater 
number  of  restrictions  imposed  upon  them,  went  on,  caused 
by  the  abuses  of  an  unofficial  character  to  which  they  were 
subjected  at  the  hands  of  the  Christian  population  in  the 
country.  In  later  reigns  the  restrictions  were  increased, 
but  many  of  them  were  not  enforced.     In  fact,  the  Mudejares 


SOCIAL   ORGANIZATION   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479  143 

enjoyed  greater  prosperity  in  the  last  reign  of  the  era  than 
at  any  other  time  of  the  period,  being  a  wealthy  and  im- 
portant social  element,  represented  at  court  even,  and  en- 
joying a  number  of  advantages  which  for  a  long  time  had 
been  denied  them. 

For  a  while  the  legal  situation  of  the  Jews  was  comparable  Harsh 
to  that  of  the  Mudejares,  but  the  Christian  clergy  was  measures 
particularly  vindictive  against  the  former,  and  popular  f'g^i^^* 
sentiment  was  bitterly  hostile  to  them,  due  not  only  to  the 
influence  of  the  church,  but  also  in  part  to  hatred  of  the 
Jewish  tax  collectors,  and  partly  to  the  avarice  awakened 
by  the  wealth  of  the  Jews  (fabulously  exaggerated  as  a  rule). 
This  enmity  was  evidenced  in  more  and  more  restrictive 
laws  and  in  the  open  insults  and  violence  of  the  Christian 
populace.  Popular  feeling  began  to  make  itself  more 
rigorously  felt  from  about  the  year  1391.  In  1391  a  great 
massacre  of  the  Jews  took  place  in  Seville,  and  this  was  a  sig- 
nal for  similar  massacres  in  other  parts  of  Spain.  Shortly 
afterward  the  Jews  lost  their  separate  law  courts;  they 
were  forbidden  among  other  things  to  engage  in  commerce 
with  Christians,  to  rent  the  taxes  ^  or  hold  public  positions, 
to  be  artisans,  to  carry  arms,  or  to  have  intimate  relations 
with  Christians ;  and  they  were  even  compelled  to  listen  to 
sermons  preached  with  a  view  to  their  conversion.  These 
laws  were  not  always  enforced,  but  the  position  of  the  Jews 
was  far  from  equalling  that  of  the  Mudejares.  Great  num- 
bers of  them  were  converted,  but  it  was  believed,  probably 
with  truth,  that  they  continued  to  practise  the  Jewish  faith 
in  secret.  The  converts  were  insulted  by  their  Christian  The 
brethren,  even  in  the  name  "Marranos"  (pigs)  applied  to  Marranos. 
them  as  a  class.  They  were  also  envied  because  of  their 
industry  and  wealth,  and  were  accused  of  diabolical  practices 
of  which  they  were  almost  certainly  not  guilty.  In  the  last 
years  of  the  reign  of  Henry  IV  the  massacres  of  Jews  began  to 
be  extended  to  them  as  well  as  to  the  unconverted  element. 

Two  forces  combined  to  change  the  former  type  of  family 
life :  the  Roman  civil  law  (of  tremendous  importance) ;  and 

1  It  was  still  the  practice  to  farm  out  the  revenues  for  a  fixed 
sum,  leaving  the  contractor  to  collect  them  as  a  private  venture. 


144 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Changes 
in  the 
laws  of 
marriage, 
the  family, 
and 
property. 


Survivals 
of 

medieval 
col- 
lectivity. 


the  doctrines  of  the  church,  which  indeed  in  their  judicial 
expression  were  influenced  profoundly  by  the  Roman  law. 
They  were  able  to  strike  a  death-blow  at  the  marriage  d 
yuras;  henceforth  the  law  recpiired  the  sanction  of  the 
church.  BarriKjanui  still  maintained  a  legal  though  re- 
stricted standing.  Cases  of  marriage  and  divorce  were 
taken  away  from  civil  jm-isdiction  and  turned  over  to  the 
ecclesiastical  courts.  As  an  illustration  of  the  individualistic 
tendencies  springing  from  the  influence  of  Roman  juris- 
l)rudence  it  may  be  noted  that  up  to  twenty-five  years  of 
age  a  daughter  had  to  have  her  father's  consent  in  order  to 
contract  marriage,  but  could  dispense  with  his  permission 
after  that  time.  The  most  important  reform  in  family  life 
was  the  establishment  of  the  rule  of  primogeniture,  a  practice 
which  rapidly  became  customary.  The  Roman  law  was 
equally  influential  in  its  effects  upon  property.  Whereas 
formerly  the  wealth  of  Castile  had  been  based  on  agriculture 
and  stock-raising,  with  the  land  concentrated  in  few  hands 
and  cultivated  by  serfs,  now  urban  lands  and  personalty, 
based  on  industry  and  commerce  and  adapted  to  Roman 
principles,  became  the  more  important;  and  despite  the 
latifundia  of  the  era  a  large  part  of  the  former  seigniorial 
lands  was  now  given  over  in  small  lots  to  free  proprietors 
protected  by  the  law.  The  Roman  formalism  appeared  to 
some  extent  also  in  the  law  of  property,  contract,  and  wills, 
especially  in  the  legislation  of  Alfonso  X. 

The  collectivity  of  medieval  times  had  a  survival  in  the 
lands  common  of  the  towns,  and  appeared  also  in  the  in- 
dustrial guilds  and  the  semi-religious  cofradias,  or  fraternities. 
The  latter  included  various  classes  of  people  organized  into 
a  group  for  the  accomplishment  of  some  social  object,  such 
as  to  perform  acts  of  charity  or  hold  funerary  dinners,  as 
well  as  to  provide  mutual  aid ;  the  law  forbade  associations 
for  political,  immoral,  or  illegal  purposes.  The  guilds  were 
far  more  important,  and  were  greatly  favored  by  the  laws. 
At  first  they  were  closely  dependent  on  the  municipalities, 
which  intervened  to  regulate  the  trades,  even  in  technical 
respects,  but  at  length  the  guilds  began  to  receive  charters 
directly  from  the  king.     The  new  charters,  too,  in  keeping 


SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION  IN  SPAIN,    1252-1479  145 

with  the  practices  of  the  era,  were  minute  in  their  directions 
with  regard  to  the  conduct  of  the  various  industries.  By 
the  fifteenth  century  the  guilds  were  paying  Httle  attention 
to  the  social  matters  which  formerly  were  their  most  impor- 
tant function,  —  these  had  passed  over  to  the  cof radios,  — 
and  had  become  almost  wholly  economic  and  professional, 
although  their  members  marched  together  in  processions,  and 
the  guilds  as  a  body  rendered  public  service  of  one  kind  or 
another,  —  as,  for  example,  maintaining  some  public  charity. 
They  were  also  a  factor  in  the  political  life  of  the  towns. 

In  general  social  customs,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the  upper  General 
classes,  for  the  practices  of  the  humbler  elements  are  less  social 
well  known,    this  era  was  marked   by   great   immorality,  customs, 
license  in  expression   (even  when  referring  to  matters  of 
religion),  luxury,  a  desire  for  honors  and  noble  rank  (even 
to  the  point  of  falsely  pretending  to  them),  the  mixture  of 
an  appetite  for  knowledge  with  the  pursuit  of  superstitions, 
and  the  exaggerated  practice  of  chivalric  principles  (pro- 
fessed more  as  an  affectation  than  with  sincerity).     The 
luxury  of  the  times  manifested  itself  in  the  usual  ways,  and 
it  is  worthy  of  note  that  members  of  the  middle  class  were 
now  able   to   vie  with   the  nobles.     Women   painted   and  Dress, 
powdered  and  used  exaggerated  effects  in  their  dress,  and 
men  wore  high-heeled  boots,  employed  various  devices  to 
correct  the  natural  defects  of  the  body,  and  used  perfumes. 
Foreign  influences  entered  to  modify  clothing  so  that  it 
tended  more  to  fit  the  body  than  before,  with  a  resulting 
abandonment   of   the   flowing   garments    of   earlier   times. 
Men  often  wore  stockings  of  different  colors,  a  feather  in 
their  hat,   and  a  much-adorned,  variegated  cape.     Color, 
too,  was  equally  prominent  for  its  diversity  in  women's 
dress,  but  the  dress  itself  allowed  greater  freedom  of  move- 
ment than  the  earlier  styles  had  done.     Superstitions  were  Supersti- 
prevalent,  from  the  alchemy  and  astrology  of  the  learned,  tion. 
to  the  various  forms  of  divination  and  ancient  practices  — 
such,  for  example,  as  the  mass  for  the  dead  dedicated  to 
living  persons  —  of  the  common  people.     Jousts  and  tourneys  Sports, 
and  attempts  to  imitate  the  warlike  feats  of  the  heroes  of 
fiction  in  such  works  as  Aviadis  de  Gaida  (of  which  later) 


146 


A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Social 
differences 
in  Aragon 
oroper. 


formed  a  part  of  the  chivalric  customs  of  the  day.  Bull- 
fighting was  clearly  in  existence  by  the  time  of  Alfonso  X, 
and  thenceforth  enjoyed  great  popularity.^ 

In  social  and  political  institutions  Aragon  proper,  Cata- 
lonia, and  Valencia  still  differed  from  one  another  sufficiently 
to  merit  separate  treatment.  While  in  many  ways  their  cus- 
toms were  like  those  of  Castile  there  were  certain  variations 
worthy  of  record. 

Aragon  proper 

Prior  to  the  reign  of  Pedro  IV  the  nobles  Increased  their 
authority  both  with  respect  to  their  rights  over  the  lower 
classes  and  in  the  exercise  of  political  power,  but  if  Pedro 
reduced  their  privileges  in  the  latter  respect  neither  he  nor 
his  successors  did  anything  to  prepare  the  emancipation  of 
the  servile  classes.  The  nobles  retained  their  social  priv- 
ileges even  to  the  extent  of  procuring  a  law  in  1451  doing 
away  with  the  royal  practice  of  granting  titles  of  nobility 
of  the  lower  grades.  Feudalism  continued,  though  in  a 
modified  form,  for  if  the  nobles  could  receive  lands  from  the 
king  and  reissue  them  to  vassals  of  their  own  they  were 
obliged  to  return  them  to  the  king  whenever  he  should  ask 
them  to  do  so,  and  were  not  allowed  to  build  castles  without 
his  consent ;  moreover,  there  were  various  other  limita- 
tions on  their  former  nearly  absolute  sway.  They  collected 
taxes  for  themselves,  and  were  exempt  from  paying  them  to 
the  royal  treasury,  but  were  under  the  necessity  of  rendering 
military  service  when  called  upon.  The  clergy  gained  in- 
creased social  importance  just  as  it  did  in  Castile,  and  the 
middle  class  became  a  prominent  factor  with  the  develop- 
ment of  the  towns,  though  far  from  attaining  to  the  high 
place  of  the  same  element  in  Castile.  The  towns  followed 
a  divided  policy,  for  those  of  the  north  were  feudal  in  type 
and  allied  with  the  nobility,  while  those  of  the  south  were 
more  democratic  and#  royal.  The  condition  of  the  servile 
classes  was  even  worse  than  before,  and  no  serious  attempt 

1  Despite  the  existence  of  bull-fighting  in  much  earlier  times, 
—  for  example,  in  the  Visigothic  period,  —  there  is  no  clear  docu- 
mentary reference  to  that  game  for  centuries  prior  to  the  reign 
of  Alfonso  X. 


SOCIAL   ORGANIZATION   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479  147 

was  made  either  by  them  or  the  Cortes  to  relieve  their  hard 
lot.^  The  laws  continued  to  recognize  the  lord's  right  to 
deal  with  them  as  he  pleased,  and  even  to  kill  them,  and 
lands  were  still  sold  with  the  men  and  women  both  Chris- 
tians and  others  who  dwelt  thereon.  The  history  of  the 
Jews  and  Mudejares  followed  the  same  course  that  it  did 
in  Castile.  Not  merely  in  Aragon  proper  but  in  all  the 
dominions  of  the  crown  the  Jews  were  subjected  to  exceed- 
ingly harsh  treatment.  The  Mudejares  of  both  Aragon  and 
Valencia  were  protected  by  the  kings  and  the  nobles  with  a 
view  to  keeping  their  lands  occupied  so  that  they  might 
not  fail  to  yield  rents  and  taxes,  and  in  both  regions  the 
rural  population  was  principally  Mudejar.  The  Roman 
law  exercised  a  powerful  influence  in  Aragon  as  elsewhere. 
Thus  freedom  of  testament  was  introduced,  and  primo- 
geniture attained  to  a  predominant  place.  The  guilds  did 
not  advance  to  the  point  reached  in  Castile,  existing  rather 
for  purposes  of  mutual  aid,  and  lacking  the  technical  regula- 
tions of  the  Castilian  guilds. 

Catalonia 

There  are  two  prime  facts  in  the  social  history  of  Catalonia  Revolts 
in  this  period  :  the  uprising  of  the  serfs ;  and  the  outstanding  of  the 
importance  of  the  cities,  especially  Barcelona.  The  first 
marked  the  decline  of  the  nobility  and  the  appearance  of 
a  new  social  factor ;  the  second  indicated  the  direction  which 
modern  social  organization  was  to  take.  Having  lost  their 
political  power  the  nobles  concentrated  their  interest  on 
getting  wealth  out  of  their  lands,  especially  through  the 
tributes  of  their  serfs.  In  this  respect  they  had  the  enormous 
advantage  of  possessing  the  greater  part  of  Catalan  terri- 
tory.^ The  serfs  were  subject  to  a  great  number  of  annoying 
personal  services,  and  (in  a  typical  case)  to  as  many  as 
thirty  different  tributes,  most  of  them  in  kind,  besides  the 

^  The  earliest  recorded  petition  in  their  favor  in  the  popular 
branch  of  the  Cortes  was  in  1626 ! 

'^  An  estimate  of  1359  states  that  there  were  25,731  dweUings 
on  royal  lands,  and  57,278  on  those  of  the  lords.  As  late  as  the 
seventeenth  century  it  is  said  that  1800  cities  and  towns  out  of  2400 
belonged  to  the  nobles  or  the  church,  or  three-fourths  of  the  total. 


serfs. 


148 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Decline 
of  the 
nobility. 


ordinary  rental  for  the  land.  They  had  already  won  a 
right  to  redeem  themselves  for  money,  and  Juan  I,  Martin  I, 
and  Maria  (the  wife  and  regent  of  Alfonso  V),  as  well  as 
many  jurisconsults,  made  some  more  or  less  ineffectual 
attempts  to  better  their  condition.  The  plagues  which 
swept  Europe  in  the  fourteenth  century  were  a  greater  aid, 
since  laborers  became  scarce  and  therefore  more  desirable. 
By  the  time  of  Alfonso  V  the  serfs  had  become  sufficiently 
emboldened  to  formulate  demands,  on  the  threat  of  a  general 
uprising.  Alfonso  accepted  a  sum  of  money  from  them, 
granted  what  they  asked,  and  then  withdrew  his  promises 
when  the  nobles  also  bribed  him.  The  revolt  was  delayed, 
however,  to  the  year  1462  in  the  next  reign,  when  it  formed 
one  of  the  complications  in  the  wars  of  Juan  II  against  the 
deputation  of  Catalonia  and  the  city  of  Barcelona.  Both 
sides  sought  the  aid  of  the  serfs,  but  Juan  was  able  to  win 
them  to  his  support,  although  their  military  operations  were 
directed  primarily  against  their  own  lords.  The  peace  of 
1472  did  not  solve  the  social  question ;  so  there  was  another 
uprising  in  1475,  and  it  was  still  going  on  at  Juan's  death,  in 
1479,  being  left  for  solution  to  the  reign  of  his  son,  Ferdinand. 
As  a  result  of  these  troubles  the  nobles  declined  even  in 
social  prestige,  for  they  had  received  very  little  in  the  way  of 
tributes  from  the  serfs  since  the  reign  of  Alfonso  V,  and  had 
aggravated  the  situation  by  their  wars  with  one  another  or 
against  the  towns.  Meanwhile,  the  caballeros  and  others 
of  the  secondary  nobility,  natural  enemies  of  the  great  lords, 
had  advanced  in  importance,  and  in  the  reign  of  Pedro  IV 
had  won  a  right  to  law  courts  of  their  own,  free  from  the 
jurisdiction  of  nobles  of  the  upper  grades.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  great  nobles  continued  to  receive  donations  of 
land  from  the  king,  with  more  or  less  complete  jurisdiction, 
since  the  existing  needs  of  the  royal  treasury  usually  seemed 
greater  than  the  ultimate  evil  of  the  grants ;  often  the  kings 
gave  away  towns  which  they  had  previously  pledged  their 
word  never  to  alienate.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  mere 
ownership  of  land  did  not  entitle  the  lords  to  exercise  civil 
and  criminal  jurisdiction  without  a  specific  grant  of  those 
powers  from  the  king.     In  addition  to  the  serfs  and  the  kings, 


SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION  IN  SPAIN,    1252-1479 


149 


the  nobility  had  a  third  element  against  it,  the  very  powerful 
bourgeoisie,  or  middle  class,  which  in  this  period  attained 
to  the  greatest  splendor.  The  history  of  the  Mudejares  at 
this  time  was  unimportant,  for  there  were  not  many  in 
Catalonia.  The  Jews  suffered  as  they  did  in  Castile.  The 
year  1391,  which  witnessed  the  massacre  in  Seville,  was 
marked  by  a  similar  event  in  Barcelona,  where  the  Jewish 
quarter  completely  disappeared.  From  that  time  on, 
harsh  measures  were  taken  in  Catalonia,  and  as  a  result  the 
Jews  came  to  be  regarded  as  sharing  with  slaves  (of  whom 
there  were  still  a  considerable  number)  the  lowest  level  in 
the  social  hierarchy. 

The  modifications  of  family  life  arising  from  the  influence 
of  the  Roman  law  were  as  notable  in  Catalonia  as  in  Castile 
and  Aragon.  The  guilds  were  developed  to  a  point  even 
surpassing  that  of  Castile.  As  early  as  the  fourteenth 
century  they  were  already  organizations  for  technical  objects 
related  to  their  trade.  Every  trade  had  its  guild,  from  the 
more  important  associations  of  weavers,  bakers,  and  the 
like,  down  to  the  more  humble  blind  beggars'  guilds. 

All  that  has  been  said  of  Castile  as  regards  the  immorality, 
luxury,  dress,  superstition,  and  chivalric  pursuits  of  the 
aristocracy  and  middle  class  applies  generally,  not  only  to 
Catalonia,  but  also  to  Aragon  and  Valencia.  The  nobles 
endeavored  to  emulate  the  king  in  extravagances,  with  the 
result  that  many  were  ruined,  and  their  attempts  to  avoid 
paying  their  debts  to  the  Jews  were  one  cause  of  the  massa- 
cres of  the  latter.  The  luxury  in  dress  brought  in  its  train 
the  development  of  tailoring  to  such  an  extent  that  the 
Catalan  modes  were  well-known  even  in  foreign  countries. 
In  many  of  the  amusements  of  the  period,  —  dances,  illu- 
minations, pantomimes,  processions,  masquerades,  and 
others,  —  one  sees  the  influence  of  Renaissance  tastes, 
which  were  to  lead  to  modern  civilization,  although  these 
same  diversions  were  also  tainted  with  the  rudeness  of 
earlier  tunes. ^    In  fine,  the  customs  of  the  period  were  made 


Persecu- 
tion of 
the  Jews. 


Catalan 
gmlds. 


Transition 
from 

medieval- 
ism to 
modernity 
in  social 
customs. 


1  Thus  Queen  Maria  felt  it  incumbent  upon  her  to  enact,  in 
1454,  that  naked  men  should  not  take  part  in  processions  of  mas- 
queraders. 


150 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Victory  of 
Catalan 
civiliza- 
tion in 
Valencia. 


up  of  a  curious  mixture  of  passing  medievalism  and  coming 
modernity.  For  example,  while  some  seigniorial  castles 
were  centres  of  luxury  and  entertainment,  others  retained 
the  austere,  military  customs  of  the  past.  Again,  at  the 
same  time  that  there  appeared  a  veneer  of  literary  and 
scientific  culture,  ideas  as  regards  sanitation,  both  public 
and  private,  were  still  rudimentary.  Laws  continued  to 
be  passed  forbidding  people  to  wash  clothes  in  public  foun- 
tains, to  throw  water  and  filth  in  the  streets,  and  to  loose 
pigs  therein,  but  they  were  not  very  generally  obeyed. 
Even  the  public  baths  which  had  existed  formerly  fell  into 
disuse.  Thus  epidemics  were  frequent,  but  aside  from 
prayers  and  sequestration  of  cases  not  much  was  done  to 
check  their  progress. 

Valencia 

The  majority  of  the  Christian  settlers  of  Valencia  were 
both  bourgeois  and  Catalan,  while  the  nobles  were  mostly 
Aragonese.  Down  to  the  time  of  Pedro  IV,  the  latter 
exerted  themselves  to  deprive  the  former  of  the  power  which 
Jaime  I  had  given  them,  and  they  were  successful  to  the 
point  of  sharing  in  administrative  posts  which  had  formerly 
been  denied  them,  and  also  procured  the  application  of  the 
Aragonese  law  in  the  land.  After  their  defeat  by  Pedro  IV 
they  declined  rapidly,  hastening  their  fall  by  partisan  quar- 
rels among  themselves.  The  history  of  the  Mudejares  and 
Jews  followed  the  same  course  as  in  Aragon;  here,  as  else- 
where, the  terrible  year  1391  was  a  time  of  massacres  of 
the  Jews,  followed  by  increasingly  harsh  legislation.  The 
influence  of  the  Roman  law  in  modifying  family  institutions 
and  the  development  of  the  guilds  proceeded  on  lines  analo- 
gous to  the  same  factors  in  Catalonia. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


THE   CASTILIAN   STATE,    1252-1479 


In  the  relations  of  the  seigniorial  elements  and  the  mon- 
archy this  was  a  critical  period  for  the  latter,  deciding  as  a 
result  of  the  virtual,  though  not  at  the  time  apparent, 
victory  of  the  kings  that  Castile  was  to  become  a  power  in 
the  world.  For  that  very  reason  the  evolution  of  political 
institutions  in  this  era  was  important,  for  on  the  develop- 
ment of  monarchy  depended  the  conquest  of  America,  but 
they  were  also  important  because  the  institutions  which 
were  set  up  in  the  new  world  had  noteworthy  antecedents 
at  this  time.  Influenced  largely  by  the  principles  of  the 
Roman  law  the  kings  aspired  to  absolute  monarchy  in  a 
centralized  state,  with  a  view  to  overcoming  the  social  and 
political  strife  resulting  from  the  diffusion  of  power  inherent 
in  the  seigniorial  system.  Their  most  dangerous  enemies 
were  the  nobles,  whose  spirit  of  independence  and  self- 
esteem  and  whose  vast  wealth  in  lands  and  fighting  men 
made  them  a  powerful  factor  in  themselves.  They  were 
yet  stronger  because  the  kings  had  to  depend  on  them  for 
military  service  since  there  was  no  large  standing  army, 
and  because  they  in  a  measure  developed  a  class  consciousness 
in  opposition  to  absolutism,  becoming  a  nobility  rather  than 
remaining  a  mere  aggregation  of  nobles.  While  the  seigniorial 
ideal  was  not  lacking  in  the  towns,  they  were  not  nearly  so 
dangerous  to  the  monarchy,  because  they  were  usually  as 
hostile  to  the  nobility  as  the  kings  were.  Often,  however, 
they  fought  against  the  kings,  or  exacted  concessions  for 
their  services.  The  task  for  the  fulfilment  of  royal  ideals 
was  therefore  a  difficult  one,  requiring  a  sagacious  type  of 

151 


General 
character 
and  im- 
portance 
of  the 
era  in 
political 
institu- 
tions. 


152 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Internal 
decline  in 
the  power 
of  the 
nobles. 


The  ab- 
solutist 
ideal  of 
Alfonso  X. 


monarch,  such  as  in  fact  rarely  appeared  in  the  period. 
Circumstances  fought  better  than  the  kings,  and  nowhere 
does  this  show  forth  more  clearly  than  in  a  review  of  the 
political  institutions  of  the  era. 

The  external  vicissitudes  of  the  strife  between  the  nobles 
and  the  kings  have  already  been  traced,  and  it  would  appear 
from  them  that  the  former  gained  the  upper  hand.  In 
fact,  however,  their  cause  was  already  internally  dead. 
One  symptom  of  their  approaching  dissolution  was  the 
change  in  the  practices  of  the  nobles  whereby  they  became 
more  and  more  a  court  nobility,  plotting  in  the  shadow  of 
the  king  (like  the  chancellor  Lopez  de  Ayala)  instead  of 
being  semi-independent  potentates  on  their  own  estates  as 
formerly.  Despite  their  class  consciousness,  parties  arose 
within  their  ranks  with  distinct  ideals,  apart  from  personal 
ambition,  dividing  them  against  one  another.  Thus  in 
Seville  the  Guzman  faction  represented  conservatism,  while 
the  Ponces  were  radical.  Most  important  of  all  were  the 
blows  resulting  from  the  social  and  economic  changes  which 
deprived  the  nobles  of  their  serfs  and  created  a  new  form 
of  wealth  in  the  hands  of  the  middle  class,  an  element  better 
fitted  than  the  old  nobility  to  acquire  and  develop  the  new 
resources.  The  eagerness  with  which  the  nobles  took  up 
the  practice  of  primogeniture,  leaving  their  estates  nearly 
intact  to  their  eldest  sons  so  that  their  house  and  their  name 
might  not  be  lost,  showed  that  they  realized  the  force  of  the 
new  order  of  things  and  were  taking  thought  for  the  future. 
In  earlier  times,  when  wealth  was  territorial  and  serfs  were 
numerous,  the  land-rich  nobility  had  been  secure,  but  that 
day  had  passed. 

The  great  representative  of  absolutism  was  Alfonso  X, 
not  that  he  invented  the  idea  or  was  the  first  to  attempt  its 
achievement,  but  because  he  formulated  the  program  more 
clearly  than  any  of  his  predecessors,  embodying  it  in  his 
legislation,  and  because  he  received  the  first  shock  in  de- 
fence of  these  principles.  He  enacted  that  the  legislative, 
judicial,  and  military  powers  and  the  right  to  coin  money 
were  fundamental,  inalienable  rights  of  the  king,  who  could 
not  give  them  away  for  a  period  longer  than  his  own  life, 


THE   CASTILIAN   STATE,    1252-1479  153 

and  declared  that  the  lords  could  not  exercise  any  judicial 
or  other  sovereign  powers  on  their  estates  except  those  which 
had  been  granted  to  them  by  the  king,  or  which  they  had 
enjoyed  by  immemorial  custom.  His  laws  also  prescribed 
certain  forms  of  etiquette  which  should  be  employed  in 
treating  with  the  king,  establishing  the  ceremonial  which 
has  always  served  as  such  a  prop  for  monarchy.  The  divine 
origin  of  royal  power  was  asserted.  Independence  of  the 
Holy  Roman  Emperors  was  specifically  proclaimed,  but  a 
measure  of  subjection  to  the  pope  was  admitted.  The  ab- 
solutism of  iVlfonso  X  did  not  pretend,  even  in  principle, 
that  the  king  might  exercise  arbitrary  or  tyrannical  author- 
ity; Alfonso  declared  that  the  king  was  bound  to  observe 
the  law  and  deal  justly  with  the  people,  acting  as  their 
guardian  and  administrator,  and  granting  them  certain 
rights  to  inspect  his  conduct.  Those  who  wrongly  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  royal  power,  or  made  bad  use  of  it, 
were  declared  to  be  tyrants  and  not  legitimate  kings.  The 
people,  on  the  other  hand,  owed  respect,  obedience,  and 
loyalty  to  the  legitimate  king,  and  even  a  species  of  guardian- 
ship to  prevent  his  non-fulfilment  of  obligations.  Alfonso  X 
was  not  able  to  sustain  his  principles  in  open  conflict,  but 
they  remained  as  the  ideal  of  future  kings,  even  though 
some  of  them  were  modified  by  the  legislation  of  later  reigns  ; 
thus  Alfonso  XI  declared  that  sovereign  rights  might  be 
acquired  from  the  crown  by  prescription,  except  the  taxing 
power  and  high  justice  (or  the  hearing  of  cases  on  appeal), 
and  that  the  kings  could  alienate  any  of  their  sovereign 
powers  except  those  of  high  justice,  coinage,  and  war. 

Two  fundamental  results  of  the  centralizing,  absolutist  Establish- 
policy  of  the  kings  were  the  final  establishment  of  hereditary  ment  of 
succession   and   the   development   of   consultive   and   other  liereditary 
bodies  about  the  king,  the  forerunners  of  modern  bureau-  ^^^ 
cracy.     The  former  has  already  been  referred  to.     Alfonso  develop- 
himself  was  the  first  to  break  his  own  law  in  this  respect,  ment  of 
but  after  his  reign  the  principle  was  definitely  recognized,   court 
The  pomp  and  ceremonial  of  royalty  increased  the  number  ^    ^^^  " 
of  officials  whose  principal  functions  were  those  of  adding 
splendor  to  the  court,  —  such,  for  example,  as  the  king's 


154  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

cup-bearer,  butler,  and  chamberlain.  Great  nobles  also 
sent  their  sons  to  court  to  be  educated  under  the  protection 
and  with  the  favor  of  the  king,  and  these  young  men  formed 
a  special  royal  guard.  In  addition  there  began  to  be  an 
infinity  of  servants,  notaries,  doctors,  and  others  occupying 
posts  of  a  less  ornamental  character.  The  most  important 
novelty  of  the  period  was  the  development  of  the  Consejo 
Real. 
The  The  kings  had  Umg  been  surrounded  by  a  body  of  nobles 

Consejo        and   prelates  called   the   Consejo  Real,   or  Royal   Council, 
^^'^^'  which  advised  them  in  matters  of  government,  or  sat  as  the 

Cort,  or  supreme  court,  in  appeals  from  lower  jurisdictions, 
but  its  membership  and  functions  had  not  been  very  clearly 
established,  for  it  dealt  indiscriminately  with  any  subject 
upon  which  the  king  might  want  advice.  One  important 
reform  was  the  introduction  of  representatives  of  the  popu- 
lar element  in  this  body.  Different  kings,  from  Sancho  IV 
on,  decreed  that  a  certain  number  of  the  council  should  be 
"good  men,"  —  or  members  of  the  untitled,  secular  class,  — 
although  the  practice  did  not  become  fixed.  A  law  of 
Juan  I  in  1385  provided  that  the  council  should  be  composed 
of  twelve  men,  of  whom  four  should  be  plebeians.  Two 
years  later  it  was  required  that  the  last-named  should  be 
letrados,  —  that  is,  men  learned  in  the  law,  —  and  shortly 
afterward  they  began  to  be  called  oidores  (hearers  of  cases). 
Juan  II  divided  the  council  into  two  bodies,  one  of  govern- 
ment, the  other  of  justice.  It  was  not  until  the  time  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  however,  that  the  Consejo  Real 
acquired  real  stability. 
The  There  were  important  developments,  too,  in  the  general 

hierarchy  administrative  and  judicial  hierarchy,  although  with  a 
^!»m  "  roi'^ture  of  the  two  functions.  The  hierarchy  of  officialdom, 
from  the  lowest  grade  to  the  highest,  with  especial  regard 
to  comparative  judicial  authority,  ran  from  the  alcaldes 
of  the  towns  through  merinos  rnayores  or  the  adelantados, 
the  alcalde  del  rey  (royal  alcalde)  of  the  court,  and  the  ade- 
lantado  mayor  (or  chief  justice  of  Castile)  to  the  king  him- 
self. In  some  jurisdictions  cases  in  first  instance  came  before 
alcaldes  del  rey  (different  from  the  above-named)  with  an 


dom. 


THE   CASTILIAN   STATE,    1252-1479 


155 


appeal  to  merinos  menores  ^  and  merinos  mayores,  or  directly 
to  the  latter,  and  thence  upward.  The  merinos  menores 
limited  themselves  to  jm-isdiction  in  certain  criminal  cases. 
The  merinos  mayores  were,  like  the  adelantados,  governors 
of  large  districts  as  well  as  judges  in  cases  of  appeal,  for 
which  latter  purpose  they  were  assisted  by  men  acquainted 
with  the  law.  They  took  the  place  of  many  of  the  former 
adelantados.  The  adelantado  mayor  also  had  administrative 
functions,  as  the  superior  of  the  merinos  and  other  officials 
below  him.  Alfonso  X  employed  the  old  term,  cort,  in  the 
new  and  more  restricted  sense  of  a  royal  judicial  tribunal 
which  acted  for  the  king.  In  later  reigns  this  came  to  be 
known  as  the  chancilleria  (chancery),  ov  audiencia,^  —  which 
latter  name  was  eventually  transmitted  to  the  Americas 
for  bodies  exercising  similar  functions. 

Despite  appearances,  uniformity  and  order  in  the  ad- 
ministrative and  judicial  organization  were  far  from  being 
completely  established.  Not  only  was  there  a  great  variety 
of  jurisdictions,  but  there  was  also  a  great  diversity  in  the 
law,  for  one  region  would  differ  radically  from  another. 
The  towns,  nobles,  clergy,  universities,  and  the  great  corpo- 
ration of  stock-raisers  (the  Mesta)  all  had  officials  of  their 
own  and  exemption  from  royal  jurisdiction.  At  the  same 
time,  great  hermandades,  or  leagues  of  cities,  were  formed  for 
the  maintenance  of  public  security  against  highwaymen 
or  other  disturbing  elements,  since  royal  activity  in  this 
regard  left  much  to  be  desired,  and  these  also  had  their 
separate  jurisdictions.^    The  current  toward  centralization 

1  See  page  90,  note  1. 

2  Literally  "audience,"  or  "hearing."  Originally,  the  king 
gave  "audience"  for  the  decision  of  cases.  Later,  he  was  reUeved 
of  this  duty  by  other  officials,  or  bodies,  and  the  name  was  applied 
finally  to  the  courts  referred  to  in  this  volume. 

3  The  most  famous  of  these  leagues  was  the  Santa  Real  Her- 
mandad  (Royal  Holy  Brotherhood)  of  Toledo,  Talavera,  and  Vil- 
larreal  which  lasted  until  the  nineteenth  century,  although  with 
modifications  of  its  jurisdiction  and  activities.  The  members  of 
the  league  might  pursue  an  offender  as  far  as  the  borders  of  Portugal 
or  Aragon.  When  they  caught  him  they  had  a  banquet,  after  which 
the  criminal  was  tied  to  a  post  to  serve  as  a  target,  and  a  prize  was 
given  to  the  one  who  first  shot  him  through  the  heart.  When  the 
accused  was  already  dead,  a  trial  was  held  and  he  was  sentenced. 


Diversity 
of  juris- 
dictions 
and  tend- 
encies 
toward 
centraliza- 
tion. 


156  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

was  very  strong,  liowever,  being  aided  by  tlie  education  in 
the  Roman  law  of  the  Icfrados,  whom  the  king  employed  as 
his  officials  (for  these  men  were  pronouncedly  monarchical 
in  sentiment),  and  by  the  increase  in  powers  to  which  the 
adelantados  and  merinos  viayores  were  attaining  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  semi-independent  elements.  The  successors 
of  Alfonso  X,  especially  Alfonso  XI,  furthered  this  policy 
of  centralization.  Royal  judges  began  to  appear  in  the 
towns,  either  taking  the  place  of  the  formerly  elected  officials, 
or  acting  concurrently  with  them,  for  the  kings  took  ad- 
vantage of  one  pretext  or  another  to  make  an  opening  for 
their  own  appointees.  Another  important  reform  was  the 
division  of  the  audiencia  into  two  sections,  one  of  which  re- 
mained in  Segovia,  while  the  other  went  on  circuit  for  brief 
periods  in  Andalusia.  Under  Juan  II  there  appeared  in  the 
audiencia  the  official  known  as  the  fiscal,  who  at  this  time 
was  a  royal  prosecuting  attorney,  but  who  later  was  to  be- 
come one  of  the  most  important  all-round  administrative 
officials  in  Spanish  and  Spanish  colonial  government.  As 
an  example,  too,  of  the  extension  of  royal  jurisdiction  may 
be  mentioned  the  so-called  recourse  of  fuerza  in  cases  of 
usurpation  (by  force,  —  hence  fuerza)  of  lands  or  jurisdiction 
by  the  clergy.  The  trial  of  these  cases  was  ordered  to  be 
held  in  the  royal  courts. 
Judicial  Punishments  for  crime  continued  to  be  atrocious,   and 

procedure  torture  was  still  employed,  but  only  in  the  case  of  persons 
of  bad  reputation  or  when  the  accused  bore  the  evidences 
of  crime.  Privilege  still  obtained  to  modify  the  punish- 
ment of  the  upper  classes.  A  very  notable  reform  was  the 
introduction  of  the  yesquisa,  or  inquisitorial  investigation, 
for  the  bringing  of  an  indictment,  or  accusation,  of  crime. 
Formerly  the  state  had  intervened  when  one  individual 
charged  another  with  crime,  a  process  which  resulted  to 
the  detriment  of  the  weak,  who  would  not  dare  to  accuse 

This  procedure  helps  one  to  xisualize  the  real  insecurity  of  the 
times,  —  for  the  same  summary  methods  were  employed  which 
men  have  used  both  before  and  since  when  the  central  authority 
was  not  strong  enough  to  guarantee  pubhc  security.  The  Cali- 
fornia Vigilance  Committees  in  the  days  of  the  gold  rush  are  an 
instance  in  point. 


THE   CASTILIAN   STATE,    1252-1479  157 

the  more  powerful.  The  pesquisa  not  only  introduced  the 
grand  jury  function  of  an  accusation  by  the  state,  without 
necessarily  involving  any  individual  accusers,  but  it  also 
made  crime  partake  more  of  the  nature  of  a  public  offence 
than  of  a  mere  infringement  of  individual  rights.  The 
vulgar  proofs,  with  one  exception,  were  abolished,  and  the 
importance  of  WTitten  documents  and  the  testimony  of 
witnesses  became  more  generally  recognized.  This  also 
caused  the  rise  of  the  lawyers,  who,  after  a  lapse  of  centuries, 
began  again  to  be  a  noteworthy  element  in  judicial  affairs. 
The  riepto,  or  duel,  a  special  form  of  the  wager  of  battle, 
was  the  only  one  of  the  vulgar  proofs  to  remain  in  existence. 
This  was  a  special  privilege  enjoyed  only  by  those  of  noble 
blood.  The  duel  was  hedged  in  by  a  number  of  rules,  one 
of  which  was  that  it  must  take  place  in  the  presence  of  the 
king.  If  the  challenger  were  killed,  the  innocence  of  his 
opponent  was  proclaimed,  but  if  the  latter  were  killed,  still 
protesting  innocence,  he  was  in  this  case,  too,  declared 
guiltless.  The  challenger  could  win  by  defeating  his  op- 
ponent without  killing  him,  in  which  event  the  latter  was 
banished,  and  half  of  his  goods  were  granted  to  the  king. 

Although  the  expenses  of  the  state  were  greater  than  The  new 
formerly,  the  income  was  also  greater.  Many  new  forms  system  of 
of  taxation  were  introduced :  the  royal  monopolies  on  salt  t^^^^io^- 
and  mines ;  the  alcabala,  or  tax  on  sales,  which  first  became 
general  in  the  reign  of  Alfonso  XI ;  stamp  taxes ;  and  the 
consumo,  or  tax  on  all  merchandise  entering  the  city.  These 
taxes  fell  upon  goods  or  upon  acts  of  individuals  in  connec- 
tion with  the  state  (as  distinguished  from  the  king)  differing 
radically  from  the  services  of  a  feudal  character,  with  a 
multitude  of  exceptions  and  privileges,  which  had  formerly 
been  the  basis  of  the  public  income.  Owing  to  the  turbu- 
lence of  the  era  and  the  excessive  alienation  of  public  wealth 
by  grants  of  the  kings  to  the  nobles,  receipts  did  not  equal 
the  royal  needs,  and  resort  was  had  frequently  to  loans,  de- 
basement of  the  coinage,  and  arbitrary  confiscations  of 
property.  Even  under  the  new  system  of  taxation  the 
nobles  and  clergy  very  rarely  had  to  pay  any  of  the  numer- 
ous taxes,  and  privileges  and  exemptions  were  granted,  much 


158 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The 

army  and 
navy. 


Greatness 

and 

decline  of 

the  towns 

in 

political 

authority. 


as  before.  Nevertheless,  the  methods  employed  contained 
the  germ  of  a  sound  financial  system,  which  was  to  develop 
in  succeeding  centuries.  The  collection  of  taxes  was  rented 
out  as  formerly,  being  given  in  charge  usually  of  Mudejares, 
Jews,  or  Marranos.  Complaints  against  these  collectors 
were  so  insistent  that  at  one  time  churchmen  were  sub- 
stituted for  them,  —  without  diminishing  the  complaints, 
for  the  fault  lay  in  the  system.  There  were  royal  financial 
officials  for  receiving  the  funds  and  examining  accounts, 
but  no  organized  treasury  department  was  as  yet  developed. 

The  principal  military  fact  of  the  era  was  the  increase  in 
the  number  of  troops  sustained  by  the  king,  but  in  other 
respects  there  was  no  fundamental  difference  from  the  pre- 
ceding period.  Technically  there  were  advances  in  the  art 
of  war,  —  such  as  the  development  of  a  greater  variety  in 
the  branches  of  the  service  and  the  introduction  of  powder,  — 
but  except  for  cannon  of  not  very  great  utility  the  use  of 
firearms  did  not  become  general.  Complete  armor  came 
in  with  the  white  companies.  The  royal  navy,  initiated 
by  Ferdinand  III,  was  continued  throughout  the  era,  and 
this  was  a  period  of  brilliant  victories  against  the  Moslems 
in  the  Mediterranean  and  the  English  in  the  north ;  on  one 
occasion  the  Castilian  admiral,  Pero  Nino,  ravaged  the 
English  coast.  No  results  of  note  seem  to  have  proceeded 
from  these  victories,  however. 

This  was  the  most  flourishing  epoch  in  the  history  of  the 
free  Castilian  towns  :  their  numbers  and  political  importance 
increased ;  they  received  new  privileges ;  and  they  made 
their  presence  felt  in  national  affairs  through  their  repre- 
sentatives in  the  Cortes.  The  most  extreme  example  of 
municipal  independence  was  provided  by  the  towns  of  the 
north  coast,  which  recognized  the  sovereignty  of  the  Cas- 
tilian king,  but  in  fact  governed  themselves,  even  interven- 
ing in  foreign  affairs  through  the  agency  of  their  league. 
In  the  interior  the  towns  were  less  independent  politically 
and  administratively,  and  in  the  fourteenth  century  their 
authority  began  to  wane.  The  entry  of  royal  judges  into 
the  towns  has  already  been  mentioned.  In  administration 
the  kings  were  also  able  at  length  to  exercise  influence. 


THE   CASTILIAN   STATE,    1252-1479  159 

This  came  about  as  a  result  of  a  number  of  political  changes, 
such  as  the  substitution  of  a  life  term  in  office  for  one  of  a 
period  of  years,  the  usm-pation  by  the  ayuntamiento  (or 
body  of  municipal  officials)  of  powers  formerly  exercised  by 
the  general  assembly,  the  limitation  of  the  right  to  hold  of- 
fice to  the  cahalleros  or  to  specified  families,  the  disturbances 
at  times  of  election,  and  the  corruption  which  occasionally 
manifested  itself  in  municipal  administration.  In  the  in- 
terests of  internal  peace  the  towns  themselves  often  sought 
intervention  by  the  kings,  who  did  not  fail  to  profit  by  the 
situation.  Under  Alfonso  XI  some  towns  began  to  be  ruled 
by  officials  appointed  by  the  king,  and  that  monarch  also 
created  the  post  of  corregidor}  a  royal  agent  placed  in  many 
towns  to  watch  the  course  of  local  affairs  and  represent  the 
king,  acting  with  the  local  alcaldes.  The  corregidores  grad- 
ually acquired  considerable  influence,  thereby  reducing  the 
power  of  the  popularly  elected  oSicials.  Internal  municipal 
strife  continued,  but  now  the  great  families  fought,  not  for 
the  favor  of  the  electorate,  but  for  that  of  the  king,  since 
this  had  become  the  surer  route  to  public  office.  The 
greater  towns  or  cities  suffered  through  the  breaking  away 
of  the  villages  and  rural  districts  which  had  formerly  been 
subordinate  to  them.  These  villages  were  desirous  of  local 
autonomy,  because  the  municipalities  on  which  they  depended 
were  wont  to  exploit  them  or  to  exclude  them  from  a  share 
in  government.  The  kings  granted  their  petitions,  thus 
weakening  the  greater  towns,  even  if  they  did  extend  the 
institution  of  chartered  municipalities.  It  should  be  said, 
however,  that  this  decline  of  the  towns,  with  the  incidents 
accompanying  it,  was  not  uniform,  for  a  number  of  them 
still  retained  their  earlier  liberties,  including  popular  elec- 
tion, at  the  end  of  the  period.  In  the  seigniorial  towns.  Advance 
especially  those  under  ecclesiastical  domination,  there  were  of  the 
frequent  struggles  with  a  view  to  reducing  the  lord's  inter-  seigniorial 
vention  in  local  affairs,  and  these  ended  almost  everywhere 

^  Literally  "corrector."  While  the  royal  agent  of  this  name 
might  originally  have  been  considered  a  "corrector"  rather  than 
an  administrator,  he  later  came  to  rule  over  areas  ranging  from  that 
of  a  city  to  a  province,  with  wide  judicial  and  executive  functions. 


160  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

in  a  victory  for  the  towns,  wliich  won  a  right  to  name  their 
own  officers  and  to  possess  much  the  same  degree  of  Hberty 
enjoyed  by  the  royal  towns.  Here,  too,  the  kings  inter- 
vened, not  only  through  the  practice  of  judicial  appeals  to 
the  royal  courts,  but  also  in  other  ways,  even  with  armed 
forces,  in  order  to  reduce  the  power  of  the  lords.  The 
victory  of  the  seigniorial  towns  lessened  the  power  of  the 
lords  to  an  appreciable  extent ;  the  struggles  of  the  lords 
with  the  kings  were  thenceforth  maintained  only  through 
combinations  of  nobles,  often  with  Mudejar  levies,  joined 
at  times  by  some  of  the  towns. 
Great  age  The  institution  which  most  clearly  represented  the  differ- 
of  the  ent  factors  of  Castilian  political  life,  but  especially  that  of 

Castilian  ^j^^  municipalities,  was  the  Cortes,  which  grew  in  importance 
until  the  fifteenth  centiu*y,  when  it  began  to  show  signs  of 
decline.  The  Cortes  was  hardly  mentioned  in  the  legislation 
of  Alfonso  X,  for  it  did  not  comport  well  with  his  theories  of 
absolutism,  but  the  later  kings  paid  it  great  consideration, 
seeking  the  aid  of  the  popular  branch  against  seigniorial 
anarchy.  Its  principal  function  continued  to  be  economic, 
rather  than  legislative,  through  the  grants  of  subsidies  by 
the  representatives  of  the  towns.  While  these  were  not  the 
only  source  of  royal  revenue  they  were  so  urgently  needed 
that  the  Cortes  was  able  to  procure  legislation  from  the 
kings  in  response  to  its  petitions.  The  fourteenth  century 
was  particularly  rich  in  ordinances  of  the  Cortes,  especially 
those  arising  from  the  meetings  of  1329  (Madrid),  1348 
(Alcala),  1351  (Valladolid),  1366  (Burgos),  1371  (Toro), 
1373  (Toro),  1377  (Burgos),  1379  (Burgos),  and  1380  (Soria). 
In  most  cases  the  kings  did  not  put  the  ordinances  (which 
should  rather  be  considered  petitions)  into  effect,  where- 
fore many  of  them  were  repeated  time  and  again,  —  such, 
for  example,  as  the  legislation  requested  against  the  Jews, 
against  the  granting  of  Castilian  benefices  by  the  pope, 
against  the  abuses  of  royal  officials  and  renters  of  taxes, 
and  against  the  royal  donations  to  the  lords.  In  a  number  of 
instances  the  Cortes  got  what  it  asked  for,  even  in  cases 
affecting  the  king's  personal  authority,  such  as  a  law  in 
1329  which  prohibited  the  issuing  of  royal  letters,  or  orders, 


THE   CASTILIAN   STATE,    1252-1479  161 

In  blank  (whereby  the  possessor  of  the  letter  might  insert 
anybody's  name  he  chose,  —  a  practice  which  usually 
served  to  promote  unjust  ends,  just  as  in  the  case  of  the 
lettres  de  cachet  in  France  prior  to  the  French  Revolution), 
and  another  of  1348  extending  the  prohibition  to  letters 
which  the  kings  were  in  the  habit  of  granting  to  individuals 
empowering  them  to  marry  designated  persons,  with  or 
without  the  latter's  consent.  The  kings  also  accepted  peti- 
tions of  a  more  general  character,  such  as  those  asking  that 
steps  be  taken  for  the  suppression  of  banditry,  the  specifica- 
tion of  the  powers  of  royal  officers,  the  correction  of  various 
abuses,  the  lowering  of  certain  taxes,  the  regulation  of  dis- 
putes between  the  stockmen  and  the  farmers,  and  the  reform 
of  judicial  procedure.  It  was  also  affirmed  several  times,  — 
in  1348,  for  example,  —  that  there  coidd  be  no  new  tax 
without  a  grant  of  the  Cortes.  The  laws  of  Alfonso  X  in- 
sisted upon  the  king's  sole  right  to  legislate,  however,  and 
this  principle  was  maintained  by  the  later  kings,  for  despite 
the  fact  that  a  law  of  1387  declared  that  the  ordinances  of 
the  Cortes  were  irrevocable,  unless  by  the  act  of  a  Cortes 
itself,  the  kings  proceeded  according  to  their  own  pleasiu-e, 
apparently  regarding  the  concession  of  1387  as  purely  theo- 
retical. The  ordinances  of  the  various  Cortes  appeared 
without  method  or  plan,  and  lacked  the  full  force  of  law, 
but  they  demonstrated  the  enormous  activity  of  this  body, 
and  were  in  fact  a  basis  for  much  legislation,  both  at  the 
time  and  in  later  years.  In  organization  the  Cortes  followed 
the  general  practices  of  the  preceding  era.  Among  the 
comparatively  few  novelties  may  be  mentioned  a  law  of 
Juan  II,  fixing  the  number  of  representatives  from  a  town 
as  two,  and  a  law  of  1351  granting  immunity  from  arrest 
to  members  of  the  Cortes  while  that  body  was  in  session. 
Up  to  1301  Castile  and  Leon  had  a  separate  Cortes,  although 
there  were  a  number  of  joint  meetings  before  that  date.  After 
1301  there  was  but  a  single  Cortes  for  the  entire  kingdom. 

Not  only  in  the  ordinances  of  the  Cortes,  but  also  in  the 
general  laws  of  the  king  without  intervention  of  the  Cortes, 
in  grants  of  municipal  charters,  and  in  the  innumerable 
private  grants  (often  modifying  the  general  law)  this  period 


162 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Diversity 
iu  the 
laws  and 
tendencies 
toward 
unifica- 
tion. 


was  exceedingly  rich  in  legislation.  The  fame  of  the  laws 
of  Alfonso  X  and  of  Alfonso  XI  has  obscured  the  legislation 
of  other  reigns,  bnt  the  ontpnt  of  the  other  kings  was  great 
in  quantity,  if  less  in  importance  than  that  of  the  two  Al- 
fonsos.  Diversity  was  still  a  leading  characteristic  of  the 
legislation.  For  example,  from  Alfonso  X  to  1299  at  least 
127  local  charters  were  granted;  in  the  fourteenth  century 
at  least  94 ;  and  in  the  fifteenth,  at  least  5,  although  many 
were  reproductions  or  slight  modifications  of  certain  typical 
charters.  The  Fuero  Juzgo  continued  to  be  the  general  law, 
but  there  was  very  little  of  it  which  was  not  contradicted 
or  changed  by  other  legislation.  A  tendency  toward  unifica- 
tion of  the  laws  manifested  itself  in  many  ways,  however. 
Alfonso  X  issued  a  municipal  charter  in  1254,  variously 
named,  but  usually  called  the  Fuero  Real  (Royal  Charter), 
which  was  a  new  model,  more  complete  and  systematic  than 
those  which  had  preceded  it,  but  based  on  those  already 
in  existence  and  on  the  Fuero  Juzgo,  preserving  the  Visi- 
gothic  and  early  Leonese  and  Castilian  principles  of  law. 
The  Fuero  Real  was  adopted  as  supplementary  law  for  use 
in  cases  of  appeal  to  the  royal  courts,  but  was  also  granted 
as  the  local  charter  of  a  great  many  tow^ns,  being  the  most 
extensively  used  of  the  tj^pical  charters,  although  by  no 
means  in  a  majority  of  the  municipalities.  To  bring  about 
unification  at  one  stroke  it  is  believed  that  Ferdinand  III 
and  Alfonso  X  projected  a  code  to  apply  in  all  the  land. 
Ferdinand  is  said  to  have  begun  the  drawing  up  of  the 
Setenario  (or  Septenary,  so-called  because  it  was  to  be  in 
seven  parts),  which  was  completed  by  Alfonso  after  the 
former's  death.  This  code,  if  such  it  may  be  called,  was 
never  promulgated,  and  may  rather  have  been  intended  as 
an  encyclopedia  of  law.  A  similar  compilation  of  the  reign 
of  Alfonso  X  was  the  Especulo  (or  Espejo)  de  todos  los  derechos 
(mirror  of  all  the  laws),  but  it,  too,  never  became  law,  al- 
though used  as  a  reference  book  by  jurisconsults.  Yet 
another  such  compilation  appeared  in  this  reign,  the  famous 
Leyes  de  las  siete  partidas  (laws  of  the  seven  parts),  or  simply 
the  Partidas,  and  this  was  to  attain  to  a  very  different  lot 
from  the  others  just  named. 


THE   CASTILIAN   STATE,    1252-1479 


163 


The  Partidas  was  the  work  of  a  number  of  jurisconsults 
under  the  inspection,  and  with  more  or  less  intervention, 
of  Alfonso  liimself ;  these  men  began  work  in  1256  and 
finished  it  in  1265.  Some  of  the  laws  and  customs  of  Castile, 
—  for  example,  the  Fuero  Juzgo  and  the  Fuero  Real,  —  were 
used  as  sources,  but  the  preponderant  influences  were  those 
of  the  canon  law"  and  the  codes  of  the  Roman  emperor 
Justinian,  —  so  much  so  that  the  Partidas  amounted  to  an 
encyclopedia  of  these  two  sources  of  law,  both  of  which  were 
Roman  in  origin  and  very  different  from  the  customs,  Visi- 
gothic  and  otherwise,  at  that  time  prevailing  in  Castile. 
Whether  Alfonso  intended  that  the  Partidas  should  become 
the  general  law,  or  merely  that  it  should  serve  as  an  en- 
cyclopedia, it  was  not  promulgated  in  his  day,  and  there 
were  many  later  laws  directly  contradicting  it.  Never- 
theless, it  constantly  gained  ground,  favored  especially  by 
lawyers  and  university  men  (both  of  which  elements  were 
strong  partisans  of  the  Roman  law),  being  used  as  a  book 
of  reference  and  as  a  text-book.  Finally  the  current  in 
its  favor  became  so  strong  that  so  far  as  it  was  not  incon- 
sistent with  certain  specified  compilations  it  was  declared 
to  be  law  in  the  reign  of  Alfonso  XI  by  the  important  ordi- 
nance of  the  Cortes  of  Alcala  (1348).  This  set  forth  that  the 
decisions  of  that  Cortes  should  be  the  principal  fountain  of 
Castilian  law,  followed  in  order  of  precedence  by  the  Fuero 
Real,  the  other  municipal  charters,  and  finally  by  way  of 
supplement  by  the  Partidas,  which  was  not  to  be  enforced 
in  such  parts  as  it  contradicted  the  privileges  of  the  nobility, 
for  these  also  were  confirmed.  Despite  this  lowly  position 
of  the  Partidas  and  despite  the  vast  quantity  of  later  laws 
which  took  precedence  of  the  above-mentioned  hierarchy  of 
sources,  the  ultimate  victory  of  Alfonso's  code  was  assured 
from  the  time  of  its  official  promulgation.  Without  any 
statute  to  that  effect  it  gradually  became  recognized,  not  as 
a  mere  supplementary  source,  but  as  the  principal  law  of  the 
land.  Reformations  of  its  text  were  undertaken  to  make 
it  conform  with  the  necessities  of  later  times,  but  in  substance 
the  ideas  of  the  original  remained. 

Next  to  the  state  the  church  was  the  most  powerful  and 


The  code 
of  the 
Siete 
Partidas 
and  the 
revival  of 
Roman 
principles. 


164 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Leading 
factors  in 
ecclesias- 
tical 
liistory. 


Papal  in- 
tervention 
in  the 
Castilian 
church. 


influential  factor  in  Castile.  This  period  was  one  of  serious 
internal  disturbance  in  the  Castilian  church  and  of  relaxa- 
tion in  discipline.  Despite  the  efforts  of  the  popes  and  some 
Castilian  prelates,  the  practice  of  barragania  continued. 
There  also  occurred  such  incidents  as  competitions  in  beauty 
between  the  nuns  of  Seville  and  Toledo,  such  instances  of 
lack  of  discipline  as  the  armed  resistance  of  the  dean  of 
Sigiienza  to  the  pope's  appointee  as  bishop,  such  turbulent 
intervention  in  politics  as  that  of  the  bishops  of  Seville  and 
Toledo  in  the  time  of  Henry  IV,  and  such  cases  of  strife 
and  violence  as  the  attack  of  the  monks  of  Melon  on  those 
of  Armenteira,  and  that  of  the  bishop  of  Mondonedo  on 
the  Cistercians  of  Meyra.  The  disorder  was  enhanced 
owing  to  the  appearance  of  the  Great  Schism  in  the  church 
at  large,  in  which  Spanish  countries  were  particularly  in- 
terested, since  several  of  the  popes  and  anti-popes  were  of 
Spanish  blood.  On  the  other  hand,  the  popes  intervened 
more  than  ever  in  the  affairs  of  the  Castilian  chiuch.  The 
ideas  of  Gregory  VII  of  the  supremacy  of  the  papacy  over 
temporal  rulers  did  not  fail  to  produce  results  in  Castile. 
In  the  Partidas  of  the  absolutist  Alfonso  X  it  was  recognized 
that  one  legitimate  way  of  acquiring  the  crown  was  by  a 
grant  of  the  pope,  and  that  the  latter  might  also  absolve 
Castilian  subjects  from  obedience  to  the  king  in  certain  cases. 
The  election  of  bishops,  normally  the  act  of  the  cathedral 
canons,  provoked  many  disputes  between  the  kings  and  the 
popes,  for  the  latter  frequently  intervened  to  impose  their 
candidate,  or  even  to  make  direct  appointments,  while  the 
former  claimed  that  no  election  was  valid  until  it  had  their 
approval.  One  of  the  most  unpopular  practices  of  the 
popes  was  the  appointment  of  foreigners  to  Castilian  benefices, 
and  frequent  protests  were  made  against  it,  but  usually 
without  avail.  Although  the  popes  got  rather  the  better 
of  the  dispute  over  appointments  to  bishoprics,  the  kings 
manifested  their  prerogative  in  other  respects,  as  by  banishing 
prelates  who  worked  against  royal  interests,  by  prohibiting 
the  publication  of  papal  bulls  which  might  do  harm  to  the 
state,  and  by  employing  the  already  mentioned  process 
of  recourse  of  fuerza  in  cases  of  ecclesiastical  usurpations 


THE    CASTILIAN    STATE,    1252-1479 


165 


of  jurisdiction.  The  Partidas  named  certain  cases  where 
clergymen  lost  their  right  of  resort  to  ecclesiastical  courts, 
—  for  example,  suits  between  clerical  and  lay  individuals 
over  lands  and  inheritances.  Even  Alfonso  XI,  who  (though 
somewhat  immoral  in  private  life)  was  very  pious  and  notably 
generous  with  churches  and  monasteries,  was  very  strict  in 
guarding  the  rights  of  the  state  against  the  intrusions  of 
the  church.  On  the  other  hand,  he  confirmed  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  church  courts  in  spiritual  and  related  matters, 
including  such  cases  as  those  arising  out  of  church  taxation, 
marriage,  births,  divorce,  adultery,  usury,  and  robbery  in 
a  sacred  place,  as  well  as  those  of  a  more  pm'ely  religious  or 
ecclesiastical  character.  The  wealth  of  the  church  in  lands  Wealth 
increased  greatly,  both  as  a  result  of  royal  donations,  and  of  ^^^ 
through  the  gifts  of  individuals,  especially  in  the  fourteenth  ^^^<'^' 
century  when  the  terror  of  the  plagues  which  were  sweeping 
Europe  caused  many  to  seek  divine  favor  through  benefac- 
tions to  the  church.  There  were  a  number  of  protests  in 
the  Cortes,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  monasteries.  The 
objections  were  based  on  social  and  financial,  rather  than 
anti-clerical,  grounds,  since  the  accumulation  of  landed 
wealth  in  the  hands  of  the  church  tended  to  reduce  the 
agricultural  classes  to  a  perpetual  condition  of  mere  usufruct 
or  rental  of  lands,  and  resulted  in  vast  tracts  remaining 
uncultivated.  Furthermore,  these  lands  as  a  rule  became 
exempted  from  taxation.  The  Partidas  recognized  the 
right  of  the  church  to  receive  such  gifts,  and  no  effectual 
steps  were  taken  to  check  them.  It  may  be  mentioned  Pil- 
here  that  this  was  the  golden  age  of  pilgrimages  to  holy  grimages. 
places,  due  to  religious  devotion,  or  in  fulfilment  of  vows,  or 
from  pure  love  of  travel  and  adventure.  Naturally,  Santiago 
de  Compostela  was  the  chief  objective  of  pilgrims  in  Spain, 
and  to  that  place  went  not  only  Spaniards  but  also  many 
thousands  of  persons  from  all  parts  of  western  Europe. 


CHAPTER   XIV 

THE  ARAGONESE  STATE,    1276-1479 


Victory  of 
the  royal 
authority 
iu  Aragon 
proper. 


Aragon  proper 

The  struggle  of  the  kings  against  the  seigniorial  elements 
of  Aragon  and  Valencia  (in  furtherance  of  their  policy  of 
absolutism  and  centralization)  has  already  been  traced  up 
to  the  point  where  royalty  gained  the  upper  hand  in  the  reign 
of  Pedro  IV.  One  result  of  Pedro's  victory  was  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  power  of  the  Jnsticia,  no  longer  a  creature  of  the 
nobility  (to  mediate  between  them  and  the  king)  but  a  royal 
appointee,  exercising  strictly  judicial  powers  as  chief  justice 
of  the  realm.  Even  in  this  respect  his  authority  was  limited 
by  the  founding  of  a  tribunal  to  accompany  the  king.  At- 
tempts continued  to  be  made  to  establish  the  independence 
of  the  Jnsticia,  and  the  Cortes  declared  him  irremovable, 
but  the  kings  compelled  their  appointees  to  give  them  a  letter 
of  resignation,  with  the  date  left  blank,  or  disregarded  the 
prohibiti(m  of  the  Cortes  altogether,  deposing  a  Jnsticia  if  it 
suited  them  to  do  so.  Pedro  IV  enacted  that  no  person  of 
higher  rank  than  that  of  caballero  should  be  governor  in 
Aragon,  thus  removing  another  factor  which  had  formerly 
contributed  to  civil  strife.  Aside  from  the  abolition  of  the 
Privilege  of  the  Union  and  the  reforms  just  mentioned  (to- 
gether with  others  of  lesser  note),  the  kings  did  not  modify 
the  political  organization  of  Aragon,  but  became  in  fact  the 
principal  element  in  the  state,  working  their  will  even  to  the 
point  of  acts  at  variance  with  the  laws.  Great  diversity 
in  charter  rights  and  jurisdictions  continued  to  exist,  al- 
though a  number  of  general  compilations  of  legislation  like 
those  in  Castile  were  made.     These  became  supplements 

166 


THE    ARAGONESE    STATE,    1276-1479  167 

to  the  already-mentioned  code  of  Jaime  I.^  Other  volumes 
were  prepared  of  the  customs  of  the  realm,  and  the  agree- 
ments of  the  Cortes  were  also  an  important  legislative  source. 
The  abolition  of  torture  and  of  the  vulgar  proofs  may  be 
mentioned  among  the  reforms  in  judicial  procedure.  The 
nobles  remained  almost  wholly  exempt  from  taxation,  even 
with  respect  to  the  lands  which  they  might  acquire  in  royal 
territory. 

The  relations  of  the  state  and  chm-ch  in  Aragon  were  more  Relations 
acute  than  in  Castile,  because  of  the  consequences  of  Pedro  of  church 
II's  act  of  vassalage  and  the  wars  in  Italy,  and  because  of  ^^^d  state 
the  Great  Schism,  in  which  Aragon  played  a  leading  part, 
since  one  of  the  anti-popes,  Benedict  XIII,  an  Aragonese, 
fixed  his  court  in  Aragon  for  a  time,  causing  a  divided  alle- 
giance of  the  clergy.  The  matter  of  the  election  of  bishops 
was  settled  early  in  favor  of  the  popes  when  Jaime  II  enacted 
that  the  pope  himself  should  appoint  them.  This  occasioned 
a  number  of  disagreeable  results,  especially  at  the  time  of 
the  schism,  when  there  were  two  or  more  popes.  Some 
appointments  were  manifestly  improper.  Clement  V  ap- 
pointed his  nephew,  a  mere  boy  at  the  time,  as  archbishop 
of  Saragossa,  and  even  Benedict  XIII,  though  a  man  of  the 
highest  character,  made  a  similar  appointment  to  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Toledo.  In  other  respects  the  kings  often 
insisted  on  the  rights  of  the  state,  and  intervened  in  matters 
of  an  ecclesiastical  character.  Alfonso  V  was  the  first 
Aragonese  ruler  to  pronounce  for  the  retention  of  papal 
bulls  when  their  publication  was  against  the  interests  of  the 
monarchy,  availing  himself  of  the  pase  regio  (royal  permit), 
on  which  the  kings  based  their  claims  to  prevent  documents 
which  displeased  them  from  being  put  into  effect  or  even 
from  reaching  their  intended  destination.  Pedro  de  Luna 
had  for  a  long  time  been  influential  in  Spain  before  he  be- 
came Pope  Benedict  XIII ;  he  it  was  who  persuaded  Juan  I  Benedict 
of  Castile  and  Juan  I  of  Aragon  to  recognize  Clement  VII  XIII. 

1  In  1283  the  General  Privilege  was  added  as  book  eight,  for 
there  had  been  the  usual  seven  parts  in  the  code  of  Jaime  I ;  in 
1300  the  reforms  of  Jaime  II ;  in  1348  those  of  Pedro  IV ;  and 
finally  those  of  Juan  I  and  Martin  I. 


168 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


of  Avignon  instead  of  the  pope  at  Rome.  He  himself  suc- 
ceeded Clement  \'II,  and  because  of  his  upright  character, 
piety,  intellectual  capacity,  and  Spanish  blood  received  the 
adhesion  of  most  of  the  peninsula  prelates.  It  was  largely 
through  his  support  that  Ferdinand  of  Antequera  was 
crowned  king  of  Aragon  instead  of  Jaime  of  Urgel.  When 
a  general  chm-cli  council  was  called  to  elect  a  pope  to  replace 
the  three  then  in  power,  Benedict  XIII  alone  of  the  three 
refused  to  abdicate.  Ferdinand,  who  for  a  time  endeavored 
to  suj)port  him,  felt  obliged  at  last  to  deny  him  obedience. 
Benedict  maintained  himself  in  the  fortress  of  Pemscola 
until  1422  or  1423,  when  he  died,  —  almost  certainly  poisoned 
by  a  friar.  His  cardinals  elected  Gil  Mufioz,  a  canon  of 
Barcelona,  but  in  1429  Munoz  renounced  the  title  and  the 
schism  ended. 

Catalonia 


Impor- 
tance of 
the  Cata- 
lan towns. 


The  most  marked  feature  in  the  political  life  of  Catalonia 
in  this  period  was  the  rise  of  the  towns,  and  especially  the 
vast  power  exercised  by  the  city  of  Barcelona.  The  towns 
became  veritable  lords,  buying  jurisdictions,  privileges, 
immunities,  castles,  and  lesser  towns  from  the  king,  just  as 
the  nobles  were  in  the  habit  of  doing.  Important  cities  got 
to  be  protectors  of  villages  and  towns,  granting  the  right  of 
carreratge,  which  entitled  them  to  be  considered  a  street  of 
the  city.  As  a  rule  the  kings  favored  this  increase  in  the 
power  of  the  municipalities,  and  the  latter  might  have  made 
themselves  an  irresistible  force,  had  it  not  been  for  their 
internal  party  strife,  and  for  the  armed  struggles  of  rival 
cities.  There  began  to  be  a  certain  uniformity  in  the  or- 
ganization of  royal  towns  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  in 
the  fourteenth  it  became  more  marked  under  the  influence 
of  the  centralizing  policy  of  Pedro  IV.  The  general  assembly 
was  the  basis  of  government  at  first,  but  its  place  was  taken 
later  by  a  council  elected  from  the  wealthy  citizens;  at 
times,  the  oflBcials  themselves  were  the  only  ones  to  vote, 
and  they  too  chose  the  representatives  to  the  Cortes.  This 
aristocratic  form  of  government  did  not  please  the  kings, 


THE   ARAGONESE   STATE,    1276-1479 


169 


since  it  tended  to  create  a  force  which  would  be  hostile  to 
them  and  led  to  social  strife  in  the  municipalities,  where- 
fore matters  were  adjusted  at  the  close  of  the  fourteenth 
century  by  the  entry  of  the  popular  element  into  the  council. 
Just  as  in  Castile,  the  nobles  and  churchmen  were  forced  to 
grant  privileges  to  their  towns  almost  equal  to  those  enjoyed 
by  the  royal  municipalities,  in  order  to  retain  the  people. 
They  still  collected  certain  taxes,  exercised  judicial  powers, 
and  appointed  some  officials,  but  the  greater  part  of  local 
administration  was  in  the  hands  of  the  towns  themselves, 
which  developed  along  lines  similar  to  those  of  the  royal 
towns. 

The  most  accentuated  representation  of  municipal  life 
was  to  be  found  in  the  city  of  Barcelona.  The  administra- 
tive organization  of  the  preceding  era  did  not  change  funda- 
mentally, but  the  power  and  privileges  of  the  city  increased 
greatly,  due  to  the  concessions  of  the  kings.  The  council 
of  five  was  at  first  composed  only  of  Jionrats,  or  members  of 
the  bourgeois  aristocracy,  but  by  the  year  1455  only  two 
were  of  this  class,  a  third  was  a  merchant,  a  fourth  an  artist, 
and  a  fifth  an  artisan.  The  classes  of  lower  grade  than  the 
honrats  were  admitted  to  the  Consell  in  1387,  and  by  the  end 
of  the  period  the  popular  element  had  become  preponderant. 
The  five  councillors,  though  subject  to  the  Consell,  formed 
an  administrative  commission  for  the  government  of  the 
city.  It  was  also  their  privilege  to  advise  the  king,  some- 
thing which  they  frequently  did,  and  they  were  charged 
with  the  duty  of  maintaining  the  charter  rights  of  the  city, 
a  matter  to  which  they  attended  most  zealously,  even  to 
the  point  of  war  with  the  king.  Through  purchase,  annexa- 
tion, royal  donations,  and  the  extensive  application  of  the 
institution  of  carreratge  Barcelona  acquired  a  great  part  of 
Catalonia  and  other  portions  of  the  realm ;  the  possession 
of  Elche  and  other  towns  in  Valencian  territory  illustrates 
the  far-reaching  authority  of  the  great  Catalan  city.  The 
subject  towns  had  a  right  to  protection  and  to  the  privileges 
and  exemptions  of  Barcelona,  in  return  for  which  the  latter 
had  more  or  less  complete  control  of  the  administration  of 
justice,  was  supposed  to  have  their  cooperation  in  matters 


Greatness 
of  the 
city  of 
Barcelona. 


170 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Struggle 
between 
absolutism 
and  seign- 
iorial 
society  in 
Catalonia. 


of  general  interest,  and  was  entitled  to  contributions  of 
soldiers  and  the  payment  of  certain  tributes.  The  vast 
power  of  Barcelona  was  not  always  exercised  for  the  best 
interests  of  the  state,  as  in  the  case  of  the  blow  inflicted  on 
the  commerce  of  Valencia,  through  the  influence  of  Barce- 
lona, whereby  no  merchandise  was  allowed  to  be  shipped 
from  that  port  in  foreign  vessels.  At  times,  the  governing 
authorities  of  Barcelona  equalled,  or  even  exceeded,  the 
power  of  the  deputation  of  the  Cortes  of  Catalonia,  and  sus- 
tained disputes  with  it.  On  the  other  hand,  Barcelona  re- 
peatedly intervened  in  the  struggles  of  caballeros,  towns, 
and  social  classes  to  impose  peace.  The  authority  of  the 
city  was  reflected  in  the  pride  of  its  aristocracy,  the  honrats. 
They  enjoyed  the  right  of  riepto,  or  duel,  the  same  as  mem- 
bers of  the  nobility,  and  vigorously  protested  against  meas- 
ures which  seemed  to  place  them  on  a  lower  level  than  any 
other  class  of  society,  —  for  example,  when  the  order  of 
St.  John  proposed  to  admit  only  the  descendants  of  nobles. 
Anybody  might  become  an  ho7irat  if  he  combined  certain 
prerequisites,  such  as  wealth,  with  an  election  by  the  council. 
The  same  struggle  of  absolutism  against  the  seigniorial 
elements  appeared  in  Catalonia  as  in  Castile  and  Aragon, 
although  the  monarchy  was  more  consistently  victorious 
there  than  elsewhere.  The  nobles  opposed  the  kings,  though 
somewhat  weakly,  for  they  were  more  concerned  with  the 
social  problems  of  the  era.  The  cities  and  towns,  especially 
Barcelona,  also  constituted  a  feudal  element  which  was  not 
always  in  accord  with  the  king.  Although  during  most  of 
the  era  there  was  no  armed  conflict  between  these  forces, 
there  were  a  number  of  symptoms  of  discontent  which  at 
length  broke  forth  in  the  civil  wars  of  the  reign  of  Juan  II. 
Some  of  the  causes  of  dissatisfaction  were  the  following : 
the  belief  that  their  Castilian  sovereign,  Ferdinand  I,  and 
his  successors  had  an  exaggerated  ideal  of  absolutism ;  the 
employment  of  foreigners  in  public  offices,  especially  Cas- 
tilians,  by  the  same  monarchs,  —  a  demonstration  also  of 
the  lack  of  Spanish  national  feeling;  and  the  absence  of 
Alfonso  V  in  Italy  and  his  expensive  wars  there,  although  the 
Catalans  were  as  a  rule  partisans  of  the  policy  of  Mediter- 


THE   ARAGONESE   STATE,    1276-1479  171 

ranean  expansion.  Fundamentally,  however,  the  strife  at 
the  end  of  this  period  was  a  conflict  between  centralized 
absolute  monarchy  and  decentralization  based  on  charter 
rights.  Neither  Juan  II  nor  his  predecessors  varied  the 
charters  or  the  political  organization  of  the  principality, 
but  nevertheless  the  blow  was  struck,  and  the  downfall  of 
the  sovereign  rights  of  the  lords  and  towns  was  already  at 
hand. 

The  Cortes  continued  to  meet  separately  from  that  of  The 
Aragon  and  to  be  chiefly  important  for  its  grant  or  refusal  Catalan 
of  taxes.     The  third  estate  (representatives  of  the  towns)   ^'^'f'^^^- 
endeavored  to  establish  its  right  to  participate  with  the  king 
in  legislation,  but  the  latter  made  laws  independently  of 
the  Cortes  as  before.     When  the  Cortes  was  not  in  session, 
it  was  represented  by  the  general  deputation,  or  Generalitat, 
usually  made  up  of  three  members,  or  one  for  each  branch  of 
the  Cortes.     In  addition  to  keeping  watch  to  see  that  the 
laws  were   strictly   observed,   the   deputation   had   certain 
police  powers,  including  the  defence  of  the  principality,  and 
other  less  notable  administrative  functions.     The  general 
Cortes  of  the  entire  realm  held  occasional  meetings,  as  did 
also  a  new  Cortes  for  the  Mediterranean  possessions  of  the 
kingdom  (Corsica,  Sardinia,  Sicily,  and  Naples). 

Legislation  was  characterized  by  the  variety  of  jurisdic-  Legisla- 
tions of  former  years,  but  the  number  of  grants  of  new  mu-  tion  in 
nicipal  charters  diminished  greatly,  and  the  general  decrees  Catalonia, 
of  the  kings  increased.  If  this  manifested  a  tendency  toward 
unity,  the  citation  of  the  principles  of  the  Roman  law  did 
so  even  more.  This  had  already  proved  influential  in  the 
preceding  era,  but  it  did  not  establish  itself  securely  until 
the  fifteenth  century.  There  was  a  strong  sentiment  in  its 
favor  in  Catalonia,  and  Pedro  IV  ordered  its  study  and  its 
use  in  cases  at  law.  Finally  it  was  established  in  the  Cortes 
of  1409  that  the  Roman  and  canon  law  might  be  cited  as 
supplementary  law  after  certain  other  specified  legal  sources. 
Like  the  adoption  of  the  Partidas  in  Castile  (in  1348)  this 
meant  an  ultimate,  complete  victory  for  the  Roman  prin- 
ciples. In  most  other  respects  the  administration  of  justice 
in   Catalonia   followed   the   course   already   described   for 


172 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Adminis- 
tration in 
general. 


Power  of 
the  great 
prelates. 


Castile.  In  financial  history  the  only  features  worthy  of 
note  were  the  development  of  a  system  of  taxation  by  the 
deputation  of  Catalonia,  whereby  it  met  its  own  expenses 
and  provided  funds  for  the  grants  to  the  king,  and  the 
growth  of  a  system  of  municipal  finance  in  Barcelona  on  a 
scale  in  keeping  with  its  extensive  power.  In  both  military 
and  naval  afi'airs  the  authority  of  the  deputation  was  the 
most  striking  element.  This  body  merely  loaned  the  army 
and  navy  to  the  king,  specifying  the  cases  when  the  loan 
was  allowable.  The  principal  military  force  was  that  of 
the  municipal  militia,  although  the  seigniorial  levies  still 
formed  part  of  the  army.  In  addition  to  the  flotilla  of  the 
deputation  there  were  the  navies  of  the  king,  of  the  corpo- 
ration of  merchants  of  the  city  of  Barcelona,  and  of  private 
individuals  or  towns.  The  most  persistent  enemies  in  the 
Mediterranean  were  pirates,  both  the  Moslems  of  northern 
Africa,  and  the  Christians  from  Majorca,  southern  F'rance, 
Italy,  and  Catalonia  itself.  Towers  were  built  and  a  mes- 
senger service  developed  to  advise  of  the  presence  of  pirates, 
but  the  evil  was  not  eliminated. 

The  general  relaxation  in  the  customs  and  discipline  of 
churchmen  already  mentioned  in  the  case  of  Castile  and  the 
course  of  ecclesiastical  history  described  for  Aragon  apply 
equally  to  the  chm-ch  of  Catalonia.  The  most  noteworthy 
characteristic  in  the  relations  of  the  church  and  state  was 
the  continuation  of  the  feudal  authority  of  the  more  power- 
ful prelates.  Principal  among  them  were  the  bishops  of 
Gerona,  whose  dominions  and  wealth  in  personalty  were 
greatly  increased  in  this  period.  As  they  were  virtual 
monarchs  on  their  lands,  they  were  able  to  challenge  the 
authority  of  neighboring  nobles  or  of  the  kings  themselves, 
and  they  oppressed  the  people.  Their  scant  respect  for  the 
royal  power  was  often  displayed ;  on  one  occasion  they 
compelled  two  of  the  highest  officials  of  the  kingdom  to 
walk  through  the  streets  of  Gerona  in  the  garb  of  criminals, 
submitting  all  the  while  to  a  beating,  and  made  them  ascend 
the  long  stairway  fronting  the  cathedral  on  their  knees, 
wearing  only  a  shirt,  and  carrying  a  candle.  Several  of 
the  bishops  were  banished,  and  even  the  nobles  joined  the 


THE   ARAGONESE   STATE,    1276-1479 


173 


kings  against  the  ecclesiastical  lords.  The  Franciscans  and 
Dominicans  opposed  the  bishops  and  abbots,  but  although 
they  had  popular  sympathy  in  their  favor  they  did  not  have 
an  equal  political  influence,  since  they  were  not  represented 
in  the  Cortes.  The  power  of  the  great  churchmen  was  not 
materially  diminished,  but  the  last  bishop  of  Gerona  in  the 
era  was  a  strong  partisan  of  the  king. 


Valencia 

In  some  parts  of  Valencia  the  law  of  Aragon  applied,  but 
the  usual  rule,  especially  after  the  victory  of  Pedro  IV,  was 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  laws,  or  furs,  granted  by  Jaime  I, 
added  to,  or  modified  by,  the  grants  of  different  kings  and 
the  ordinances  of  the  Cortes,  The  law  of  Barcelona  applied 
in  a  number  of  towns  which  were  joined  to  that  city  by  the 
institution  of  carreratge.  In  general  administration  the 
practices  were  much  the  same  as  those  mentioned  for  Castile. 
The  extreme  harshness  of  judicial  punishments,  possibly 
surpassing  other  regions,  may  be  noted.  The  death  penalty 
was  habitually  given,  and  various  cruel  methods  of  execu- 
tion were  employed.  A  sentence  of  imprisonment  was 
rarely  inflicted.  The  greatness  of  the  city  of  Valencia  was 
almost  as  noteworthy  in  this  part  of  Spain  as  that  of  Bar- 
celona in  Catalonia.  Valencia  put  itself  at  the  head  of  the 
Union  which  fought  Pedro  IV,  only  to  go  down  in  defeat. 


Distino- 
tive  fea- 
tures in 
Valencian 
political 
Ufe. 


CHAPTER  XV 

ECONOMIC   ORGANIZATION  IN  SPAIN,    1252-1479 


General 
factors  of 
Castilian 
economic 
life. 


Castile 

A  CONTINUATION  in  this  era  of  the  factors  which  had  tended 
in  the  preceding  period  to  develop  material  resources  brought 
about  progress  in  agriculture,  stock-raising,  mining,  industry, 
and  commerce,  although  it  was  not  great  enough  to  cause 
general  economic  prosperity.  The  stock-raisers,  as  before, 
received  more  favors  than  their  rivals,  the  farmers,  and  it 
was  at  this  time  that  the  powerful  corporation  of  sheep- 
men, the  Mesta,  was  formed.  Alfonso  X  granted  charters  to 
various  of  these  corporations,  entitling  them  to  elect  alcaldes 
with  special  jurisdiction  in  the  affairs  of  the  Mesta  and 
its  disputes  with  the  farmers.  The  different  organizations 
were  united  in  the  reign  of  Alfonso  XI  to  form  a  single 
Castilian  Mesta,  a  body  which  possessed  immense  power. 
Gold,  silver,  quicksilver,  and  lead  mines  were  worked  to  some 
extent ;  these,  with  salt  mines  and  fisheries,  constituted  a 
royal  monopoly,  but  were  exploited  by  private  individuals 
who  paid  rent  to  the  kings.  The  advance  in  industry  was 
particularly  marked.  Santiago  de  Compostela  no  longer 
enjoyed  a  unique  position  as  a  manufacturing  centre,  for 
every  important  town  now  had  its  industries  devoted  to 
supplying  the  needs  of  daily  life  and  the  exigencies  of  a  grow- 
ing artistic  refinement,  as  evidenced  by  the  wealth  in  jewelry, 
arms,  architecture  and  its  appurtenances,  furniture,  rich 
embroideries,  and  other  articles  far  superior  in  quality  and 
quantity  to  those  of  the  preceding  era.  The  towns  conquered 
from  the  Moslems,  especially  the  city  of  Seville,  were  par- 

174 


to  eco- 
nomic 
progress. 


ECONOMIC   ORGANIZATION   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479         175 

ticularly  noteworthy  for  their  industrial  Hfe.  Among  the 
principal  commercial  outlets  for  Castilian  products  were 
the  ports  of  the  Basque  provinces ;  their  exports  seem  to 
have  been  chiefly  raw  materials,  but  there  were  also  such 
items  as  cloth,  wine,  oil,  and  sugar.  It  is  probable,  however, 
that  most  of  the  manufacturing  done  in  the  Castilian  towns 
was  for  the  consumption  of  the  towns  themselves  and  a  very 
limited  neighboring  area.  Distribution  within  Castile  was 
not  well  developed,  for  many  of  the  same  (or  similar)  prod- 
ucts as  those  exported  were  also  imported.  Industry  and 
commerce  were  very  largely  in  the  hands  of  foreigners, 
Jews,  and  Mudejares. 

Legislation  showed  the  double  tendency  of  encouraging  Legislative 
economic  development  and  of  checking  it  by  laws  looking  helps  and 
to  the  temporary  needs  of  the  royal  treasury.  The  Partidas  lundrances 
urged  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  the  building  of  bridges  and  ^^■^' 
repair  of  roads,  the  prevention  of  frauds  in  customs  houses, 
and  the  exemption  of  certain  imports  from  the  payment  of 
duty  when  they  seemed  likely  to  aid  in  material  progress,  — 
such  as  farming  utensils  when  destined  for  use  by  the  im- 
porter himself  and  not  intended  for  resale.  Commercial 
treaties  with  foreign  countries  began  to  be  made  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  although  often  by  merely  a  portion  of 
the  kingdom,  particularly  the  north  coast  ports ;  thus  there 
were  treaties  of  1351  and  1366  with  England.  On  the  other 
hand  there  were  the  royal  monopolies,  the  alcabala,  and  the 
rigid  maintenance  of  customs  duties,  —  for  the  exemptions, 
after  all,  were  few  in  number.  Not  only  was  there  the  ob- 
stacle of  different  state  boundaries,  but  also  there  were  the 
duties  collected  by  many,  if  not  most,  of  the  towns.  No 
distinction  was  made  as  to  the  source  of  goods,  and  those 
of  Castile  paid  equally  with  foreign  products.  Another  hin- 
drance to  economic  advance  was  the  well-intentioned,  but 
mistaken,  policy  of  excessive  governmental  regulation  of  the 
industries.  Both  the  state  and  the  guilds  themselves  made 
laws  fixing  wages,  the  hours  of  labor,  prices,  methods  of  con- 
tract, amount  of  interest,  and  even  the  way  in  which  goods 
should  be  made.  These  regulations  were  not  uniform  for 
all  Castile,  but  varied  according  to  the  special  circumstances 


176 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Progress 
in  com- 
merce. 


Public 
works. 


of  the  different  regions.  The  municipaHties  also  intervened 
to  fix  prices  for  goods  of  prime  necessity  or  of  general  use. 
At  times  they  granted  an  exclusive  right  of  sale,  or  estab- 
lished municipal  shops. 

To  facilitate  commerce  fairs  and  general  markets  were 
greatly  resorted  to,  being  established  by  law,  or,  if  already 
in  existence,  favored  by  grants  of  new  privileges.  The  in- 
security of  the  roads  and  the  civil  wars  prevented  the  royal 
grants  from  having  their  full  effect,  and  other  circumstances, 
such  as  the  popular  attacks  on  Jewish  districts,  the  variety 
and  uncertainty  of  coins  and  of  weights  and  measures,  the 
debasement  of  the  coinage  by  the  kings,  and  the  prevalence 
of  counterfeiting  (despite  the  penalty  imposed,  —  burning 
to  death),  tended  to  interfere  with  commerce.  Nevertheless, 
notable  progress  was  made.  Bills  of  exchange  first  appeared 
in  this  era.  Foreign  merchants  visited  Castile,  and  Cas- 
tilians  went  abroad,  especially  to  England  and  Flanders; 
there  were  Castilian  consuls  in  Bruges.  The  Jews  figured 
prominently  in  foreign  trade,  as  money  changers  and  makers 
of  loans,  while  their  international  relations  due  to  the  soli- 
darity of  their  race  enabled  them  to  act  as  bankers. 

Something,  though  little,  was  done  to  assist  in  economic 
betterment  by  the  building  of  public  works.  The  lords, 
both  lay  and  ecclesiastical,  resisted  many  of  these  projects, 
notably  the  building  of  bridges,  since  it  deprived  them  of  the 
tolls  which  they  were  in  the  habit  of  collecting  for  ferrying 
goods,  animals,  and  persons  across  the  rivers.  Men  travelled 
on  horseback,  or  on  a  litter,  and  goods  were  carried  by  pack- 
animals  or  carts,  although  the  latter  could  rarely  be  used 
because  of  the  bad  condition  of  the  roads.  Measures  to 
improve  the  highways  were  frequently  taken,  however. 
The  greater  part  of  the  revenues  devoted  to  public  works 
was  still  applied  to  the  building  or  repair  of  fortifications. 


Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  Valencia 

The  economic  history  of  this  region,  based  on  the  natural 
differences  of  the  three  principal  sections,  followed  much 
the  same  lines  as  before,  but  the  principal  note  was  the  all- 


ECONOMIC    ORGANIZATION  IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479        177 


round  development  in  Catalonia.  Grain  in  that  region  was 
scarce,  on  which  account  large  quantities  were  imported 
from  Aragon  and  from  foreign  countries,  but  some  other 
agricultiu-al  products,  such  as  rice,  grapes,  and  olives,  were 
cultivated  with  success.  Stock-raising  was  also  a  prominent 
occupation.  The  most  important  source  of  Catalan  wealth 
continued  to  be  in  manufacturing,  especially  in  Barcelona. 
A  great  variety  of  cloths  and  fabrics  was  made,  as  also  pot- 
tery, barrels,  rope,  glass,  and  many  other  articles  of  prac- 
tical utility.  Aragon  was  less  important  in  commerce,  as 
in  other  respects,  than  the  other  parts  of  the  realm.  Some- 
thing was  done  there  by  royal  legislation  to  favor  trade,  and 
enough  of  it  existed  to  warrant  the  founding  of  a  consulado  in 
Saragossa  (1391)  with  mercantile  jiu-isdiction.  Catalan 
commerce  was  so  great  in  volume  that  it  rivalled  that  of  the 
Italian  cities.  From  the  Scandinavian  lands  in  the  north- 
west to  the  extremes  of  the  Mediterranean,  Catalan  ships 
might  be  seen,  and  if  there  were  many  Italian  vessels  which 
visited  the  ports  of  Catalonia,  so  too  the  Catalans  carried 
their  trade  to  the  cities  of  Italy,  where  many  Catalan  con- 
suls resided.  Kings,  lords,  and  towns  endeavored  to  build 
up  Catalan  industry  and  commerce,  by  favorable  legislation, 
by  extending  the  institution  of  the  consulados,  and  by  making 
commercial  treaties.  Nevertheless,  not  a  few  obstacles 
were  also  raised,  largely  as  a  result  of  the  false  economic 
ideas  of  the  era.  Thus,  prices  were  often  fixed ;  a  precise 
order,  or  sequence,  of  sale  might  be  required,  —  for  example, 
in  La  Bisbal  the  crop  of  the  bishop  had  to  be  sold  first; 
the  technical  regulation  of  industries  was  carried  to  excess, 
far  beyond  the  rules  established  in  this  respect  in  the  other 
lands  of  the  peninsula;  taxes  were  numerous  in  kind,  and 
some  were  very  heavy;  and  the  policy  of  protection  was 
carried  to  extremes  in  favor  of  some  municipalities  as  against 
others.  Furthermore  there  were  dangers  of  piracy  and  the 
insecurity  of  the  roads.  Valencia  was  commercially  pros- 
perous in  only  less  degree  than  Catalonia.  Both  regions 
were  represented  principally,  in  industry  and  commerce,  by 
their  great  capital  cities. 
Barcelona  was  easily  the  greatest  industrial  and  mercantile 


Economic 
factors  in 
the  king- 
dom of 
Aragon, 
especially 
in  Cata- 
lonia. 


178 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  indus- 
trial and 
mercan- 
tile 

system  of 
Barcelona. 


Economic 
promi- 
nence of 
the  city  of 
Valencia. 


centre  in  Spain,  and  was  also  the  leading  exponent  of  the 
Catalan  policy  of  protection.  Foreign  goods  like  those  pro- 
duced in  Catalonia  were  either  prohibited  from  entry  or 
charged  with  excessive  duties.  On  the  other  hand,  the  im- 
porting of  goods  which  had  no  counterpart  in  Catalonia, 
such  as  fine  cloths,  or  which  existed  in  small  quantity,  such 
as  grain,  was  encom-aged.  In  the  case  of  grain,  premiums 
were  granted  to  importers,  and  heavy  export  duties  were 
collected,  or  its  exportation  entirely  prohibited.  From  1249 
to  1347  the  Consell  exercised  mercantile  jurisdiction  through 
the  medium  of  two  consuls  of  the  sea  {consules  de  mar), 
but  in  the  last-named  year  a  considado  was  created  to  per- 
form that  function  and  to  provide  for  the  protection  of  com- 
merce against  pirates.  Both  the  deputation  of  the  Cortes 
and  the  two  local  councils  occasionally  intervened,  however. 
The  local  authorities  appointed  the  consuls  to  represent 
Catalan  interests  in  foreign  countries.  This  was  a  post  of 
high  consequence,  and  was  rewarded  by  a  grant  of  a  certain 
percentage  of  the  purchases  and  sales  of  merchandise  in  the 
entire  realm  of  Aragon.  The  consuls  acted  as  judges,  mer- 
cantile agents,  and  guardians  and  defenders  of  the  persons 
and  property  of  their  compatriots.  The  councils  of  Bar- 
celona concerned  themselves  with  the  introduction  of  new 
industries,  bringing  in  foreigners  skilled  in  such  manufac- 
tures. Financial  and  technical  experts  were  maintained  at 
municipal  expense.  Not  only  do  these  facts  evidence  the 
attention  paid  by  the  people  of  Barcelona  to  mercantile  life, 
but  they  also  demonstrate  a  surprising  modernity  in  point 
of  view.  It  is  no  wonder  that  the  merchants  of  that  city 
were  notably  wealthy,  proud,  and  given  to  luxury. 

Favored  by  the  rich  agricultural  productivity  of  the  Valen- 
cian  kingdom,  the  industrial  traditions  of  the  INIoslem  popu- 
lation, and  the  energy  of  its  Catalan  bourgeoisie,  the  city  of 
Valencia  became  a  veritable  rival  of  Barcelona  in  industry 
and  commerce,  and  enjoyed  a  wide  fame  in  Mediterranean 
lands,  especially  in  Italy.  A  consulado  was  founded  as  early 
as  1283,  and  the  first  bills  of  exchange  known  in  the  peninsula 
(from  1376)  were  drawn  up  in  Valencia.  Legislation  favoring 
Barcelona    at    Valencia's    expense    caused    a    considerable 


ECONOMIC    ORGANIZATION   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479         179 

damage  to  the  latter's  commerce,  although  it  continued  to 
be  important. 

In  the  erection  of  public  works  this  was  a  notable  era  in  Public 
all  the  kingdom  of  Aragon.  A  number  of  bridges  were  built,  works, 
and  tolls  were  collected  to  provide  for  their  preservation  and 
repair.  The  Catalans  were  particularly  mindful  of  improv- 
ing their  ports.  That  of  Barcelona  was  enlarged  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  and  in  the  fifteenth  an  artificial  port  was 
begun  and  completed.  The  fifteenth  century  also  marked 
the  beginning  of  work  on  the  artificial  port  of  Valencia. 
Old  roads  were  improved  and  new  ones  built.  A  consider- 
able advance  was  made  in  works  of  irrigation  in  all  parts  of 
the  realm.  In  this  respect  Valencia  took  the  lead,  making 
use  of  the  canals  dating  from  the  Moslem  period,  but  ampli- 
fying and  improving  them.  A  mail  service  developed  at 
this  time.  The  kings  and  the  municipalities  had  their  sepa- 
rate mails,  but  in  Catalonia  there  was  also  a  private  mail- 
carrying  industry  as  early  as  the  latter  part  of  the  thirteenth 
century. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS   IN    SPAIN,    1252-1479 


Castile 


Begin- 
ning of 
Castilian 
intel- 
lectual 
superior- 
ity in  the 
peninsula. 


General 
charac- 
teristics of 
the  era. 


With  the  advance  of  the  Christian  conquest  against  the 
jNIoslems  the  political  centre  had  passed  from  the  northern 
coast  to  the  Castilian  table-land,  and  thence  to  Andalusia, 
where  for  a  time  the  court  was  set  up  in  Seville.  There  was 
a  tendency,  however,  to  return  to  Castile  proper,  since  the 
people  of  that  region  were  the  principal  element  in  the  con- 
quest and  in  internal  political  affairs.  The  political  pre- 
ponderance of  the  Castilian  part  of  the  realm  was  so  clearly 
established  that  it  transformed  that  region  in  many  ways, 
and  caused  it  to  have  for  the  first  time  a  civilization  superior 
to  that  of  the  coastal  plains,  overcoming  the  geographical 
handicaps  which  hitherto  had  held  it  back.  The  predomi- 
nance of  Castile  in  intellectual  life  was  to  become  yet  more 
marked  in  later  centuries.  In  earlier  times  the  rude  Astu- 
rians  and  Galicians  had  joined  with  the  no  less  rude  Leonese 
and  Castilians  against  the  Moslems,  but  they  had  become 
modified  by  contact  with  the  conquered  people  themselves 
and  with  the  various  foreigners  who  joined  them  in  the  con- 
quest. The  indigenous  people  did  not  lose  their  own  indi- 
viduality, however ;  rather  they  assimilated  the  new  influ- 
ences, and  paved  the  way  for  the  brilliant  and  original 
manifestation  of  intellectual  culture  of  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries.  The  principal  characteristic  of  this 
epoch  was  the  desire  for  knowledge,  leading  to  the  incor- 
poration into  indigenous  civilization  of  many  other  elements. 
The  conquest  of  Andalusia  brought  Castile  into  more  inti- 
mate contact  with  JNIoslem  civilization,  which  reached  its 

180 


INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479         181 

culminating  point  in  science  and  in  art  in  the  fourteenth 
century.  French  elements  continued  to  affect  poHte  litera- 
ture and  didactic  works.  Especially  noteworthy  was  the 
great  prominence  of  the  influences  coming  out  of  Italy, 
giving  a  new  direction  to  Castilian  literature,  and  substituting 
for  the  Moslem  scientific  element  the  direct  study  of  classical 
texts  and  the  use  of  observation  and  experiment  as  a  means 
to  knowledge.  The  entry  of  western  European  culture  into 
Castile  was  accelerated  by  those  Castilians  who  went  to 
France  and  Italy  at  this  time  to  study  in  the  great  schools 
and  universities  of  those  lands.  The  two  capital  moments 
of  the  era  were  the  reigns  of  Alfonso  X  and  Juan  II. 

The  universities  increased  in  number  and  influence  to  the  Univer- 
point  of  being  a  vital  factor  in  the  intellectual  life  of  the  ^ity  ^^^ 
period.  In  the  Partidas,  Alfonso  X  distinguished  between  o^'^^f  ^^' 
the  "general  studies"  founded  by  the  pope,  emperor,  or 
king,  and  the  "particular  studies,"  the  creation  of  an  indi- 
vidual or  town.  The  former  combined  secondary  and  higher 
education,  for  the  old  triviiim  and  quadrwium.  were  retained, 
with  the  addition  of  the  Roman  and  canon  law.^  Gradually 
the  higher  studies  began  to  predominate,  and  associated  them- 
selves with  the  term  "university."  The  "particular 
studies"  were  usually  conducted  by  a  single  master  w4th  a 
few  students,  and  were  confined  to  some  one  or  two  branches 
of  learning.  Some  of  these  subjects,  when  they  differed 
from  the  fundamental  courses  of  the  "general  studies," 
tended  to  be  adopted  by  the  latter.  Thus  theology  was 
added  to  the  university  curriculum  in  the  fifteenth  century. 
Other  subjects  were  also  studied  in  the  universities,  even 
though  not  common  to  all,  such  as  medicine  and  surgery  at 
Salamanca.  Primary  education  was  neglected,  although 
the  church  schools  still  continued  and  some  towns  or  indi- 
viduals founded  such  schools.  The  universities  received 
considerable  government  aid,  but  were  autonomous,  and 
depended  in  part  on  other  sources  of  income,  such  as  their 

^  In  medieval  schools  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  logic  (comprising 
the  trivium)  were  the  principal  studies,  supplemented  by  arithmetic, 
geometry,  astronomy,  and  music  (or  the  quadrivium).  These 
subjects  were  almost  unrecognizably  unlike  those  of  the  same 
names  today. 


182 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Moslem, 
Jewish, 
and  other 
influences 
on  Cas- 
tilian 
thought 
and 


own  fees  and  the  gifts  by  individuals  or  corporations  other 
than  the  state.  The  students  and  teachers  together  formed 
a  cofradia,  or  fraternity,  which  elected  its  (jwn  rector,  or 
president.  A  bishop,  dean,  or  abbot  was  usually  consti- 
tuted a  kind  of  guardian  by  royal  mandate.  This  official 
was  gradually  replaced  by  the  "schoolmaster  of  the  cathe- 
dral, "  who  came  to  be  judge  in  cases  affecting  university  stu- 
dents, and  even  arrogated  to  himself  the  right  to  confer 
degrees,  rivalling  the  president  of  the  university  in  authority. 
All  members  of  the  university  were  granted  special  legal 
privileges  (approximately  those  of  the  clergy)  with  respect 
to  their  persons  and  goods.  The  method  of  teaching  em- 
ployed was  the  reading  of  a  text  by  the  teacher,  who  com- 
mented upon  and  explained  it.  Examinations  were  held  for 
the  granting  of  the  bachelor's  and  doctor's  degrees.  Not 
only  did  each  university  possess  a  library,  but  there  were 
also  many  other  public  and  private  libraries,  and  the  trade 
of  the  copyist  and  the  manufacture  of  books  were  markedly 
more  prominent  than  before.  In  the  universities  texts  were 
loaned  (not  sold)  to  students  to  enable  them  to  correct  their 
notes,  —  which  shows  that  books  were  still  comparatively 
scarce.  Some  time  before  1475,  at  an  uncertain  date,  the 
art  of  printing  was  introduced  into  Castile,  —  with  effects 
which  belong  to  the  following  eras. 

The  oriental  influence  on  Castilian  thought  and  science, 
or  rather  the  classical  influences  transmitted  through  Moslem 
and  Jewish  writers,  advanced  for  a  time,  and  continued  to 
be  preponderant  until  the  fifteenth  century,  when  European 
ideas,  principally  Italian,  became  the  more  important. 
There  was  a  change  in  direction  of  the  Moslem  influence, 
however.  Philosophy  dropped  back  from  the  leading  place, 
and  was  substituted  by  juridical  and  moral  studies,  while 
the  physical  and  natural  sciences,  including  their  super- 
stitious derivations,  acquired  a  remarkable  vogue.  Chris- 
tian writers  imitated  Moslem  philosophers  and  moralists, 
or  translated  their  works ;  many  Castilian  writers  were  of 
Moslem  or  Jewish  origin,  or  still  continued  to  belong  to  those 
peoples  and  faiths ;  many  Arabic  works  were  included  in 
the  libraries  of  the  time ;  and  the  oriental  form  of  scientific 


INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479         183 

exposition,  the  encyclopedia,  was  frequently  used.  The 
oriental  influence  manifested  itself  especially  in  the  natural 
sciences.  Books  of  mathematics,  physics,  chemistry,  medi- 
cine, and  astronomy  were  almost  the  only  ones  to  be  trans- 
lated from  the  Arabic,  and  these  branches  were  also  the  ones 
to  which  Mudejar  scholars  of  the  period  most  frequently 
devoted  themselves.  Moslems  and  Jews  continued  to  be 
the  most  famous  physicians  of  Castile.  The  deductive 
method  and  dialectic  forms  were  still  employed  by  them, 
rather  than  personal  observation  and  experiment.  The 
most  marked  characteristic  of  the  cultivation  of  the  natural 
sciences  was  in  their  extravagant  applications  with  a  view  to 
a  knowledge  of  the  future  or  to  obtain  vast  wealth  through 
supernatural  agencies.  Thus  chemistry  tended  toward 
alchemy,  with  the  aim  of  finding  the  philosopher's  stone, 
whereby  base  metals  might  be  turned  into  gold,  or  with  the 
object  of  producing  mysterious  elixirs  endowed  with  wonder- 
working virtues.  Chemists  and  alchemists  came  to  be  con- 
sidered as  practicers  of  magic  arts  in  more  or  less  intimate 
communion  with  the  Devil,  a  belief  in  which  the  individuals 
themselves  often  shared.  Men  of  high  attainments  were 
credulous  exponents  of  these  superstitions,  —  for  example. 
Archbishop  Alonso  de  Carrillo  and  the  learned  Enrique  de 
Villena ;  the  latter  attained  to  a  legendary  fame  which  has 
endured  even  to  the  present  day.  Similarly,  astronomers 
were  at  the  same  time  astrologers.  Both  alchemy  and 
astrology  served  a  useful  purpose,  however,  in  stimulating 
the  study  of  the  true  sciences,  with  a  resulting  advance  in 
knowledge.  The  age  of  the  Moslem  and  Jewish  philosopher 
was  past,  and  very  little  that  was  original  in  the  realm  of 
philosophy  appeared  in  Castile  in  this  period ;  even  theo- 
logical writings  were  not  prominent,  despite  the  study  of 
theology  in  the  universities  and  schools.  Moral  and  political 
literature  abounded,  such  as  discussions  of  the  wiles  or  virtues 
of  women  on  the  one  hand,  and  works  on  the  relations  be- 
tween church  and  state  on  the  other.  In  the  latter  respect 
ecclesiastical  writers  maintained  the  superior  authority  of  the 
pope  over  the  king,  but  were  in  the  main  defenders  of  mon- 
archy, although  distinguishing  the  legitimate  king  from  the 


184  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

tjTant,  and  sustaining  the  ultimate  dependence  of  the  mon- 
arch on  his  people.  The  Italian  influence  appeared  in  phi- 
losophy through  translations  of  classical  (Aristotle,  Plato, 
Cicero,  Seneca)  and  contemporary  Italian  (Colonna, 
Petrarch,  Boccaccio)  texts.  The  most  influential  mani- 
festation of  Castilian  thought  was  in  the  field  of  jurispru- 
dence, to  which  references  have  already  been  made  in  dealing 
with  the  Partidas  and  other  legal  volumes.  The  entire  period 
abounded  in  this  type  of  literature,  not  only  in  compilations 
of  an  official  character,  but  also  in  those  of  private  indi- 
viduals, all  of  them  greatly  influenced  by  the  legal  works 
of  Justinian. 
Tho  The  same  factors  which  affected  the  literary  history  of 

triumph  the  preceding  period  continued  to  exist  in  this,  although 
1^  .  ^^^.~  occupying  different  positions,  and  in  addition  competing 
polite  with  the  Classical  Renaissance  and  Italian  elements,  which 

literature,  almost  overwhelmed  the  others.  Just  as  in  the  scientific 
works,  so  in  literature,  these  factors  were  assimilated  and 
made  over  to  produce  the  original  Castilian  product  of  suc- 
ceeding centuries.  Castilian  became  the  language  of  poetry 
and  of  didactic  works,  routing  its  Galician  and  Latin  rivals. 
Latin  works  were  translated  to  Castilian,  and  from  the  middle 
of  the  thirteenth  century  the  latter  began  to  be  used  instead 
of  the  former  in  public  documents.  Galician-Portuguese 
IjtIc  poetry,  half  erudite,  half  popular,  born  of  the  Provencal, 
which  it  had  assimilated  and  transformed,  advanced  to  its 
highest  point,  and  seemed  to  have  won  a  victory  over 
Castilian.  About  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  it 
commenced  to  decline,  and  by  the  end  of  that  century 
Castilian  lyric  poetry  was  already  predominant ;  in  the  fif- 
teenth century  Galician  ceased  to  be  a  literary  language, 
and  even  Portuguese  writers  frequently  used  Castilian. 
Besides  satire  and  even  more  sensuality  than  its  Provencal 
prototype  the  Galician  literature  often  included  ethical  and 
religious  sentiments  in  the  same  poem.  The  Provencal  in- 
fluences proper  also  affected  Castile,  but  did  not  take  root 
as  in  Catalonia,  because  of  the  difference  in  language.  When 
Galician  poetry  lost  its  place  it  was  the  Castilian  which  be- 
came its  successor,  manifesting  in  one  of  its  forms  the  same 


INTELLECTUAL  PROGRESS   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479         185 


curious  mixture  of  ethics  and  satire.  At  length  a  satirical 
element  of  a  free  and  sensual  type  prevailed,  and  brought 
about  a  degeneration  of  this  kind  of  literature.  With  the 
fourteenth  century  the  powerful  Classical  and  Italian  Re- 
naissance influences  made  themselves  felt  in  Castile  both  in 
poetry  and  in  prose.  Works  of  the  classical  poets  (Homer, 
Virgil,  Ovid,  Lucan)  and  A\Titers  of  prose  (Livy,  Sallust, 
Csesar,  Plutarch,  and  others)  were  translated,  and  served 
to  enrich  Castilian  literature  both  in  form  and  in  content. 
The  Italian  influence  proper  (Dante,  Petrarch,  Boccaccio) 
was  by  far  the  greatest,  however,  especially  that  of  Dante, 
which  vanquished  the  former  French  influence  in  poetry, 
and  in  part  the  Galician,  and  banished  the  earlier  Castilian 
literary  forms.  The  Italian  influence  was  most  deeply  felt 
in  its  eftects  on  lyric  poetry.  Epic  poetry  and  prose  were 
not  altogether  uncultivated,  however,  and  in  this  field 
French  influence  continued  to  exist.  Many  of  the  older 
unwritten  poems  were  reduced  to  writing,  and  French  poems 
of  chivalry  and  French  novels  of  adventure,  telling  of  the 
fantastic  deeds  of  King  Arthur,  Charlemagne,  the  magician 
Merlin,  and  others,  were  repeated  or  reconstructed  in  Cas- 
tilian, The  fabulous  element  became  predominant,  lead- 
ing to  the  books  of  cahallerla,  or  chivalry,  based  on  the 
extraordinary  adventures  of  wandering  knights  {cahalleros 
andantes),  full  of  the  extravagant  exaggeration  of  unbridled 
imagination.  The  first  great  work  of  this  sort  in  the  penin- 
sula, and  the  best  of  its  kind,  was  a  novel  by  Vasco  de  Lobeira 
called  Amades  de  Gaula,  written  originally  in  Portuguese, 
but  already  known  in  Castile  in  the  later  fourteenth  cen- 
tury. In  the  fifteenth  century  amatory  novels  began  to 
appear. 

The  advance  of  the  preceding  period  in  historical  literature 
was  continued  in  this.  One  of  the  principal  names  was  that  of 
Alfonso  X,  who  was  also  a  writer  of  note  in  other  branches 
of  literature  and  learning.  His  principal  work  was  a  history 
of  Spain,  compiled  probably  by  a  number  of  men  under  his 
direction,  just  as  the  Partidas  was.  Various  sources  were 
employed,  Spanish,  French,  Latin,  and  Arabic,  and  a  certain 
spirit  of  criticism,  superior  to  that  of  the  earlier  histories,  was 


External 

influences 

upon 

Castilian 

literature. 


Historical 
literature. 


186 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The 
drama. 


The  de- 
veloped 
Castilian 
Gothic 
architec- 
ture. 


displayed.  On  the  other  hand  the  work  was  defective  from 
the  historiographical  standpt)int  because  of  its  lack  of  propor- 
tion, its  inclusion  of  epic  poems  in  the  body  of  the  narrative, 
and  its  manifestation  of  an  ardent  patriotism.  Perhaps 
the  best  historian  of  the  era  was  the  many-sided  chancellor 
and  litterateur,  Lopez  de  Ayala,  author  among  other  his- 
torical works  of  a  chronicle  of  the  reigns  of  Pedro  I,  Henry  II, 
Juan  I,  and  part  of  that  of  Henry  III.  Lopez  de  Ayala 
wrote  in  direct  imitation  of  classical  writers,  especially  Livy. 
Perez  de  Guzman,  as  author  of  a  collection  of  biographies 
reaching  down  to  the  fifteenth  century,  made  use  of  a 
psychological  interpretation  of  human  events.  Dramatic 
literature  did  not  change  from  the  religious  dramas  and 
popular  representations  of  jugglers  of  the  preceding  era,  but 
progress  was  made  in  both  of  these  forms,  and  each  attained 
to  greater  favor,  preparing  the  way  for  the  rapidly  ap- 
proaching inauguration  of  the  national  theatre. 

Gothic  architecture  had  its  most  brilliant  expression  in 
the  early  part  of  this  period,  degenerating  later  largely 
through  an  exaggeration  of  its  elements.  At  the  end  of  the 
thirteenth  century  Castilian  Gothic  may  be  said  to  have 
differed  from  that  of  the  other  Eiu-opean  countries  in  the 
following  respects :  its  maintenance  of  classical  proportions, 
with  scant  difference  between  the  length  and  width  of  an 
edifice,  reducing  the  height ;  less  development  in  the  use  of 
windows;  greater  robustness  of  walls,  columns,  and  piers, 
diminishing  the  importance  of  buttresses;  more  nearly  flat 
roofs ;  and  the  general  use  and  ample  size  of  cloisters  in 
convents  and  churches.  The  structural  basis  and  sober 
character  of  early  Gothic  began  to  be  lost  sight  of  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  and,  in  particular,  ornamentation  was  used 
without  any  relation  to  structural  needs.  The  corruption 
of  Gothic  became  more  and  more  marked  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  when  proportions  and  structural  ideals  were  for- 
gotten, and  adornment,  notably  in  the  use  of  pinnacles,  was 
employed  in  excessive  degree.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the 
choir  of  Spanish  cathedrals  was  moved  to  the  centre  of  the 
nave,  in  front  of  the  high  altar.  This  was  the  greatest  age 
of  Gothic  civil  and  military  art,  especially  of  the  latter. 


INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479         187 

Castles  were  more  solidly  and  more  richly  built,  with  hand- 
some towers  and  other  exterior  defences  and  with  embattled 
walls.     Towers  and  battlements  also  appeared  on  the  walls 
of    cities.     Mudejar    architecture    continued    to    develop,   Mud6jar 
notably  in  Toledo  and  Seville,  in  both  religious  and  civil  architec- 
edifices,  and  some  of  the  best  specimens  of  this  art  date  from  ^^^®- 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries.     It  was  especially 
employed  in  the  interior  decoration  of  palaces  and  private 
houses,  —  in  panelling,  handsomely  worked  wooden  roofs, 
painted  and  sculptured  friezes,  and  the  use  of  tiles.     On  the 
outside  it  appeared  in  eaves  and  beams  of  brightly  colored 
woods. 

Sculpture  remained,  as  before,  an  adjunct  of  architecture,  The  lesser 
but  was  employed  more  than  formerly  in  the  ornamentation  ^.rts. 
of  buildings.  In  form  it  became  more  and  more  affected  by 
Italian  influences.  The  comparative  wealth  and  luxury  of 
the  era,  as  well  as  the  needs  of  religion,  led  to  an  advance  in 
metal  work  and  the  making  of  jewelry  and  rich  embroideries. 
The  illumination  of  manuscripts  reached  a  higher  level  than 
before,  but  declined  before  the  end  of  the  period,  partly  be- 
cause of  the  invention  of  printing.  The  painting  of  windows 
in  cathedrals  attained  to  a  greater  richness  and  variety  in 
scene,  and  wall  painting  acquired  an  independent  position. 
The  Italian  influence  of  Giotto  was  apparent  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  although  it  did  not  get  beyond  the  point  of  mere 
copying.  The  Flemish  influence  was  more  important, 
dating  from  Van  Eyck's  visit  to  Spain  in  1428,  after  which 
date  paintings  in  the  Flemish  style  abounded  in  Castile, 
especially  altar-pieces.  Music  turned  upon  singing,  usually 
of  one  part,  although  occasionally  other  parts  were  sung. 
Musical  instruments  were  employed  solely  for  accompani- 
ments of  songs  and  dances. 

Aragon 

In  intellectual  culture  Aragon  proper,  Catalonia,  Valencia, 
and  Majorca  may  be  considered  together.  The  same  general 
line  of  progress  was  in  evidence  as  that  already  described  for 
Castile.     There  was  the  same  eagerness  for  learning  among 


188 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


General 
character- 
istics of 
intellec- 
tual cul- 
ture in  the 
kingdom 
of  Aragon. 

Education 

and 

printing. 


Leading 
currents  in 
thought 
and 


the  upper  classes,  the  same  development  of  educational 
institutions,  an  analogous  penetration  of  foreign  influences 
(especially  French  and  Italian),  and  an  identical  practice  of 
going  to  other  parts  of  Europe  to  study.  The  landmarks  in 
intellectual  history  were  the  reign  of  Pedro  IV  in  didactic 
literature,  that  of  Juan  I  for  the  Provencal  troubadour 
literature,  and  that  of  Alfonso  V  for  the  Classical  Renaissance. 

The  most  noteworthy  university  founded  in  the  period 
was  that  of  Barcelona,  which  evolved  from  an  academy  in 
the  opening  years  of  the  fourteenth  century  to  the  rank  of  a 
university  in  1450,  with  courses  in  theology,  civil  and  canon 
law,  philosophy,  arts,  and  medicine.  In  addition  to  nu- 
merous other  schools  similar  to  those  of  Castile  there  were 
two  more  or  less  distinct  types  here :  the  primary  school, 
much  more  frequently  met  with  than  in  other  parts  of  the 
peninsula;  and  the  Lulian  schools  (due  originally  to  the 
initiative  of  Raymond  Lull,  but  carried  on  throughout  the 
era),  which  devoted  themselves  primarily  to  philosophy, 
but  also  to  foreign  languages,  especially  Arabic.  Naturally 
the  invention  of  printing  at  the  end  of  the  period  gave  a 
fresh  impulse  to  intellectual  culture.  The  first  book  to  be 
printed  in  this  region  was  published  in  Valencia  in  1474. 
In  1478,  or  a  little  before,  books  began  to  be  printed  in 
Barcelona. 

Philosophy,  medicine,  nautical  science,  cartography,  and 
cosmography  were  the  studies  most  cultivated.  The  influ- 
ence of  Raymond  Lull  continued  to  be  felt,  both  in  the 
imitations  and  translations  of  Hebrew  and  Arabic  philos- 
ophers, especially  Averroes,  and  in  the  reaction  against 
them.  In  the  fifteenth  century  the  Italian,  and  to  a  less 
extent  the  French,  influences  began  to  be  felt.  The  Nea- 
politan court  of  Alfonso  V  was  the  great  centre  for  the 
penetration  of  Italian  and  classical  thought.  Theologians 
proper  contributed  little  in  this  period,  but  there  were  nu- 
merous writings  on  ecclesiastical  subjects,  —  works  of  a 
controversial  or  moral  nature,  translations,  and  histories  of 
saints,  mystics,  ascetics,  and  sacred  orators.  The  extraor- 
dinary development  of  the  study  of  medicine  was  due  pri- 
marily to  Jewish  and  Moslem  elements.    Toward  the  end 


INTELLECTUAL  PROGRESS  IN  SPAIN,    1252-1479        189 


of  the  fifteenth  century  a  marked  current  of  opinion  against 
the  deductive  method  in  medicine  and  in  favor  of  experi- 
mental studies  became  apparent.  Chemistry,  the  companion 
study  of  medicine,  was  much  in  favor,  as  also  was  alchemy, 
which  counted  King  Juan  I  and  Miguel  Jimenez  de  Urrea, 
bishop  of  Tarazona,  among  its  devotees.  The  Catalans 
and  Majorcans  were  famous  for  their  knowledge  of  cartog- 
raphy and  the  related  sciences.  To  the  Catalans  were  due 
the  first  map  of  the  Danish  peninsula  and  the  correction  of 
the  maps  of  the  Norwegian  and  Swedish  coasts  and  the  lands 
touching  the  Baltic  Sea.  Jaime  Ferrer,  a  Marrano  of  Ma- 
jorca, was  the  leading  nautical  and  geographical  scholar  of 
those  whom  Prince  Henry  attracted  to  Portugal  to  prepare 
the  Portuguese  for  their  role  in  the  history  of  maritime 
exploration.  In  addition  to  the  kindred  sciences  of  mathe- 
matics and  astronomy  the  pseudo-science  of  astrology  was 
also  much  pursued.  Just  as  in  Castile,  so  in  Aragon,  juridical 
studies  in  both  the  civil  and  canon  law  had  a  great  vogue. 
At  the  close  of  the  preceding  era  Catalan  was  already 
being  employed  in  prose  works  in  Catalonia,  while  the 
Provencal  predominated  in  poetry.  In  this  period  the 
Catalan,  which  also  found  support  in  Valencia  and  Majorca, 
invaded  all  types  of  literature.  Against  this  current  there 
appeared  two  powerful  forces  which  made  themselves  most 
felt  in  the  last  century  of  the  era,  —  Latin  and  Castilian. 
Latin  was  much  more  firmly  rooted  in  Catalonia  than  in 
Castile,  and  the  Latin  tradition  was  greatly  reinforced  by 
contact  with  the  Classical  Renaissance  influences  throughout 
the  period,  owing  to  the  intimate  political  relations  of  the 
kings  with  Sicily  and  Naples.  These  influences  were  at 
their  height  in  the  reign  of  Alfonso  V.  Castilian  had  the 
support  of  Aragon  proper,  since  the  Aragonese  tongue  was 
very  similar  to  that  of  Castile,  and  it  was  furthered  by  the 
Castilian  dynasty  of  Ferdinand  I,  which  began  to  rule  in 
Aragon  in  1410.  The  same  element  appeared  at  the  court 
of  Alfonso  V,  much  frequented  by  Castilian  and  Aragonese 
poets,  and  even  by  Catalans  who  chose  to  write  in  Castilian. 
As  a  result  Catalan  began  to  decline  as  a  literary  language, 
although  it  did  not  disappear,  but  on  the  contrary  improved 


Struggle 
of  the 
Catalan, 
Latin,  and 
Castilian 
languages 
for  pre- 
dominance 
in  polite 
literature. 


190 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  fine 
arts. 


Mutual 
influence 
of  Ara- 
gonese  and 
other 
European 
civiliza- 
tions. 


in  its  elements  and  forms.  Catalan  poetry  of  the  era  never 
completely  effaced  the  Provencal  influence,  as  evidenced  by 
the  subject-matter,  which  was  predominantly'  amatory, 
although  somewhat  erudite,  artificial,  conventional,  mystical, 
allegorical,  satirical,  and  even  moral.  Catalan  prose  ap- 
peared principally  in  novels  of  chivalry  and  in  history. 
Castilian  poetry  and  prose  also  had  interesting  manifesta- 
tions in  the  entire  realm  of  Aragon.  The  history  of  dramatic 
literature  followed  the  same  course  as  in  Castile,  although  in 
some  of  the  choral  representations  at  the  court  of  Alfonso  V 
an  approach  to  the  modern  theatre  was  made. 

With  respect  to  architecture,  sculpture,  and  the  related 
arts  the  general  remarks  about  their  development  in  Castile 
may  be  applied  to  the  kingdom  of  Aragon,  subject  to  the 
observation  already  made^  as  to  the  difference  of  Catalan 
Gothic  from  that  of  Castile.  The  Italian  influences  were 
exceptionally  strong  in  Catalonia  and  Valencia,  and  the 
French  were  marked  in  regions  near  the  PjTenees  and  in 
Majorca.  One  type  of  edifice  peculiar  to  the  eastern  coasts 
w^as  the  defensive  tower  to  which  the  inliabitants  resorted 
on  the  appearance  of  pirates  or  in  times  of  military  danger. 
In  painting,  the  Italian  style  of  Giotto  was  more  completely 
assimilated  than  in  Castile.  Flemish  influences  were 
equally  prevalent. 

Despite  the  long  occupation  of  the  duchy  of  Athens  by 
Catalan  rulers,  who  used  Catalan  speech  and  customs,  the 
Catalan- Aragonese  civilization  had  no  noteworthy  effect 
in  Greece,  and,  similarly,  neither  the  Byzantine  nor  the 
Athenian  civilization  reacted  upon  the  kingdom  of  Aragon. 
In  southern  France,  however,  the  Catalan-Aragonese  civi- 
lization did  produce  effects,  just  as  it  was  in  turn  affected. 
The  same  mutual  exchange  of  influences  was  also  observable 
between  Aragon  and  Italy,  if  indeed  the  civilization  of  the 
latter  was  recognized  as  superior  by  the  Spanish  conquerors 
themselves.  The  principal  impulse  came  at  the  time  of 
Alfonso  V  and  the  contemporary  papal  reign  of  the  Spanish 
pope,  Alfonso  Borgia,  as  Calixtus  III  (1455-1458).  There 
was  a  great  influx  of  Spaniards,  especially  from  the  realm 
^See  page  110. 


INTELLECTUAL  PROGRESS   IN   SPAIN,    1252-1479         191 

of  Aragon,  and  as  they  occupied  the  highest  oflScial  posts  in 
southern  Italy,  they  could  not  but  make  their  presence 
felt.  Many  Spaniards  left  Italy  upon  the  deaths  of  Alfonso  V 
and  Calixtus  III,  but  others  remained,  and  political  relations 
were  maintained  between  the  two  kingdoms,  since  the  Nea- 
politan ruling  family  proceeded  from  the  same  trunk  as  that 
of  Aragon,  thus  preparing  a  new  period  of  Spanish  rule  and 
influence  with  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon. 


CHAPTER   XVII 

INSTITUTIONS    OF   OUTLYING    HISPANIC    STATES,    1252-1479 

So  far  as  they  have  not  already  been  discussed,  in  dealing 
with  Castile  and  Aragon,  the  institutions  of  Majorca,  Na- 
varre, the  Basque  provinces,  and  Granada  may  be  dealt 
with  here,  especially  in  their  original  aspects. 


Outline  of 
Majorcan 
history. 


The 

peculiar 
social 
bases  of 
Majorca. 


Majorca 

By  the  will  of  Jaime  I,  jNIajorca  and  the  Roussillon  were 
constituted  into  a  kingdom  apart  from  Aragon,  but  almost 
immediately  afterward  Pedro  III  of  Aragon  compelled 
Jaime  II  of  Majorca  to  acknowledge  the  overlordship  of  the 
peninsula  monarch.  In  1349  Pedro  IV  of  Aragon  annexed 
Majorca,  but  the  political  change  was  one  of  monarch  only, 
for  Majorca  continued  to  be  a  separate  state  with  a  history 
of  its  own.  The  political  life  of  ]Majorca  centred  about  the 
workings  of  the  municipal  organization  of  Palma,  its  capital 
city  (on  which  the  government  of  the  island  was  based), 
and  was  involved  with  social  problems. 

After  the  conquest  of  the  island  by  Jaime  I  nearly  all  of 
the  great  nobles  who  had  accompanied  the  king  returned 
to  the  peninsula,  granting  their  lands  to  caballeros  of  their 
following,  or  renting  them  to  plebeian  cultivators,  and  Jaime  I 
did  much  the  same.  Thus  the  caballeros,  or  nobility  of  the 
second  grade,  were  virtually  the  only  representatives  of  the 
feudal  aristocracy  in  Majorca,  and  laws  were  passed  limiting 
the  amount  of  land  which  they  might  hold,  so  as  to  avoid 
the  evil  of  vast  estates.  The  caballeros  were  reinforced  by 
a  Catalan  middle  class  element  which  constituted  a  majority 
of  the  Christians  in  the  island  in  the  early  years  following 

192 


INSTITUTIONS   OUTLYING  HISPANIC   STATES,    1252-1479     193 

the  conquest.  From  these  two  elements  there  emerged  a 
new  aristocracy,  based  on  wealth,  growing  out  of  Majorcan 
commerce,  an  aristocracy  open  to  all,  given  to  pomp  and 
luxury,  and  dwelling  mostly  in  Palma.  Some  of  the  wealthy 
lived  in  the  country,  where  there  was  also  a  large  number  of 
free  tillers  of  the  soil.  A  few  of  these  became  wealthy,  but 
there  was  always  a  tendency  for  the  rich  to  migrate  to 
Palma.  The  position  of  the  rural  classes  was  not  satisfac- 
tory at  any  time,  but  two  causes  appeared  in  the  fourteenth 
century  to  make  it  worse.  One  was  the  increase  in  taxation 
after  the  reincorporation  into  the  crown  of  Aragon,  and  the 
other  a  change  in  the  form  of  wealth  with  the  decline  of 
Majorcan  commerce  in  the  latter  fourteenth  century,  when 
the  aristocracy  of  Palma  began  to  buy  lands  and  rights  to 
collect  taxes.  Thus  the  rural  districts  became  economically 
dependent  on  the  absentee  landlords  at  the  capital,  who  were 
more  zealous  over  the  collection  of  their  rents  and  taxes 
than  in  cultivating  the  land.  Society  divided  itself  largely 
on  the  lines  of  the  country  and  the  city,  with  the  inhabitants 
of  the  former  bitterly  hostile  to  the  aristocracy  of  the  latter. 

Of  the  despised  classes  the  Mudejares,  as  such,  soon  dis-  Con- 
appeared,  despite  their  great  numbers  at  the  time  of  the  con-  version  of 
quest.     Upon  conversion  to  Christianity  or  emancipation  ^^^  Mude- 
from  slavery  they  mixed  with  the  lower  classes  of  the  Chris-  j^^^  ^^ 
tians,  and  were  completely  absorbed.     The  history  of  the 
Jews  was  almost  identical  with  that  of  their  race  in  the 
peninsula,  but  was  involved  with  the  peculiar  social  prob- 
lems of  Majorca  apart  from  race  and  religion.     The  kings 
collected  heavy  tributes  from  them,  but  protected  them, 
allowing  them  the  free  exercise  of  their  business  and  the 
practice  of  their  faith,  exempting  them  from  all  taxation 
(even  municipal)  except  the  royal  tributes,  aiding  them  in  the 
collection  of  debts,  and  facilitating  the  entry  of  Jews  and 
Marranos  into  Majorca.     Numerous  attacks  were  made  on 
them  in  the  fourteenth  century,  culminating  in  the  sack  of 
the  Jewish  quarter  of  the  capital  in  1391  (the  year  which 
was  so  disastrous  to  the  Jews  in  other  parts  of  Spain),  when 
some  three  hundred  men  and  women  were  killed.     In  addi- 
tion to  the  usual  animosities  against  them  because  of  their 


194 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


can  gov- 
ernment. 


religion  and  the  incitement  of  debtors  this  attack  was  in  part 
an  outgrowth  of  the  struggle  of  the  rural  classes  against  the 
landlords,  to  whom  the  sack  of  the  Jewish  quarter  was  a 
severe  financial  blow,  since  much  of  their  wealth  depended 
on  their  relations  with  the  Jews,  with  whom  also  they  were 
wont  to  deposit  their  jewels.  The  rioters  were  able  to  obtain 
decrees  from  the  royal  governor-general  extinguishing  debts 
and  interest  due  to  the  Jews,  confirming  the  title  of  those 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  attack  to  the  money  and  jewelry 
they  had  stolen,  pardoning  all  offences  committed,  and 
ordering  an  immediate  conversion  of  the  Jews.  The  general 
conversion  took  place  at  once,  but  had  to  be  repeated  in  1435. 
The  muni-  Since  the  outlying  settlements  were  unimportant  at  the 
cipal  form  time  of  the  conquest,  the  government  of  the  city  of  Palma 
of  Major-  ^^^^  extended  over  the  entire  island.  At  length  the  ad- 
ministration at  the  capital  was  organized  on  the  basis  of  a 
magistracy  of  six  persons  (a  caballero,  two  citizens,  two 
merchants,  and  an  artisan),  who  served  for  a  year  and  ap- 
pointed their  successors.  The  attempt  to  maintain  this 
organization  after  the  rural  population  had  grown  to  ap- 
preciable numbers  was  one  of  the  causes  of  the  social  strife 
between  the  rural  and  city  elements.  Within  Palma  itself 
there  were  also  the  disputes  of  different  social  classes  and  of 
rival  powerful  families.  By  a  reform  of  1358  the  rural  popu- 
lation obtained  some  financial  independence  whereby  their 
contributions  were  limited  to  those  which  were  to  be  applied 
for  expenses  in  which  they  had  an  interest  in  common  with 
the  city,  and  a  portion  was  assigned  to  them  to  spend  on 
matters  of  their  own,  for  which  purpose  a  rural  organization 
was  formed  to  provide  for  the  management  of  their  affairs. 
Another  reform  established  a  council  subordinate  to  the  six 
magistrates,  in  which  the  rural  population  had  a  minority 
representation,  thirty  in  ninety-three  in  1398.  This  did  not 
satisfy  them,  for  they  desired  a  complete  separation  from 
the  city  government.  Still  other  reforms  were  made,  but 
they  did  not  get  at  the  root  of  the  evil,  for  the  city  remained 
dominant  over  the  affairs  of  the  country,  oppressing  the 
people  both  economically  and  politically. 

Shortly  after  the  successful  issue  of  the  attack  upon  the 


INSTITUTIONS   OUTLYING   HISPANIC   STATES,    1252-1479      195 


Jews  in  1391  the  rural  levies  moved  against  their  Christian 
enemies  in  Palma.  This  time  they  failed,  and  a  number  of 
their  chiefs  were  executed.  No  further  conflict  of  importance 
occurred  until  1450,  when  a  bitter  civil  war  broke  out. 
Aided  by  the  laboring  classes  of  Palma  the  rural  forces  be- 
sieged the  capital,  but  were  unable  to  take  it.  In  1452  the 
insurrection  was  put  down.  In  1463  there  was  another 
uprising,  and  from  that  date  to  the  end  of  the  era  a  state  of 
affairs  bordering  on  anarchy  prevailed,  enhanced  by  the 
economic  decline  of  Majorca,  and  by  the  disorders  on  the 
mainland  which  filled  the  reign  of  Juan  II.  In  the  island  of 
Minorca  a  parallel  situation  existed  throughout  the  era  in 
the  conflicts  of  the  capital,  Ciudadela,  with  the  rural  districts. 
Majorca  had  an  excellent  climate  and  a  fertile  soil  which 
fitted  it  for  agricultural  wealth,  and  the  Moslems  had 
furthered  this  by  their  use  of  irrigation.  They  had  also 
engaged  considerably  in  manufacturing,  and  had  an  already 
well-developed  trade  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  Under 
Christian  domination  Majorca  soon  attained  to  an  extraor- 
dinary commercial  importance,  trading  in  all  parts  of  the 
Mediterranean  and  in  Flanders,  and  having  consuls  and 
commercial  exchanges  in  nearly  all  European  countries. 
In  the  fourteenth  century  more  than  thirty  thousand  sailors 
resided  in  Palma,  and  many  foreign  merchants  dwelt  there. 
The  wealthy  trader  was  the  veritable  great  lord  in  the  island, 
with  his  palaces,  country  estates,  and  his  display  of  luxury. 
The  decline  set  in  about  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
due  in  part  to  the  annexation  of  Majorca  to  the  kingdom  of 
Aragon.  Other  causes  hastened  the  fall :  disastrous  plagues, 
earthquakes,  and  floods ;  the  advance  of  the  Turks  into 
Europe,  cutting  off  a  rich  commercial  field;  the  increased 
importance  of  the  Italian  cities  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean 
trade ;  the  raids  of  pirates ;  the  expensive  wars  of  Aragon ; 
and  the  persistent  social  and  political  strife  in  Majorca  itself. 
Nevertheless,  a  considerable  trade  remained  until  the  middle 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  a  new  series  of  misfortunes,  — 
such  as  the  fall  of  Constantinople  in  1453,  the  prohibition 
of  the  entry  of  Majorcan  cloths  into  Naples,  the  competitio' 
of  Rhodes  and  Portugal  in  the  east,  and  hostilities  with  th. 


The  social 
wars  of 
Majorca 
and 
Minorca. 


Greatness 
and 

decline  of 
Majorcan 
commeroe. 


196 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Back- 
wardness 
of 
Navarre. 


Moslem  states  of  northern  Africa  (thus  cutting  off  that  avenue 
of  trade), —  added  to  the  continuing  effect  of  some  of  the 
already-named  evils,  brought  about  the  complete  downfall 
of  the  Majorcan  mercantile  power.  One  advantage  re- 
sulted, though  not  great  enough  to  offset  the  commercial 
loss :  a  beginning  was  made  of  a  more  intensive  cultivation 
of  the  agricultural  wealth  which  the  island  was  so  well  able 
to  produce. 

Navarre 

The  institutions  of  Navarre  at  this  time  were  affected  by 
French  influences,  but  in  the  main  resembled  those  of  the 
rest  of  the  peninsula  both  in  form  and  in  their  evolution, 
except  that  they  displayed  a  backwardness  which  was  natural 
in  a  region  so  thinly  populated.  The  feudal  regime  per- 
sisted, although  some  gains  were  made  by  the  servile  classes, 
the  towns,  and  the  kings.  A  corporate  sense  of  society,  as 
manifested  in  the  importance  of  the  family  as  a  whole  and 
in  the  associations  of  neighbors  and  citizens  (especially 
marked  in  the  rural  districts),  still  existed.  The  Mudejares 
and  Jews  were  comparatively  numerous,  and  their  lot  was 
the  same  as  in  other  parts  of  the  peninsula.  The  marriage 
a  yuras  was  sanctioned  in  Navarre  longer  than  elsewhere, 
although  at  length  it  was  banished.  Barragania  (much 
resorted  to  by  churchmen)  survived,  and  received  a  measure 
of  acceptance.  The  customs  of  chivalry  were  greatly  in 
vogue,  and  bull-fighting  and  ball-games^  were  very  popular. 
Agriculture,  with  the  aid  of  irrigation,  and  stock-raising  were 
the  principal  occupations.  In  intellectual  culture  and  the 
fine  arts  Navarre  was  rather  a  continuation  of  France  than 
a  part  of  Spain.     The  country  was  markedly  backward  in 

1  The  Basque  game,  with  which  the  people  of  Navarre  were 
equally  familiar.  This  game  bears  no  resemblance  to  American 
base-ball ;  rather  it  is  more  like  a  combination  of  tennis  and  hand- 
ball. At  the  present  time  the  players,  three  on  a  side,  use  a  kind 
of  bat,  or  racket,  and  a  leather-covered,  solid  rubber  ball.  The 
ball  is  served  against  a  side  wall,  and  must  be  made  to  bound  back 
over  a  net.  The  ball  is  thus  kept  in  play  until  one  side  misses  a 
return,  which  scores  a  point  for  the  opponents.  The  side  first 
making  a  required  number  of  points  wins  the  match. 


INSTITUTIONS   OUTLYING   HISPANIC   STATES,    1252-1479     197 

these  respects,  however,  as  evidenced  by  the  ignorance  of 
the  clergy,  compared  with  churchmen  in  other  regions,  and 
by  the  fact  that  the  kings  rarely  had  any  books  other  than 
those  of  prayer.  Although  Basque  was  the  national  tongue, 
such  books  as  were  written  usually  appeared  in  Latin  or  in 
Castilian,  —  one  more  demonstration  of  the  intellectual 
predominance  of  central  Spain.  French  Gothic  prevailed 
in  architecture,  sculpture,  gold  work,  and  painting. 


The  Basque  provinces 

The  three  Basque  provinces  of  Alava,  Vizcaya,  and 
Guipuzcoa  have  always  been  unique  in  their  history  and 
institutions,  and  are  the  subject  of  many  popular  legends 
more  or  less  founded  on  fact,  such  as  the  one  already  dis- 
cussed that  the  Basques  have  never  been  conquered,  and 
another  that  they  are  all  nobles.  In  this  period  they  were 
becoming  more  and  more  Castilian  in  customs,  but  they  still 
retained  much  that  was  indigenous. 

In  general  social  organization  Alava  did  not  differ  from 
other  Spanish  regions.  It  was  technically  a  behetria  de 
mar  a  mar  (free  town  from  sea  to  sea)  :  made  up  of  a  group 
of  small  seigniorial  estates,  both  noble  and  ecclesiastical, 
whose  rulers  were  free  to  elect  a  common  lord  without 
being  restrained  to  a  determinate  family.  The  untitled 
inhabitants  were  rural  laborers,  who  were  either  serfs  or  in 
a  state  but  little  removed  from  serfdom,  and  the  free,  popular 
classes  of  the  towns,  but  neither  of  these  elements  exercised 
great  influence.  After  the  incorporation  of  Alava  into 
Castile  in  1332,  the  older  type  of  government,  based  primarily 
on  the  Cofradia  of  Arriaga  and  the  elected  lord,  underwent 
a  radical  change.  The  overlordship  became  fixed  in  the 
crown  of  Castile,  and  the  cofradia  disappeared,  although  a 
similar  body  soon  developed.  The  king  was  represented 
at  times  by  an  adelantado  as  well  as  by  lesser  royal  officials, 
and  reserved  high  justice  to  himself,  besides  rights  to  mili- 
tary service  and  a  certain  few  taxes.  Local  government 
was  carried  on  by  various  assemblies,  reaching  in  a  hierarchy 
from  the  lesser  regional  institutions  to  the  general  assembly 


Unique 
character 
of  Basque 
institu- 
tions. 


The 

social  and 
political 
system  in 
Alava. 


198 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


m 
Vizcaya 


for  the  entire  province.  The  <:;eneral  assembly  was  both  a 
legisUitive  and  an  administrative  body,  but  its  principal 
function  was  the  inspection  of  royal  orders  to  see  if  they 
conformed  to  the  regional  charters.  A  juridical  difference 
existed  between  the  towns  and  the  country,  for  the  former 
were  ruled  by  Castilian  law  and  the  latter  by  ancient  custom, 
resulting  in  the  economic  dependence  of  the  rural  laboring 
classes,  even  after  serfdom  had  disappeared. 
The  social  Until  its  consolidation  with  the  Castilian  crown  by  in- 
and  politi-  heritance  in  1:^70,  Vizcaya  was  a  hehetna  de  limije  (free  town 
cal  system  ^j^i^},^  ^  family),  electing  its  lord  from  a  determinate  family, 
but  both  before  and  after  that  date  there  was  a  marked  lack 
of  regional  solidarity,  for  various  groups  were  to  a  great 
degree  autonomous.  There  were  two  principal  types  of 
jurisdiction  :  the  seigniorial  estates,  with  the  usual  incidents 
found  elsewhere ;  and  the  indigenous  Basque  settlements, 
which  pretended  to  the  nobility  of  their  inhabitants,  even 
to  the  point  of  refusing  to  permit  foreigners  to  dwell  among 
them  unless  they  too  were  of  noble  rank.  The  indigenous 
element  was  to  be  found  in  rm'al  districts,  and  was  ruled  by 
customs,  which  were  written  down  for  the  first  time  in  1452. 
The  patriarchal  form  of  family  life  continued  to  exist  here, 
as  evidenced  by  the  requirement  that  lands  should  return 
to  the  family  from  which  they  proceeded  in  case  of  a  failure 
of  direct  heirs,  and  by  the  right  to  leave  virtually  one's  entire 
estate  to  a  single  descendant.  Custom  recognized  a  right 
of  way  over  the  lands  of  others,  even  when  enclosed,  — - 
which  would  seem  to  indicate  backwardness  in  the  develop- 
ment of  means  of  communication.  In  government  the  king 
was  represented  principally  by  a  corregidor.  The  inhabitants 
of  Vizcaya  were  exempt  from  any  taxes  of  Castilian  origin, 
but  paid  certain  other  contributions  to  the  king,  were  sub- 
ject to  both  military  and  naval  service,  and  acknowledged 
the  right  of  high  justice  in  the  royal  officials.  The  general 
assembly  of  Vizcaya,  like  that  of  Alava,  had  a  right  to 
inspect  royal  decrees. 

The  people  of  Guipuzcoa  claimed  to  be  of  noble  rank,  and 
this  status  was  legally  recognized  for  most  of  them  by  laws 
enacted  before,  during,  and  after  this  period.     Nevertheless 


mSTITUTIONS   OUTLYING  HISPANIC   STATES,    1252-1479      199 

the  customs  of  the  land  itself  amounted  to  a  denial  of  their  The  social 
claim,  and  the  familiar  social  differences  existed,  even  ^^^  politi- 
though  the  majority  of  the  people  were  legally  nobles.  ^  ^^^' 
There  was  a  seigniorial  class  of  the  usual  variety,  with  Guiptizcoa 
dependents  in  a  more  or  less  servile  relation.  A  middle 
class  nobility  existed,  composed  of  small  proprietors  or 
the  industrial  laborers  and  merchants  of  the  towns.  This 
element  was  very  insistent  on  its  noble  rank  (which  indeed 
carried  with  it  special  privileges,  such  as  the  exclusive  right 
to  hold  public  office  and  certain  exemptions  from  taxation), 
and  enacted  laws  excluding  those  who  were  not  of  noble 
blood  from  a  right  to  live  in  the  towns.  These  laws  were 
not  enforced,  however,  and  a  popular  class  grew  up,  composed 
of  Guipuzcoans  whose  noble  rank  was  not  recognized  and  of 
foreigners,  many  of  whom  settled  in  the  land.  Politically 
Guiptizcoa  was  a  behetria  subject  alternately  to  the  kings  of 
Navarre  and  Castile,  until  in  1200  the  overlordship  became 
fixed  in  the  Castilian  crown.  At  first  the  king  was  repre- 
sented by  anjidelantado,  who  was  customarily  ruler  at  the 
same  time  of  Alava  or  of  the  county  of  Castile ;  later  a  cor- 
regidor  for  Guiptizcoa  alone  was  named,  while  there  were  a 
number  of  royal  merinos  as  well.  There  was  no  other  or- 
ganization for  the  entire  province  until  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, but  each  region  dealt  separately  with  the  royal  govern- 
ment. Gradually,  through  the  formation  of  groups  of 
settlements,  a  general  league  and  at  length  a  general  assembly 
developed,  with  much  the  same  powers  as  the  assemblies 
of  Alava  and  Vizcaya.  The  municipalities  continued  to  be 
the  principal  centre  of  regional  autonomy,  however,  es- 
pecially the  more  important  towns,  which  protected  the 
lesser  settlements  through  an  institution  similar  to  the 
Catalonian  carreratge.  Like  the  other  Basque  provinces 
Guiptizcoa  enjoyed  a  number  of  privileges,  of  which  the 
most  prized  was  the  exemption  from  general  taxation,  al- 
though certain  specified  tributes  were  regularly  collected. 
More  than  once  the  province  rose  in  arms  to  resist  the  im- 
position of  taxes  of  Castilian  origin. 

Despite  community  of  race  and  language  the  three  prov- 
inces never  formed  a  political  unit.     At  times  Guiptizcoa 


200 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Inter- 
relations 
of  the 
Basque 
provinces. 


and  Alava  had  the  same  adelantado  or  held  general  assemblies 
in  common,  and  there  were  some  instances  where  the  as- 
semblies of  all  three  provinces  met  to  discuss  matters  of 
common  interest.  Alliances  were  made  between  towns  of 
the  same  or  different  provinces,  perhaps  including  towns  in 
France,  for  such  purposes  as  the  regulation  of  the  use  of  lands 
common.  In  one  respect  there  was  a  certain  amount  of 
unity  (in  interest  at  least)  :  in  the  conflict  of  the  towns 
against  the  great  lords  and  their  allies,  the  rural  population, 
in  all  three  provinces.  The  lords  were  so  turbulent  that  the 
kings  joined  with  the  towns  in  attempts  to  suppress  them, 
and  the  lords  even  fought  one  another,  wherefore  their  power 
was  considerably  reduced,  though  not  entirely  broken. 


Social  and 

political 

decadence 

of 

Granada. 


Granada 

According  to  modern  estimates  Granada  had  a  population 
of  three  or  four  millions  in  its  last  days,  which  bespeaks  a 
great  density,  due  largely  to  the  migrations  of  Mudejares 
from  Christian  lands.  In  social  and  political  organization 
Granada  was  a  miniature  of  the  early  caliphate.  The  Arabs 
reappeared  as  the  principal  element,  and  furnished  the  ruling 
family.  They  had  the  same  scornful  and  quarrelsome 
aristocratic  pride  as  in  other  days,  and  were  opposed,  as 
before,  by  the  Berbers,  who  outnumbered  them.  The  most 
numerous  element  was  that  of  the  Renegados,  which  was 
also  next  in  importance  to  the  Arabs.  There  were  many 
thousands  of  Christian  slaves  as  well.  Signs  of  social  decay 
were  everj'where  visible,  especially  in  the  passion  of  the 
wealthy  for  luxury  and  futile  diversions  at  vast  expense, 
while  on  the  other  hand  there  existed  the  poverty-stricken 
proletariat.^  Internal  political  history  reduced  itself  to  a 
series  of  riots,  assassinations,  rebellions,  acts  of  vengeance, 

^  After  referring  to  the  wealth  of  jewelry  worn  by  the  women 
of  his  time  a  Moslem  writer  goes  on  to  say,  "The  women  of  Granada 
are  beautiful,  being  distinguished  for  the  symmetry  of  their  figures, 
the  gracefulness  of  their  bodies,  the  length  and  waviness  of  their 
hair,  the  whiteness  and  brilUance  of  their  teeth,  the  perfume  of  their 
breath,  the  pleasing  lightness  of  their  movements,  the  cleverness 
of  their  speech,  and  the  charm  of  their  conversation." 


INSTITUTIONS   OUTLYING   HISPANIC   STATES,   1252-1479      201 

and  exhibitions  of  partisan  rancor.  The  influence  of  Chris- 
tian Spain  was  more  and  more  intense,  manifesting  itself  in 
general  customs  and  dress;  even  the  practices  of  chivalry 
were  introduced.  Given  the  richness  of  soil  and  favoring  Economic 
climate  and  the  great  population  of  Granada,  it  was  natural  wealth, 
that  there  should  have  been  a  considerable  measure  of 
economic  prosperity  there.  This  became  less  as  the  period 
advanced,  as  a  result  of  political  weakness  and  social  decay, 
but  Granada  was  still  wealthy  at  the  time  (in  the  next  era) 
it  disappeared  as  a  kingdom. 

In  sciences  and  letters  Granada  continued  the  intellectual   Granadine 
traditions  of  Moslem  Spain,  but  it  cannot  be  said  that  its  architec- 
influence  was  great.     In  the  arts,  however,  Granada  intro-    ^^^' 
duced  features  of  general  importance,  and  especially  in  archi- 
tecture, of  which  the  outstanding  example  is  the  palace  of 
the  Alhambra  in  the  city  of  Granada.     The  most  salient 
note  in  Granadine  architecture  was  richness  in  ornamenta- 
tion, in  which  it  is  not  surpassed  by  any  other  style  in  the 
world.     The  walls  were  adorned  with  relief  work  in  stucco, 
and  variegated  azulejos  tiles  were  also  used  in  great  profusion. 
The  decorative  motives  were  geometrical  or  floral,  and  the 
tout  ensemble  was  not  only  brilliant  in  color,  but  also  har- 
moniously appealing.     In  structural  features,  too,  Granadine 
architecture  attained  to  great  beauty. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


ERA   OF  THE   CATHOLIC  KINGS,    1479-1517 


Transition 
from 
medieval 
to  modern 
Spain. 


The  joint  reign  of  Ferdinand  (1479-151G)  and  Isabella 
(1474-1504),  known  as  "the  Catholic  Kings,"  witnessed 
the  substantial  fulfilment  of  the  aims  of  medieval  Hispanic 
royalty,  and  at  the  same  time  began  in  striking  fashion  that 
complexity  of  life  and  action  which  characterizes  the  modern 
age.  On  the  one  hand  the  turbulent  elements  which  had 
for  so  long  stood  for  decentralization  and  disorder  as  opposed 
to  national  unity  and  internal  peace  were  done  away  with 
or  rendered  powerless;  on  the  other,  life  in  its  various  in- 
stitutional phases  approximated  itself  in  a  considerable 
degree  to  that  of  our  own  times,  and  Spain  stood  forth  from 
the  domestic  bickerings  which  had  formerly  absorbed  her 
attention  to  enter  upon  the  career  and  status  of  a  world  power. 
The  greatest  single  event  in  the  period  was  undoubtedly  the 
discovery  of  America,  from  which  came,  directly  or  indirectly, 
Spain's  principal  claims  to  the  recognition  of  posterity. 
Important  only  in  less  degree  were  the  conquest  of  Granada, 
the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition  and  the  expulsion  from 
Spain  of  the  non-Catholic  elements,  and  Spain's  entry  into 
the  maelstrom  of  European  politics  on  a  greater  scale  than 
ever  before,  through  the  medium  of  Ferdinand's  interven- 
tion in  Italy.  Measured  by  the  success  attained  in  their 
own  day  the  Catholic  Kings  prospered  in  nearly  everything 
they  undertook,  but  the  ultimate  result,  which  could  not  have 
been  foreseen  at  the  time,  was  in  many  respects  to  prove 
disastrous  to  Spain  herself,  if,  indeed,  there  were  counter- 
balancing advantages  and  a  glorious  memory.  The  wealth 
and  greatness  proceeding  from  the  conquest  of  the  Americas 

202 


ERA   OF  THE   CATHOLIC   KINGS,    1479-1517  203 

were  to  be  sacrificed  in  a  fruitless  attempt  to  gain  a  pre- 
dominant place  in  Europe,  —  which,  indeed,  Spain  might 
have  had,  much  as  England  acquired  it,  if  she  had  not  pur- 
sued it  so  directly  and  insistently,  but  had  been  willing  to 
devote  her  attention  to  her  colonies.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Americas  drained  Spain  of  some  of  her  best  resources 
in  manhood,  w^hile  the  Italian  wars  brought  her  into  the 
current  of  the  highest  European  civilization.  These  con- 
sequences, whatever  attitude  one  may  take  with  regard  to 
them,  did  not  become  manifest  until  a  much  later  time,  but 
they  had  the  most  pronounced  of  their  impulses,  if  not  in 
all  cases  their  origins,  in  the  reign  of  the  Catholic  Kings. 

Ferdinand's  accession  to  the  crown  of  Aragon  and  the  Nature  of 
recognition  of  Isabella  as  queen  of  Castile  did  not  at  that  the  union 
time  bring  about  a  political  union  of  the  two  kingdoms,  and  ^'  Castile 
resulted  in  no  radical  change  in  the  separate  institutions  of  ^raeon 
either.     They   did  mean  the  establishment    of   consistent 
policies  in  each  (especially  in  international  affairs)  which 
were  to  bring  about  a  more  effectual  union  at  a  later  day 
and  produce  the  Spanish  nation.     The  first  problem  of  the 
Catholic  Kings  was  that  of  the  pacification  of  their  realms. 
Aragon  and  Catalonia  offered  no  serious  difficulty,  but  the 
violence  of  the  Castilian  nobility  called  for  repression  of  a 
vigorous   type.     Galicia   and   Andalusia   were   the   regions 
where  such  action  was  most  imperatively  needed. 

The  real  weakness  of  the  seigniorial  class  is  well  illustrated  Over- 
by  the  case  of  Galicia.     The  lawless  conduct  of  the  nobilitj'  throw  of 
and  even  of  the  high  functionaries  of  the  church  was  tra-  j^pf^f 
ditional,   besides  which  Juana  la  Beltraneja  had  counted  anarchy, 
with  many  partisans  there.     Petty  war,  the  oppression  of 
individuals  and  towns  (through  the  medium  of  illegal  tributes 
or  the  collection  of  those  belonging  to  the  kings),  and  an 
almost  complete  disobedience  of  royal  authority  were  the 
rule.     Resolved  to  do  away  with  such  an  evil  state  of  affairs 
the  Catholic  Kings  sent  two  delegates  there  in  1480,  the  one 
a  soldier,  Fernando  de  Acuna,  and  the  other  a  lawyer  and 
member  of  the  Consejo  Real,  Garci  Lopez  de  Chinchilla, 
accompanied  by  three  hundred  picked  horsemen.     Without 
loss  of  time  and  with  praiseworthy  energy  they  proceeded  to 


Granada. 


204  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

carry  out  the  royal  will.  Forty-six  castles  were  demolished, 
the  tributes  which  the  nobles  had  been  diverting  from  the 
king  were  collected  once  more  for  the  royal  treasury,  many 
individuals  of  greater  or  less  degree  (both  nobles  and  ordinary 
bandits)  were  put  to  death,  and  others  were  dominated  or 
compelled  to  flee  the  country.  Similar  action  was  taken  in 
Andalusia  and  Castile  proper,  wherefore  within  a  few  years 
the  pacification  of  the  kingdom  was  achieved ;  the  seemingly 
hopeless  anarchy  of  the  period  of  Henry  IV  had  been  over- 
come. 
The  con-  At  the  same  time  that  the  Catholic  Kings  were  engaged 

^^^}  j^  iri  the  establishment  of  good  order  in  the  realm  of  Castile, 
thej'^  were  giving  their  attention  to  another  problem  which 
may  well  be  considered  as  of  domestic  import,  —  the  long 
delayed  conquest  of  Granada.  The  last  years  of  the  Moslem 
kingdom  epitomized  the  history  of  that  government  during 
its  more  than  two  centuries  of  existence,  with  the  important 
difference  that  it  was  no  longer  to  escape  the  bitter  pill  of 
conquest  which  its  own  weakness  and  decadent  life  had  long 
rendered  inevitable  once  a  determined  effort  should  be  made. 
There  appeared  the  figure  of  the  emir,  Abul  Hassan,  domi- 
nated by  the  passion  which  his  slave  girl,  Zoraya,  had  in- 
spired in  him.  Other  members  of  his  family,  notably  his 
brother,  El  Zagal  (or  Al  Zagal),  and  his  son,  Abu  Abdullah, 
best  known  as  Boabdil,  headed  factions  which  warred  with 
Abul  Hassan  or  with  each  other.  Meanwhile,  the  war  with 
Castile,  which  had  broken  forth  anew  in  1481,  was  going  on, 
and  to  the  credit  of  the  Moslem  warrior  as  a  fighting  man 
was  being  sustained,  if  not  with  success,  at  least  without  great 
loss  of  territory.  Ferdinand,  to  whom  treachery  was  only 
a  fine  art  of  kingship,  availed  himself  of  the  internal  disorder 
of  Granada  to  gain  advantages  to  which  his  military  victories 
in  open  combat  did  not  entitle  him.  Twice  he  had  Boabdil 
in  his  power  as  a  prisoner,  and  on  each  occasion  let  him  go, 
so  that  he  might  cause  trouble  for  El  Zagal,  who  had  become 
emir,  at  the  same  time  making  promises  of  peace  and  of 
abstention  from  conquest  which  he  disloyally  failed  to  ob- 
serve. Another  time.  El  Zagal  was  similarly  deceived. 
By  these  means,  after  ten  years  of  war,  Ferdinand  was  able 


ERA   OF  THE   CATHOLIC   KINGS,    1479-1517  205 

to  enter  the  Granadine  plain  and  besiege  the  Moslem  capital, 
courageously  defended  by  Boabdil  and  his  followers.  The 
military  camp  of  Santa  Fe  was  founded,  and  for  months 
the  siege  went  on,  signalized  by  deeds  of  valor  on  both  sides. 
Overcome  by  hunger  the  defenders  were  at  length  obliged 
to  capitulate,  and  on  January  2,  1492,  the  Castilian  troops 
occupied  the  Alhambra.  Some  time  later  Boabdil  and  his 
household  departed  for  Africa.  It  is  fitting  to  observe  that 
many  of  the  legends  concerning  this  prince,  notably  those 
which  reflect  on  his  courage  and  manliness,  are  without 
foundation  in  fact. 

The  terms  of  surrender  had  included  numerous  articles  Forced 
providing  for  the  security  of  the  Moslem  population.  Vir-  conversion 
tually  they  amounted  to  a  promise  that  the  Mudejar,  or  ^j  ,^. 
Moslem,  element  would  not  be  molested  in  any  respect,  ^j  Castile, 
whether  in  Granada  or  elsewhere  in  Castile.  Such  a  treaty 
could  not  long  be  enforced  in  the  face  of  the  religious  ardor 
and  intolerance  of  the  age.  The  greatest  men  of  the  king- 
dom, and  among  them  the  most  notable  of  all,  the  archbishop 
of  Toledo,  Ximenez  de  Cisneros,  confessor  of  the  queen, 
joined  in  urging  a  different  policy.  Pressure  began  to  be 
exerted  in  direct  contravention  of  the  treaty  to  bring  about 
an  enforced  conversion  of  the  Mudejares  to  Christianity. 
A  Moslem  uprising  was  the  result,  and  this  was  seized  upon 
by  Ximenez  as  justifying  a  complete  disregard,  henceforth, 
of  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  on  the  ground  that  the 
Moslems  had  nullified  the  treaty  by  their  rebellion,  —  a 
convenient  argument  which  did  not  enquire  into  the  real 
causes  of  the  outbreak.  Christianization  by  force,  not  with- 
out a  number  of  serious  uprisings,  now  went  on  at  a  rapid 
rate,  and  was  completed  by  a  royal  decree  of  1502  which 
ordered  that  all  Mudejares  in  the  Castilian  domains  should 
accept  Christianity  or  leave  the  country.  Many  took  the 
latter  course,  but  the  greater  number  remained.  Christians 
in  outward  appearance  if  not  so  at  heart.  Officially  there 
were  no  more  Mudejares  in  Castile  except  slaves.  The 
newly  converted  element  became  known,  henceforth,  as 
"Moriscos,"  thus  attaching  them  by  association  of  ideas  to 
their  ancient  faith,  and  since  their  Christianity  did  not  in- 


206 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Castilian 
activities 
in  north- 
western 
Africa  and 
the 

Canary 
Islands. 


Ferdi- 
nand's 
European 
policy. 


spire  much  confidence  they  were  made  subject  to  the  dread 
Inquisition. 

The  discovery  of  America  in  1492,  together  with  other 
factors,  directed  Castihan  attention  to  the  Canary  Islands 
and  northwestern  Africa,  bringing  the  Spanish  kingdom  into 
contact  and  rivalry  with  the  Portuguese,  who  had  devoted 
themselves  to  exploration,  conquest,  and  colonization  in 
that  region  for  nearly  a  century.  It  may  suffice  here  to  say 
that  in  successive  treaties  of  1480,  1494,  and  1509  Portugal 
recognized  Castile's  claim  to  the  Canaries  and  certain  posts 
in  northwestern  Africa.  The  security  of  the  American 
route  was  not  the  principal  motive  of  Castilian  interest  at 
that  time  in  northwestern  Africa.  The  wars  with  Granada 
and  the  danger  of  fresh  invasions,  coupled  with  the  crusading 
zeal  which  had  been  aroused  against  the  Moslems,  and  ag- 
gravated by  the  activities  of  North  African  corsairs,  were 
perhaps  the  leading  factors  affecting  the  policy  of  the  Catholic 
Kings.  In  1494  the  definitive  conquest  of  the  Canary  Islands 
was  made,  and  at  the  same  time  a  post  was  established  on 
the  neighboring  coast  of  western  Africa  to  serve  as  a  centre 
for  the  resistance  to  the  Moslems.  Meanwhile,  private 
attacks  by  Spaniards  on  North  African  ports  were  being 
made,  but  it  was  not  until  1497  that  the  Catholic  Kings 
formally  embarked  on  that  enterprise.  Bent  upon  checking 
piracy  in  that  region  they  took  possession  of  Melilla,  which 
thenceforth  became  an  important  Spanish  post. 

While  Ferdinand  had  much  to  do  with  the  events  which 
have  thus  far  been  discussed,  he  and  his  subjects  of  Aragon 
and  Catalonia  were  more  interested  in  other  affairs.  Fer- 
dinand aimed  at  nothing  less  than  a  predominant  place  for 
Spain  in  European  affairs,  to  be  preceded  by  the  establish- 
ment of  Aragonese  supremacy  in  the  Mediterranean.  The 
principal  stumbling-block  was  the  power  of  the  French 
kings.  Ferdinand  schemed,  therefore,  to  bring  about  the 
isolation  and  humiliation  of  France.  The  entering  wedge 
came  through  the  French  possession  of  the  Catalan  regions 
of  Cerdagne  and  the  Roussillon  which  had  been  granted  to 
the  king  of  France  by  Juan  II.  Charles  VIII  of  France 
consented  to  restore  the  two  provinces,  but  in  return  exacted 


ERA  OF  THE   CATHOLIC   KINGS,   1479-1517  207 

Ferdinand's  promise  not  to  interfere  with  the  former's  de- 
signs respecting  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  Ferdinand  readily 
agreed  in  1493  to  aid  no  enemy  of  the  French  king  save  the 
pope,  and  not  to  form  matrimonial  alliances  between  mem- 
bers of  his  family  and  those  of  the  reigning  houses  of  Austria, 
England,  and  Naples.  With  Cerdagne  and  the  Roussillon 
in  his  possession  he  proceeded  with  characteristic  duplicity 
to  disregard  the  treaty.  Marriage  alliances  were  projected 
or  arranged,  some  of  them  to  be  sure  before  1493,  not  only 
with  the  ruling  families  of  Portugal  and  Navarre  but  also 
with  those  of  Austria  and  England.  Thus  Ferdinand  hoped 
to  secure  considerable  accesssions  of  territory  and  to  avoid 
any  interference  on  the  part  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire 
and  England,  the  only  outstanding  powers  which  might  be 
able  to  hinder  his  plots  against  France.  It  is  perhaps  poetic 
justice  that  these  plans,  so  cleverly  made  and  executed  at  the 
time,  were  to  have  an  ultimate  result  which  was  quite 
different  from  that  which  Ferdinand  had  reason  to  expect. 
Untimely  deaths  rendered  the  various  Portuguese  alliances 
of  no  effect ;  the  authorities  of  Navarre  would  have  nothing 
to  do  with  Ferdinand's  proffer;  and  Spanish  Catherine  in 
England  was  to  figure  in  the  famous  divorce  from  Henry  VHI, 
precipitating  the  English  Reformation.  One  marriage  was 
productive  of  results,  that  of  Juana,  heir  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  to  Philip  the  Handsome  of  Burgundy.  Thus  the 
Spanish  kings  were  brought  into  the  line  of  the  Hapsburg 
family  and  of  imperial  succession,  which  was  to  prove  less 
a  boon  than  a  fatality. 

Charles  VIII  wished  to  revive  the  Angevin  claim  to  the  The  ao- 
Neapolitan  territory  held  at  the  time  by  the  illegitimate  quisition 
branch  of  Alfonso  V  of  Aragon,  related  by  blood  to  Ferdi-  °^  Naples, 
nand  the  Catholic.     Alleging  that  Naples  was  a  fief  of  the 
pope  and  therefore  excepted  from  the  treaty  of  1493,  Fer- 
dinand resisted  the  pretensions  of  Charles,  and  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  pope,  the  emperor,  Venice,  and  Milan 
against  him.     The  forces  of  the  league  proving  too  much 
for  him,  Charles  was  forced  in   1497  to  suspend    hostili- 
ties, whereupon  Ferdinand  agreed  with  him   in  secret  to 
divide  Naples  between  them,  renewing  the  agreement  with 


208 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Juana  la 
Loea  and 
Philip  the 
Haiid- 


The 

aggran- 
dizement 
of  Aragon 
in  Italy 
and  the 
conquest 
of 
Navarre. 


Louis  XII,  who  ascended  the  French  throne  in  1498.  The 
division  was  carried  into  effect,  but  a  quarrel  sprang  up  over 
a  certain  portion  of  the  territory,  and  war  broke  out.  Thanks 
to  the  miUtary  genius  of  the  great  Spanish  leader,  Gonzalo 
de  Cordoba,  Ferdinand  was  victorious  by  the  year  1504, 
and  Naples  came  under  his  authority. 

In  the  same  year,  1504,  Isabella  the  Catholic  died,  leaving 
her  throne  to  her  elder  daughter,  Juana,  and  in  case  she  should 
prove  unable  to  govern  to  Ferdinand  as  regent  until  Juana's 
heir  should  become  twenty  years  of  age.  Since  Juana  had 
already  given  evidence  of  that  mental  instability  which  was 
to  earn  for  her  the  soubriquet  "La  Loca"  (the  Crazy),  it 
was  the  intention  of  both  Isabella  and  Ferdinand  that  the 
latter  should  rule,  but  Philip  the  Handsome,  husband  of 
Juana,  intervened  to  procure  the  regency  for  himself.  This 
was  a  serious  set-back  to  the  plans  of  Ferdinand,  but  for- 
tunately for  him  there  occiu*red  the  unexpected  death  of 
Philip  in  1506.  On  the  occasion  of  the  latter's  burial  Juana 
gave  such  ample  proof  of  her  mental  unfitness  that  it  was 
now  clear  that  Ferdinand  would  be  called  in  as  regent.  In 
1507  he  was  so  installed,  and  he  now  had  the  resources  of 
Spain  at  his  back  in  the  accomplishment  of  his  ambitious 
designs.  Leaving  Cardinal  Ximenez  to  effect  conquests 
in  northern  Africa  and  to  carry  into  execution  other  Castilian 
projects  Ferdinand  once  again  turned  his  attention  to  the 
aggrandizement  of  Aragon  in  Italy. 

In  1508  Ferdinand  joined  an  alliance  of  the  pope,  the 
emperor,  and  Louis  XII  of  France  against  Venice,  whereby 
he  rounded  out  his  Neapolitan  possessions.  Seeing  that  the 
French  were  gaining  more  than  he  desired  he  formed  a  new 
alliance,  in  1511,  with  the  pope,  the  emperor,  Venice,  and 
Henry  VIII  of  England  against  France.  The  French  were 
defeated  and  thrown  out  of  Italy.  Meanwhile,  Ferdinand 
had  taken  advantage  of  the  French  sympathies  of  the  ruler 
of  Navarre  and  the  excommunication  of  that  king  by  the 
pope  to  overrun  Navarre  in  1512.  The  pope  sanctioned 
the  conquest  of  that  part  of  the  kingdom  lying  south  of  the 
PjTenees,  and  it  was  definitely  added  to  the  Spanish  domain. 
The  French  became  dangerous  anew  with  the  accession  of 


ERA   OF  THE  CATHOLIC   KINGS,    1479-1517  209 

the  glory-loving,  ambitious  Francis  I  in  1515.  Ferdinand 
hastened  to  concert  a  league  against  him,  into  which  entered 
the  pope,  the  emperor,  Milan,  Florence,  the  Swiss  states, 
and  England,  but  war  had  hardly  broken  out  when  in  1516 
Ferdinand  died.  For  good  or  evil  he  had  brought  Spain 
into  a  leading  place  in  European  affairs.  If  his  methods 
were  questionable  they  were  in  keeping  with  the  practices 
of  his  age ;  he  was  only  worse  than  his  rivals  in  that  he  was 
more  successful. 

Juana  was  still  alive,  but  was  utterly  incompetent  to  act  The 
as  head  of  the  state.  The  logic  of  events  and  the  will  of  accession 
Ferdinand  pointed  to  her  eldest  son,  Charles  of  Ghent,  as  of  Charles 
the  one  to  rule  Aragon  and  Navarre  and  to  act  as  regent  of 
Castile  (during  his  mother's  life),  although  he  had  not  at- 
tained to  his  twentieth  year,  a  condition  which  had  been 
exacted  by  the  will  of  Isabella.  Until  such  time  as  he  could 
reach  Spain,  for  he  was  then  in  the  Low  Countries,  Cardinal 
Ximenez  served  as  regent.  With  two  acts  of  doubtful  pro- 
priety Charles  I,  the  later  Charles  V  of  the  Empire,  began 
his  reign  in  the  peninsula.  He  sent  word  to  Ximenez, 
demanding  that  he  be  proclaimed  king  of  Castile,  despite 
the  fact  that  the  queen,  his  mother,  was  living.  Notwith- 
standing the  opposition  of  the  Cortes  and  his  own  unwilling- 
ness Ximenez  did  as  Charles  had  required.  In  1517  Charles 
reached  Spain,  surrounded  by  a  horde  of  Flemish  courtiers. 
Foreseeing  the  diflBculties  likely  to  result  from  this  invasion 
of  foreign  favorites  Ximenez  wTote  to  Charles,  giving  him 
advice  in  the  matter,  and  hastening  to  meet  him  asked  for 
an  interview.  Instead  of  granting  this  request  Charles  sent 
him  a  note,  thanking  him  for  his  services,  and  giving  him 
leave  to  retire  to  his  diocese  "to  rest  and  await  the  reward 
of  Heaven  for  his  merits." 


CHAPTER   XIX 


SOCIAL  REFORMS,    1479-1517 


Leading 
elements 
in  the 
social 
history  of 
the  era. 


Prestige 
of  the 
nobility, 
despite 
their 


The  most  important  events  in  Spain  of  a  social  character 
during  the  period  of  the  CathoHc  Kings  were  the  expulsion 
of  the  Jews  and  the  conversion  of  the  Castilian  Mudejares, 
with  the  relations  of  the  new  Inquisition  to  both  of  these 
elements  of  Spanish  society.  Other  events  of  more  than 
ordinary  note  were  the  deprivation  of  the  nobility  of  some 
of  their  former  prestige,  the  settlement  of  the  dispute  be- 
tween the  serfs  and  lords  of  Catalonia,  the  purification  of 
the  Castilian  clergy,  and  the  definitive  triumph  of  the  Roman 
principles  in  private  law.  Greater  than  all  of  these  were 
the  problems  which  were  to  arise  through  the  Spanish  sub- 
jection of  new  races  in  the  colonies  overseas. 

Though  with  diminished  prestige  the  nobility  continued 
to  be  the  leading  social  class  in  Castile,  sharing  this  honor 
with  the  higher  officials  of  the  church.  Much  of  the  former 
economic  preponderance  of  the  nobles  was  gone,  due  to  the 
development  of  personalty  as  a  form  of  wealth  as  distin- 
guished from  land,  the  fruit  of  the  commerce  and  industry 
of  the  Jews,  i\Iudejares,  and  middle  classes.  They  suffered 
still  further  through  Isabella's  revocation  of  the  land  grants 
they  had  received  at  times  of  civil  war  and  internal  weakness 
in  former  reigns,  especially  in  that  of  Henry  IV.  Few 
nobles  or  great  churchmen,  for  the  decree  applied  equally 
to  the  latter,  escaped  without  loss  of  at  least  a  portion  of 
their  rents,  and  some  forfeited  all  they  had.  Naturally, 
the  measure  caused  not  a  little  discontent,  but  it  was  exe- 
cuted without  any  noteworthy  resistance.  On  the  other 
hand,  through  the  continuance  of  the  institution  of  primo- 
genitm-e  and  through  new  acquisitions  of  land  in  return  for 

210 


SOCIAL  REFORMS,   1479-1517  211 

services  in  the  war  against  Granada,  the  greater  nobles  still 
possessed  immense  wealth.  The  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia, 
for  example,  offered  Philip  the  Handsome  two  thousand 
caballeros  and  50,000  ducats  ($750,000)  if  he  would  dis- 
embark in  Andalusia.  Not  only  in  political  authority  but 
also  in  prestige  the  nobles  were  lowered  by  the  measures  of 
the  Catholic  Kings.  Such  practices  as  the  use  of  a  royal 
crown  on  their  shields  and  the  employment  of  royal  insignia 
or  ceremonial  in  any  form  were  forbidden.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  ancient  privileges  of  the  nobility,  both  high  and 
low,  were  confirmed  to  them,  —  such,  for  example,  as  exemp- 
tion from  taxation  and  from  the  application  in  certain  cases 
of  the  penalties  of  the  law.  At  the  same  time,  the  Catholic 
Kings  offered  a  new  kind  of  dignity,  depending  for  its  lustre 
on  the  favor  of  the  crown.  Nobles  were  encouraged  to  ap- 
pear at  court  and  strive  for  the  purely  ornamental  honors  of 
palace  officialdom.  Many  came,  for  those  who  remained  on 
their  estates  consigned  themselves  to  obscurity,  being  without 
power  to  improve  their  fortunes  by  a  revolt  as  their  ancestors 
had  done.  In  Aragon  and  Catalonia  they  still  displayed 
tendencies  to  engage  in  private  war  and  banditry,  a  con- 
dition of  aft'airs  which  endured  throughout  this  period  and 
into  the  next,  though  it  was  by  no  means  so  serious  a  problem 
as  it  had  been  in  earlier  times. 

The  grades  of  nobility  remained  much  as  before,  but  with  Grades  of 
a  change  in  nomenclature.  The  old  term  of  ricoshombres  nobility, 
for  the  great  nobles  disappeared  (though  not  until  1520 
officially),  and  was  substituted  by  that  of  grandes,  or  grandees. 
Among  the  grandees  the  title  of  duke  (duque)  and  marquis 
(marques)  now  became  of  more  frequent  usage  than  the 
formerly  more  general  count  (conde).  In  the  epoch  of  the 
Catholic  Kings  there  were  fifteen  grandees  in  Castile,  but 
eight  of  them  had  been  created,  with  the  title  of  duke,  by 
Isabella.  For  the  nobility  of  the  second  grade,  the  terms 
hijosdalgo  (modern  hidalgo)  and  cahallero,  used  in  a  generic 
sense  to  denote  noble  lineage,  were  employed  indiscrimi- 
nately. Nobles  without  fortune  lived,  as  formerly,  under 
the  protection  of  the  grandees,  or  took  service  in  the  military 
orders  or  even  in  the  new  royal  army. 


212 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Advance 
of  the 
rural 


The  situation  of  the  former  servile  classes  of  Castile,  aside 
from  the  slaves,  had  been  rendered  very  nearly  satisfactory 
from  a  jm-idical  point  of  view  in  the  previous  era,  but  their 
new  liberty  was  insecure  and  was  not  freely  accorded  in 
practice.  The  Catholic  Kings  energetically  cut  short  the 
greater  part  of  the  abuses,  and  definitely  decided  that  a  man 
adscripted  to  the  land  (a  solariego)  could  sell  or  carry  away 
his  personalty,  and  go  wherever  he  willed.  In  Aragon  proper 
the  problem  was  more  serious,  because  of  the  social  back- 
wardness of  that  region.  The  first  step  toward  freedom 
from  serfdom  was  taken  at  this  time,  consisting  in  the  fre- 
quent uprisings  of  the  serfs.  Ferdinand  made  some  attempts 
to  modify  the  malos  usos,  or  evil  customs,  of  the  relation  of 
lord  and  serf,  but  found  the  institutions  too  deeply  rooted 
in  his  day  for  remedy.  In  Catalonia,  Ferdinand  inherited 
the  problem  of  the  warfare  of  the  serfs  with  the  nobles  and 
the  high  churchmen,  against  the  latter  of  whom,  particu- 
larly the  bishop  of  Gerona,  the  wrath  of  the  rural  classes 
was  especially  directed.  At  the  outset  he  attempted,  as  had 
Alfonso  V  and  Juan  II  before  him,  to  utilize  the  quarrel  to 
serve  his  own  political  and  financial  ends,  accepting  bribes 
from  both  sides.  Finally,  an  agreement  was  reached 
whereby  the  king  was  to  serve  as  arbitrator,  without  appeal, 
between  the  warring  elements.  The  Sentence  of  Guadalupe, 
so-called  because  the  evidence  was  taken  and  the  decision 
rendered  at  Guadalupe  in  Extremadura,  in  1486,  was  the 
judgment  pronounced  by  Ferdinand.  It  went  to  the  root 
of  the  matter  by  abolishing  the  malos  usos  and  declaring  the 
freedom  of  the  rural  serfs.  Furthermore,  the  lords  were 
deprived  of  criminal  jurisdiction  over  their  vassals,  this  right 
passing  to  the  crown,  and  the  same  privileges  as  that  just 
recorded  in  the  case  of  the  solariegos  of  Castile  was  granted 
to  the  rural  masses  of  Catalonia.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
now  freed  serfs  were  obliged  to  pay  a  heavy  ransom  to  their 
lords.  The  decision  satisfied  neither  party  to  the  issue,  but 
was  accepted,  and  proved  in  fact  the  solution  of  the  evil. 
A  rural  class  of  small  proprietors  soon  grew  up,  while  many 
other  persons  occupied  lands  for  which  they  paid  rent  in- 
stead of  the  former  irksome  services. 


SOCIAL  REFORMS,    1479-1517 


213 


If  a  policy  of  benevolent  assimilation  had  been  followed 
by  the  Christians  of  Spain  with  regard  to  the  other  great 
elements  of  the  population,  the  Mudejar  and  the  Jewish, 
it  is  possible  that  the  two  latter  might  have  been  made  use 
of  to  the  advantage  of  the  peninsula,  for  they  were  Spanish 
in  most  of  their  habits,  and  had  intermarried  with  Chris- 
tians, even  those  of  high  rank.  For  centuries,  however,  a 
different  practice,  based  primarily  on  religious  intolerance, 
had  tended  to  promote  the  adoption  of  an  opposite  course, 
and  it  was  in  the  reign  of  the  Catholic  Kings  that  the  first 
steps  were  taken  to  bring  the  matter  to  an  issue.  The 
measures  by  which  the  Mudejares  were  compelled  to  emi- 
grate from  Castile  or  become  converted  as  Moriscos  have 
already  been  chronicled,  and  the  same  procedure  was  taken 
with  regard  to  Navarre  and  the  Basque  provinces.  Fer- 
dinand, who  was  less  zealous  in  this  undertaking  than  his 
pious  consort,  did  not  go  to  the  same  lengths  in  Aragon. 
On  the  petition  of  the  lords,  who  had  many  Moslem  vassals 
and  feared  to  lose  them,  he  confirmed  the  privileges  of  the 
Mudejares,  though  forbidding  the  erection  of  new  mosques, 
and  permitted  of  preaching  to  bring  about  their  voluntary 
conversion. 

The  hatred  of  the  Christians  for  the  Jews  was  so  great 
that  the  time  was  ripe  for  the  final  step  in  the  measures 
taken  against  them,  and  early  in  the  reign  of  the  Catholic 
Kings  it  was  decided  to  expel  them  from  the  peninsula. 
While  the  religious  motive  was  the  principal  one,  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  were  also  actuated,  as  indeed  also  in  the  case 
of  the  Mudejares,  by  their  ideal  of  a  centralized  absolutism, 
wherefore  an  element  which  was  not  in  sympathy  with  the 
religion  of  the  state  seemed  to  them  to  constitute  a  political 
danger.  Their  action  was  hastened,  no  doubt,  by  popular 
fanaticism,  which  expressed  itself  in  numerous  acts  of  vio- 
lence against  the  hated  race.  With  Granada  conquered 
the  Catholic  Kings  lost  no  time  in  promulgating  a  decree, 
dated  March  31,  1492,  requiring  conversion  or  expulsion, 
and  applicable  to  both  Castile  and  Aragon.  The  Jews  were 
granted  four  months  to  dispose  of  their  affau-s  and  leave  Spain. 
The  blow  to  them  financially  was  ruinous.    Forced  sales. 


Policy  of 
the  Catho- 
lic Kings 
toward  the 
Mude- 
jares. 


Expulsion 
of  the 
Jews. 


214 


A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Activities 
of  the 
Inquisi- 
tion in 
Castile. 


especially  when  there  was  so  much  to  be  sold,  could  not  be 
expected  to  yield  a  fair  return,  and  this  was  aggravated  by 
prohibitions  against  carrying  away  any  gold,  silver,  coin, 
or  other  kinds  of  personalty,  except  what  the  laws  ordinarily 
permitted  to  be  exported.  The  full  effect  of  this  harsh  legis- 
lation was  avoided  by  some  through  a  resort  to  the  inter- 
national banking  agencies  which  the  Jews  had  established. 
A  number  preferred  to  become  Christians  rather  than  go 
into  exile,  but  thousands  took  the  latter  course.  Some 
computations  hold  that  as  many  as  2,000,000  left  the  country, 
but  a  more  careful  estimate  by  a  Jewish  historian  gives  the 
following  figures :  emigrants,  165,000 ;  baptized,  50,000 ; 
those  who  lost  their  lives  in  course  of  the  execution  of  the 
decree,  20,000.  The  exiles  went  to  Portugal,  North  Africa, 
Italy,  and  PVance,  but  were  so  harshly  treated,  especially 
in  the  two  first-named  lands,  that  a  great  many  preferred 
to  return  to  Spain  and  accept  baptism.  Portugal  and  Na- 
varre soon  followed  the  action  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  thus 
completing  the  cycle  of  anti-Jewish  legislation  in  the  penin- 
sula. In  law  there  were  no  more  Jews;  they  had  become 
Marranos. 

Not  a  few  of  the  converts,  both  Mudejar  and  Jewish, 
became  sincere  Christians,  and  some  of  them  attained  to 
high  rank  in  the  church.  Hernando  de  Talavera,  for  ex- 
ample, at  one  time  confessor  of  the  queen  and  one  of  the 
most  influential  men  in  the  kingdom,  had  Jewish  blood  in 
his  veins.  A  great  many,  very  likely  the  majority,  remained 
faithful  at  heart  to  the  religion  of  their  fathers,  due  partly 
to  the  lack  of  Christian  instruction,  and  even  when  they  did 
not,  they  were  suspected  of  so  doing,  or  maliciously  accused 
of  it  by  those  who  were  envious  of  their  wealth  or  social 
position.  This  had  led  the  Catholic  Kings  to  procure  a 
papal  bull,  as  early  as  1478,  granting  the  monarchs  a  right 
to  name  certain  men,  whom  they  should  choose,  as  inquisi- 
tors, with  power  to  exercise  the  usual  authority  of  eccle- 
siastical judges.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  modern 
Spanish  Inquisition.  Leaving  aside,  for  the  present,  its 
formal  constitution  and  procedure,  its  activities  against 
converts  may  here  be  traced.     The  Inquisition  began  its 


SOCIAL  REFORMS,   1479-1517  215 

work  in  Seville  in  1480,  with  the  object  of  uprooting  heresy, 
especially  among  the  Marranos.  Afraid  of  being  accused 
many  fled,  but  enough  remained  for  scores  to  be  apprehended. 
In  1481  the  first  auto  de  fe  (decision  of  the  faith)  was  held, 
and  sixteen  persons  were  burned  to  death.  From  Seville 
the  institution  spread  to  other  cities,  and  the  terror  became 
general.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  inquisitors  displayed 
an  excess  of  zeal,  of  which  various  papal  documents  them- 
selves furnish  ample  proof.  A  great  many  were  put  to  death, 
especially  while  Juan  de  Torquemada  was  at  the  head  of  the 
institution,  1485  to  1494.  Some  charge  his  inquisitorial 
reign  with  the  death  of  8000  persons,  but  more  dispassionate 
estimates  reduce  the  figures  greatly,  calculating  the  number 
to  be  2000  for  the  reign  of  Isabella,  ending  in  1504.  Very 
many  more  were  either  burned  in  effigy  or  put  in  prison, 
while  confiscation  of  goods  was  one  of  the  usual  concomitants 
of  a  sentence  involving  loss  of  life  or  liberty.  Books  were 
also  examined  and  burned  or  their  publication  or  circulation 
forbidden,  and  in  every  way  efforts  were  made  to  prevent 
heresy  as  well  as  to  stamp  it  out.  By  far  the  greatest  num- 
ber of  sufferers  were  the  Judaizantes,  or  those  Marranos 
who  practised  the  Jewish  faith  in  secret.  It  must  be  said 
that  public  opinion  was  not  by  any  means  on  the  side  of  the 
Inquisition ;  in  course  of  time  it  became  universally  hated, 
as  also  feared,  for  nobody  was  entirely  safe  from  accusation 
before  the  dread  tribunal. 

The  Inquisition  had  existed  in  the  kingdom  of  Aragon  The  In- 
since  the  thirteenth  century,  but  Ferdinand  now  introduced  quisition 
the  Castilian  body.     In  1485  the  Inquisition  became  a  single  ^^  Aragon. 
institution  for  all  Spain,  although  it  was  not  until  1518  that 
this  became  definitive.     The  new  organization  had  not  been 
welcomed  in  Castile,  but  it  found  even  less  favor  in  Aragon, 
not  only  because  of  its  excessive  pretensions  and  rigors,  but 
also  because  it  superseded  the  traditional  Aragonese  In- 
quisition, was  in  the  hands  of  Castilian  "foreigners,"  and 
interfered  with  business.     The  city  of  Barcelona  was  es- 
pecially resentful  on  this  last  account,  because  its  prosperity 
depended  not  a  little  on  the  trade  in  the  hands  of  Jewish 
converts,  whom  fear  was  driving  away.     On  the  first  occa- 


216 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Reform  of 

the 

Castilian 

church. 


sion  of  their  appearance,  in  1486,  the  inquisitors  were  obliged 
to  leave  Barcelona,  and  no  less  a  personage  than  the  bishop 
joined  in  the  act  of  ejecting  them,  but  in  1487  they  returned 
to  stay.  The  fear  of  the  Inquisition  and  certain  social  and 
political  disadvantages  of  being  regarded  as  of  Jewish  or 
Moslem  descent  occasioned  the  introduction  of  documents 
of  limpieza  de  sangre  (purity  of  blood),  attesting  the  Catholic 
ancestry  of  the  possessors,  although  the  development  of  this 
custom  was  more  marked  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I. 

One  of  the  most  signal  reforms  of  the  period,  to  which  the 
pious  Isabella,  aided  by  Ximenez,  gave  her  attention,  was 
the  purification  of  the  Castilian  clergy.  The  church,  like 
the  great  nobles,  had  suffered  from  the  revocation  of  land 
grants  it  had  gained  in  times  of  stress,  and  was  obliged, 
furthermore,  to  restore  the  financial  rights,  such  as  the 
alcahala  and  certain  rents,  it  had  usurped  from  the  crown. 
Nevertheless,  its  wealth  was  enormous.  The  rents  of  the 
secular  church  in  all  Spain  are  said  to  have  amounted  to 
some  4,000,000  ducats  ($60,000,000),  of  which  the  arch- 
bishop of  Toledo  alone  received  80,000  ($1,200,000).  The 
regular  clergy  were  equally  wealthy.  Vast  as  these  sums 
app)ear,  even  today,  their  real  value  should  be  considered 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  far  greater  purchasing  power  of 
money  in  that  age  than  now.  Whether  or  not  the  members 
of  the  clergy  were  softened  by  this  wealth  and  by  the  favors 
they  received  as  representatives  of  the  church  at  a  time  of 
great  religious  zeal  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  people,  it  is 
certain  that  ignorance  and  immorality  were  prevalent 
among  them.  Despite  the  centuries  of  conflict  against 
it,  the  institution  of  barragania  still  had  its  followers,  among 
others,  Alfonso  de  Aragon,  archbishop  of  Saragossa,  and 
Cardinal  Pedro  de  Mendoza.  Laws  were  passed  imposing 
fines,  banishment,  and  the  lash,  —  without  avail.  Church 
councils  met  to  discuss  the  various  evils  within  the  church. 
Ximenez  at  length  applied  to  the  church  of  Castile  the 
methods  Isabella  had  used  in  suppressing  seigniorial  anarchy. 
A  Franciscan  himself,  he  proceeded  to  visit  the  convents  of 
the  order  and  to  administer  correction  with  a  heavy  hand, 
expelling  the  more  recalcitrant.     It  is  said  that  some  four 


SOCIAL   REFORMS,    1479-1517 


217 


hundred  friars  emigrated  to  Africa,  and  became  Moham- 
medans, rather  than  submit  to  his  rulings.  From  the 
Franciscan  order  the  reforms  passed  on  to  others.  Isabella 
intervened  more  particularly  in  the  ease  of  the  secular 
clergy,  exercising  great  care  in  the  choice  of  candidates  for 
the  higher  dignities,  selecting  them  from  the  lower  nobility 
or  the  middle  class  instead  of  from  the  families  of  great  nobles 
as  had  formerly  been  the  practice.  At  the  same  time,  she 
took  steps  with  considerable  success  to  prevent  the  appoint- 
ment of  foreigners  by  the  popes  to  Castilian  benefices.  In 
Aragon  the  same  evils  existed  as  in  Castile,  but  the  reforms 
did  not  come  at  this  time  to  modify  them. 

In  private  law,  especially  as  regards  the  family,  the  long 
struggle  of  the  Roman  principles  to  gain  a  predominant 
place  in  Castilian  jurisprudence  ended  in  triumph.  The 
victory  came  with  the  legislation  of  the  Cortes  of  Toledo  in 
1502,  but  as  it  was  not  published  until  the  time  of  the  Cortes 
of  Toro  in  1505  it  became  known  as  the  Leyes  de  Toro  (Laws 
of  Toro).  For  example,  the  complete  emancipation  of  chil- 
dren after  marriage,  the  prohibition  of  the  gift  of  all  one's 
possessions  to  other  than  the  heirs,  the  increase  in  the  for- 
malities required  in  the  case  of  wills,  and  the  lengthening  of 
terms  of  years  on  which  to  base  claims  by  prescription  were 
all  recognized  in  the  new  laws. 

In  immorality  and  luxury  the  reign  of  the  Catholic  Kings 
differed  little  from  the  preceding  era;  abundant  evidence 
thereof  appears  in  the  literary  works  of  this  period  and  the 
opening  years  of  the  next.  The  most  extravagant  taste 
was  exhibited  both  by  men  and  women  in  matters  of  dress. 
Clothing  w^as  made  up  of  ruffs  and  puffs,  ribbons  and  rings, 
many-materialed  and  many-colored  component  parts,  clothes 
which  dragged  behind  and  clothes  which  were  immodestly 
short,  open-work  w^aists  and  cloaks  which  were  not  infre- 
quently used  to  cover  adventures,  fancy  laces,  daggers, 
purses,  pouches,  and  a  host  of  other  accessories  which  must 
have  been  considered  ornamental,  since  they  were  only  slightly 
useful.  Isabella  herself,  serious-minded  and  religious  though 
she  was,  liked  to  appear  in  public  richly  gowned  and  be- 
jewelled.    This  lavish  magnificence  seems  only  to  have  been 


Triumph 
of  Roman 
principles 
in  Cas- 
tilian 
private 
law. 


General 

social 

customs. 

Dress. 


218  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

on  display  for  gala  occasions ;  at  other  times  Spaniards  lived 
and  dressed  soberly  and  modestly.  As  an  Italian  traveller 
expressed  it,  the  Spaniard  was  prodigal  on  holidays,  and 
lived  sadly  the  rest  of  the  year,  for  his  occasional  extrava- 
gances demanded  more  protracted  economies.  This  was 
true,  even  in  the  palace,  for,  numerous  as  were  the  employes 
there,  the  annual  expenditure  was  the  equivalent  of  only 
about  $100,000.  Other  social  customs,  such  as  sports, 
including  bull-fighting,  did  not  undergo  any  changes  suflBcient 
to  require  comment. 


CHAPTER  XX 


POLITICAL   REFORMS,    1479-1517 


It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the  union  of  Castile 
and  Aragon  under  the  Catholic  Kings  lacked  a  real  political 
or  institutional  basis.  Both  monarchs  signed  papers  ap- 
plicable to  the  two  kingdoms  and  exercised  personal  influ- 
ence, each  with  the  other,  but  although  Ferdinand  assisted 
his  consort  in  Castilian  affairs,  Isabella  was  clearly  regarded 
as  ruler  in  Castile,  as  Ferdinand  was  in  Aragon.  The  latter's 
will  advised  Charles  I  to  maintain  the  separation  of  the 
kingdoms  and  to  conduct  their  affairs  through  native  officials. 
Nevertheless,  the  long  continuance  of  the  same  royal  family 
at  the  head  of  both  was  bound  to  produce  a  greater  unity 
eventually.  Castile  was  drawn  into  European  politics 
through  the  medium  of  the  Aragonese  wars  in  Italy.  On 
the  other  hand,  she  tended  to  become  the  centre  of  authority 
and  influence  on  account  of  the  greater  extent  of  her  terri- 
tory (especially  with  the  addition  of  Granada,  Navarre,  and 
the  Americas),  her  greater  wealth,  the  royal  practice  of  re- 
siding in  Castile,  and  the  more  advanced  social  and  political 
condition  of  Castile  as  the  result  of  Isabella's  reforms. 

Both  sovereigns  followed  the  policy  of  centralization  in 
their  respective  kingdoms.  In  Castile  the  major  problem 
was  the  reduction  of  the  oligarchical  nobility,  for  the  middle 
classes  had  already  been  won  over  in  great  part  when  Isabella 
ascended  the  throne.  Her  success  in  reducing  the  lawless 
nobles  has  already  been  discussed ;  it  only  remains  to  point 
out  the  significance  of  the  act  by  which  she  completed  this 
task,  —  her  incorporation  of  the  masterships  of  the  military 
orders  into  the  crown.  The  principal  element  in  the  three 
great  orders  of  Santiago,  Calatrava,  and  Alcantara  were  the 

219 


Tendency 

toward 

Spanish 

unity 

under 

Castile. 


Master- 
ships of 
the  mili- 
tary orders 
incorpo- 
rated into 
the  crown. 


220 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Increase 
of  the 
royal 
authority 
and  tend- 
ency 
toward 
unity  in 
municipal 
life. 


segundones  of  great  noble  families  and  members  of  the  lesser 
nobility.  Not  only  by  their  military  power  but  also  by  their 
nimibers  and  wealth  these  orders  constituted  a  potential 
danger  to  the  crown  unless  their  action  could  be  controlled. 
An  estimate  of  the  year  1493  showed  that  there  were  700,000 
members  and  vassals  in  the  order  of  Santiago,  and  200,000 
and  100,000  respecti\ely  in  those  of  Calatrava  and  Alcantara. 
The  first-named  had  amnial  revenues  of  some  60,000  ducats 
($900,000),  and  the  two  last  combined,  some  95,000 
($1,425,000).  With  the  masterships  in  royal  hands  the 
probability  of  civil  strife  was  greatly  lessened. 

As  regards  the  towns  the  Catholic  Kings  foUow^ed  pre- 
cisely the  same  practices  which  had  been  employed  with 
such  success  in  the  previous  era.  It  was  rare,  indeed,  that 
they  suppressed  charters,  but  circumstances  like  those  al- 
ready recorded  ^  enabled  the  corregidores  and  other  royal 
officers  to  exercise  virtual  control.  Meanwhile,  the  process 
of  imification  was  going  on  through  the  ordinances  of  the 
Cortes  and  royal  decrees,  fortified  by  the  unrecorded  de- 
velopment of  similarity  in  customs  in  Castilian  municipal 
life.  This  was  fiu-thered  by  the  representatives  of  the  towns 
themselves,  for  royal  and  municipal  interests  were  usually 
in  accord.  Noteworthy  extensions  of  royal  authority  ap- 
peared in  the  subjection  of  local  officials  to  the  residencia 
(or  trial  during  a  number  of  days  after  the  completion  of  a 
term  of  office,  to  determine  the  liability  of  an  official  for  the 
wrongful  acts  of  his  administration)  and  in  the  sending  of 
royal  pesquisidores,  or  enquirers  (in  cases  of  crime),  and 
veedores  (inspvectors),  later  more  often  called  visitadores 
(visitors),  to  investigate  matters  of  government,  such  as 
the  accounts  of  financial  agents  and  the  conduct  of  public 
officers.  These  institutions  were  later  transferred  to  the 
Americas,  becoming  an  important  means  of  sustaining  the 
authority  of  the  mother  country.  In  some  instances  the 
Catholic  Kings  resorted  to  force  to  reduce  municipalities 
which  were  too  autonomous  in  character,  notably  in  the  case 
of  the  hermandad  of  the  north  coast  towns,  whose  decadence 
dates  from  this  reign. 

1  See  p.  159. 


POLITICAL  REFORMS,    1479-1517 


221 


The  royalist  ideal  was  manifested  strikingly  in  the  rela- 
tions of  the  Catholic  Kings  with  the  Castilian  Cortes.  From 
1475  to  1503  the  Cortes  was  summoned  but  nine  times,  and 
during  the  years  1482  to  1498,  at  a  time  when  Granada  was 
being  conquered,  America  discovered  and  occupied,  the 
new  Inquisition  instituted,  and  the  Jews  expelled,  it  did  not 
meet  ev^en  once.  Its  decline  was  evidenced  still  further  in 
the  increasingly  respectful  language  employed  whenever  it 
addressed  the  monarch  and  its  growing  dependence  on  the 
Consejo  Real,  which  body  subjected  the  acts  of  the  Cortes  to 
its  own  revision  and  whose  president  acted  in  a  similar 
capacity  for  the  Cortes. 

Ferdinand  followed  the  same  policy  in  Aragon.  The 
various  Cortes  of  Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  Valencia  and  the 
general  Cortes  of  all  three  were  infrequently  called ;  the  king 
acted  in  an  arbitrary  manner  in  his  methods  of  raising  funds, 
without  observing  the  spirit  of  the  laws.  It  was  in  his  deal- 
ings with  Barcelona  that  he  most  clearly  manifested  the 
royalist  tendency,  for  that  city  was  the  most  powerful  ele- 
ment in  the  kingdom.  Through  his  intervention  the  practice 
of  electing  the  five  concelleres,  or  councillors,  was  suspended 
in  favor  of  royal  appointment,  and  the  Consell,  or  council 
of  a  hundred,  was  altered  so  that  it  was  no  longer  democratic 
but  represented  the  will  of  the  monarch.  The  fact  that  these 
changes  were  made  without  provoking  resistance  and  almost 
without  protest  shows  how  utterly  dead  were  the  political 
ideals  of  the  past. 

The  concentration  in  royal  hands  of  so  many  powers 
which  were  formerly  exercised  by  the  lords  and  towns  made 
necessary  the  development  of  a  numerous  and  varied  official- 
dom to  assist  the  monarch.  As  the  basis  of  the  new  bureau- 
cracy in  Castile  the  Catholic  Kings  had  at  hand  the  Consejo 
Real,  which  with  some  changes  was  admu-ably  adapted  to 
the  purpose.  The  first  step  was  to  rid  it  of  the  great  nobles. 
In  1480  the  untitled  letrados  became  a  majority  in  this  body. 
The  counts,  dukes,  and  marquises  were  still  allowed  to 
attend,  but  were  deprived  of  the  right  to  vote.  Shortly 
afterward  they  were  excluded  altogether,  and  the  Consejo 
Real  now  responded  without  question  to  the  will  of  the  king. 


Decline  of 
the  Castil- 
ian Cortes. 


Decline  of 
the  Ara- 
gonese 
Cortes  and 
of  the 
power  of 
Barce- 
lona. 


The  new 
bureau- 
cracy. 


222 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Adminis- 
tration of 
justice. 


It  served  as  the  head  of  the  various  branches  of  the  bureau- 
cratic organization,  with  the  final  decision,  subject  to  the 
wishes  of  the  king,  in  all  matters  of  government.  Pressure 
of  work  led  to  the  formation  of  three  additional  councils, 
those  of  the  Inquisition  {Inquisicidn),  the  military  orders, 
(Ordenes  Militares),  and  the  Americas,  or  Indies  (Indias), 
while  there  were  still  others  in  the  kingdom  of  Aragon. 
Particularly  important  among  the  other  officials  was  the 
monarch's  private  secretary,  who  came  to  have  a  very 
nearly  decisive  influence,  owing  to  the  favor  he  enjoyed  with 
the  head  of  the  state.  A  horde  of  other  officers,  old  and 
new,  made  up  the  ranks  of  the  bureaucracy.  Among  the 
older  group  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  adelantados  were  sup- 
planted by  alcaldes  mayoree,  until  only  one  of  the  former 
was  left.  Among  newer  officials  the  important  inquisitors 
and  veedores,  or  visitadores,  should  be  noted. 

A  similar  development  to  that  of  the  executive  branch 
was  experienced  in  the  administration  of  justice.  The 
fountain-head  was  the  chancilleria  at  the  capital,  Valladolid, 
to  which  were  subordinate  in  a  measure  the  several  regional 
andiencias,  which  were  now  established  for  the  first  time, 
besides  the  hierarchy  of  the  judiciary  of  lower  grades.  In 
addition  to  unifying  and  regulating  the  judicial  system 
the  Catholic  Kings  gave  attention  to  the  internal  purifica- 
tion of  the  courts,  with  a  view  to  eliminating  the  unfit  or 
undesirable  and  to  checking  abuses.  The  corrupt  practices 
of  those  outside  the  courts  were  also  attacked,  especially 
powerful  persons  who  attempted  to  overawe  judges  or  pro- 
cure a  miscarriage  of  justice.  One  of  the  principal  difficulties 
encountered  was  that  of  conflicts  of  jurisdiction,  notably  in 
the  case  of  the  church  courts.  Good  Catholic  though  she 
was,  Isabella  was  determined  in  her  opposition  to  ecclesias- 
tical invasions  of  royal  jurisdiction,  but  despite  her  energetic 
measures  the  issue  was  far  from  being  decided  in  her  day. 
In  line  with  the  royal  policy  of  settling  disputes  by  law 
rather  than  by  force  the  use  of  firearms  was  prohibited, 
gambling  was  persecuted,  and  the  riepto  (or  judicial  duel, 
the  last  survival  of  medieval  procedure)  was  abolished. 
Good  order  in  the  present-day  sense  was  far  from  existing, 


POLITICAL   REFORMS,    1479-1517 


223 


and  this  led  to  a  revival  of  the  medieval  idea  of  the  her- 
mandades  for  the  punishment  of  crimes  committed  in  un- 
inhabited places  or  small  villages  as  well  as  for  the  pursuit 
and  execution  generally  of  those  guilty  of  felony.  The 
Santa  Hermandad,  with  its  capital  at  Toledo,  was  created 
as  a  kind  of  judicial  body,  sustained  by  the  groups  of  citizens 
who  formed  part  of  it,  employing  a  militia  of  mounted  men, 
and  making  use  of  summary  methods  and  extreme  penalties 
in  its  procedure.  Its  life  as  an  effective  body  was  brief, 
although  it  continued  to  exist  for  many  years.  On  the  other 
hand  the  medieval  hermandad  of  Toledo  enjoyed  a  revival 
of  life  and  usefulness.^ 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  trace  the  administrative  and  Reforms 
judicial  reforms  of  Ferdinand  in  Aragon.     Suffice  to  say  that  i^  Aragon. 
they   followed   the   Castilian   pattern   much   more   closely, 
indeed,  than  in  the  matter  of  social  organization. 

The  Castilian  Inquisition,  first  created  in  1478  for  specific  Procedure 
and  temporary  objects,  underwent  considerable  modification  of  the 
when  retained  as  a  permanent  body  to  combat  heresy  in  ^P^^^^i- 
general.  The  popes  refused  to  allow  it  to  be  in  all  respects 
a  royal  instrument,  and  retained  the  right  of  appointing  or 
dismissing  inquisitors,  permitting  the  kings  to  recommend 
candidates.  The  expansion  of  the  institution  from.  Seville 
to  other  cities  in  Spain  and  the  creation  of  a  supreme  council 
of  the  Inquisition  have  already  been  mentioned.  Ximenez, 
who  became  head  of  the  Inquisition  of  Castile  in  1507,  ex- 
tended its  operations  to  Africa  and  the  Americas.  The 
methods  of  trial  were  harsh,  though  less  so  if  gauged  by  the 
standards  of  that  time.  Torture  was  used  as  a  means  of 
obtaining  confessions.  The  accused  was  kept  utterly  apart 
from  his  family  and  friends,  who  did  not  learn  what  had 
become  of  him  until  his  liberation  or  his  appearance  in  an 
auto  de  fe.  The  same  secrecy  was  employed  in  dealing  with 
the  prisoner,  who  was  informed  of  the  general  charge  against 
him,  without  the  details  and  without  knowing  his  accuser's 
name.  He  was  allowed  to  indicate  those  in  whom  he  lacked 
confidence,  and  if  he  should  chance  to  hit  upon  an  accuser 
that  person's  evidence  was  eliminated.  Two  witnesses 
1  Cf.  p.  155,  n.  3. 


224 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Financial 
adminis- 
tration. 


against  him  were  sufficient  to  outweigh  any  testimony  he 
miglit  give,  lie  might  have  a  hiwyer,  but  could  not  confer 
with  him  in  private.  He  might  also  object  to  a  judge  whose 
impartiality  he  had  reason  to  suspect,  and  could  appeal  to 
the  pope.  Penalties  varied  from  the  imposition  of  a  light 
penance  to  imprisonment  or  burning  to  death.  Burning  in 
effigy  of  those  who  escaped  or  burning  of  the  remains  of 
those  who  had  died  was  also  practised.  The  auto  de  fe 
represented,  as  the  words  imply,  merely  the  decision  in  the 
given  case,  and  not  the  imposition  of  the  penalty  as  has 
often  been  stated.  The  general  rule  was  for  the  executions 
to  take  place  on  holidays,  which  in  Spain  are  indeed  "holy 
days,"  or  days  in  celebration  of  events  in  church  history. 
A  procession  was  held,  in  which  the  functionaries  of  the 
Inquisition  took  part.  A  public  announcement  of  the  de- 
cisions was  made,  and  those  who  were  condemned  to  death 
were  turned  over  to  the  civil  authorities,  who  carried  out 
the  execution  in  the  customary  place.  As  has  already  been 
said,  the  imposition  of  sentences  was  accompanied  by  con- 
fiscations or  the  levy  of  fines.  Since  the  Inquisition  was  sup- 
ported by  these  amercements  there  were  numerous  scandals 
in  connection  therewith.  Certain  royal  orders  implied, 
and  complaints  by  men  of  such  standing  as  Juan  de  Daza, 
bishop  of  Cordova,  directly  charged,  that  the  Inquisition 
disj)layed  a  too  great  eagerness  to  insure  its  financial  stand- 
ing by  confiscations.  On  one  occasion  it  seems  that  the 
estate  of  a  wealthy  victim  of  the  Inquisition  was  divided 
between  Cardinal  Carvajal,  the  inquisitor  Lucero,  the  royal 
treasurer  Morales,  and  Ferdinand's  private  secretary.  The 
funds  did  not  belong  in  law  to  the  Inquisition.  That  body 
collected  them  and  turned  them  over  to  the  king,  who 
granted  them  back  again. 

The  new  Castilian  and  Aragonese  states  required  greatly 
increased  funds  and  a  royal  army,  and  both  of  these  matters 
received  the  careful  consideration  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
In  financial  afi"airs  their  activities  were  twofold :  to  procure 
more  revenues;  and  to  bring  about  greater  economy  in 
their  collection  and  administration.  The  revocation  of 
earlier  land  grants  was  one  measure  productive  of  income, 


POUTICAL  REFORMS,    1479-1517 


225 


since  the  taxes  from  them  now  went  to  the  crown  rather 
than  to  the  lords.  Two  som-ces  of  revenue  of  a  religious 
character  were  procured  by  papal  grant.  One  of  these  was 
the  cruzada,  or  sale  of  indulgences,  based  on  the  crusade 
(cruzada)  against  the  Moslems.  Designed  for  a  temporary 
purpose  it  became  an  enduring  element  in  the  royal  income. 
The  other  was  the  diezmo,  or  tithe,  presumably  for  the  same 
objects  as  the  cruzada,  although  it  too  was  diverted  to  other 
uses.  Great  attention  was  paid  to  the  administration  of 
the  remunerative  alcabala,  and  to  stamp  taxes  and  customs 
duties.  The  treasury  department  as  a  modern  institution 
may  be  said  to  date  from  this  era.  In  addition  the  Catholic 
Kings  corrected  abuses  in  the  coinage  of  money.  The  final 
result  is  shown  in  the  increase  in  the  revenues  from  about 
900,000  reales  i  in  1474  to  well  over  26,000,000  in  1504. 
Expenses  were  so  heavy,  however,  that  more  than  once  a 
resort  to  loans  was  necessary. 

The  army  kept  pace  with  other  institutions  in  the  advance  ModernI« 
out  of  medievalism  into  modernity.  The  seigniorial  levies,  zation 
unequal  in  size  and  subversive  of  discipline  as  well  as  a  po- 
tential danger,  were  virtually  done  away  with  after  the  Grana- 
dine  war,  although  such  bodies  appeared  occasionally  even 
in  the  next  era.  In  their  place  were  substituted  a  larger 
royal  army  at  state  expense  and  the  principle  of  universal 
military  service.  One  man  in  every  twelve  of  those  be- 
tween twenty  and  forty  years  of  age  was  held  liable,  but 
did  not  take  the  field  and  was  not  paid  except  when  specifi- 
cally called.  The  glory  of  the  new  professional  army 
attracted  many  who  had  formerly  served  the  great  lords, 
including  a  number  of  the  nobility  and  the  adventurous 


of  the 
army. 


1  The  real  was  a  former  Spanish  coin  of  elusive  value.  Prior 
to  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  it  was  worth  slightly  more 
than  ninety  maravedis  and  after  that  reign  slightly  less  than  eighty- 
nine.  Today  the  real  of  copper  (a  theoretical  coin)  is  worth  thirty- 
foiir  maravedis  and  the  real  of  silver  sixty-eight.  As  the  maravedi 
(which  is  no  longer  coined)  was  worth  about  a  sixth  of  a  cent  in 
present-day  United  States  money,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  real  has 
ranged  from  about  fifteen  to  five  cents  in  value.  These  amounts 
do  not,  of  course,  represent  the  actual  value,  or  purchasing  power,  of 
the  real.  That  cannot  be  determined,  but  it  was  certainly  many 
times  greater  than  it  would  be  today. 


226 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  royal 
navy. 


The 
Ordi- 
nance of 
Montalvo 
and  other 
codifica- 
tions of 
the  laws. 


element.  Under  the  leadership  of  Gonzalo  de  Ayora  and 
especially  of  the  "great  captain,"  Gonzalo  de  Cordoba, 
noteworthy  reforms  in  tactics  were  made.  The  army  was 
now  an  aggregation  of  equal  groups,  based  on  battalions 
and  companies,  while  the  larger  divisions  were  assigned  a 
proportionate  number  of  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery. 
From  this  periotl  date  many  current  military  titles :  colonel, 
captain,  and  others.  Arms  and  equipment  were  much  im- 
proved and  military  administration  bettered.  The  im- 
portance of  firearms  was  just  becoming  recognized ;  cannon, 
firing  balls  of  stone,  played  a  prominent  part  in  the 
war  with  Granada.  A  similar  if  less  pronounced  develop- 
ment appeared  in  the  navy.  The  admiral  of  Castile,  who 
had  enjoyed  a  semi-independent  sinecure,  now  lost  much  of 
his  authority,  for  many  of  his  powers  were  taken  over  by 
the  crown. 

The  reforms  which  have  been  chronicled  were  the  result 
of  a  great  body  of  legislation,  most  of  which  emanated  di- 
rectly from  the  crown,  although  some  important  law^s  were 
enacted  in  conjunction  with  the  Cortes.  Taken  with  the 
variety  of  legislation  in  preceding  years  it  caused  not  a  little 
confusion  as  to  the  precise  principle  governing  a  specific 
case.  This  led  to  the  compilation  by  Alfonso  Diaz  de 
Montalvo  of  the  Ordenanzas  Reales  de  Costilla  (1484?), 
or  Royal  Ordinances  of  Castile,  commonly  called  the  Ordi- 
nance (Ordenamiento)  of  Doctor  Montalvo,  in  which  were 
set  forth  various  ordinances  of  the  Cortes  since  that  of  Alcala 
in  1348  and  certain  orders  of  the  kings  from  the  time  of 
Alfonso  X,  together  with  some  provisions  of  earlier  date. 
In  all,  1163  laws  were  included,  of  which  230  belonged  to 
the  era  of  the  Catholic  Kings.  Although  it  is  not  certain, 
the  Ordenanzas  seems  to  have  been  promulgated  as  law, 
and  in  any  event  was  very  influential,  running  through 
thirteen  editions  down  to  the  year  1513.  The  compilation 
was  far  from  meeting  the  full  requirement  of  the  times,  how- 
ever. Besides  being  incomplete,  as  was  only  to  be  expected, 
it  contained  various  inaccuracies  of  form  and  substance. 
Furthermore,  with  such  varying  elements  still  in  effect  as 
the  Partidas  and  the  medieval  fueros,  besides  the  unwritten 


POLITICAL   REFORMS,    1479-1517 


227 


transformation  and  unification  which  had  been  going  on 
for  two  centiu-ies  (as  a  result  of  royalist  policies),  there  was 
need  for  a  clear  and  methodical  revision  of  Castilian  legis- 
lation. Various  other  publications  covering  special  phases 
of  the  laws,  such  as  the  Ordenanzas  de  Alcabalas  (1491), 
or  Ordinances  of  the  Alcahala,  the  already  mentioned  Leyes 
de  Tow  (1505),  and  the  privileges  of  the  Mesta  (1511),  date 
from  this  era,  while  there  was  a  similar  tendency  toward 
legislative  publication  in  the  Catalonian  and  Valencian 
parts  of  the  kingdom  of  Aragon. 

Although  the  piety  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  earned  them  Relations 
the  sobriquet  of  the  "Catholic  Kings,"  particularly  merited  of  church 
in  the  case  of  Isabella,  they  did  not  let  their  regard  for  the  ^'^^  ^*^*^- 
church  interfere  with  their  conceptions  of  the  royal  authority. 
Something  has  already  been  said  about  their  resistance  to 
the  intrusions  of  ecclesiastical  courts  and  their  objection  to 
appointments  of  foreigners  to  Spanish  benefices.  The  same 
conflict  with  the  pope  was  maintained  with  regard  to  papal 
appointments  of  Spaniards.  In  the  case  of  Granada  and 
the  Americas  the  crown  gained  the  patronato  real,  or  royal 
patronage,  in  such  degree  that  the  monarch  became  the  vir- 
tual administrative  head  of  the  church,  but  the  concession 
for  the  rest  of  Spain  was  not  so  complete.  Nevertheless, 
the  royal  nominees  were  usually  appointed.  The  Catholic 
Kings  displayed  great  consideration  for  the  church  when 
the  interests  of  the  latter  did  not  run  counter  to  the  monar- 
chical ideal,  and  in  Castile  the  confessors  of  the  queen 
obtained  a  certain  ascendency  which  made  them  among  the 
most  powerful  individuals  in  the  state.  They  proved  to 
be  well  deserving  of  their  influence,  however,  notably  car- 
dinals Mendoza,  Talavera,  and  Ximenez,  of  whom  the  last- 
named  w^as,  after  the  Catholic  Kings,  by  far  the  most  im- 
portant figure  of  the  times. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


MATERIAL  AND   INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS,    1479-1517 


Economic 
medieval- 


Privileges 
of  the 
Mesta. 


The  Catholic  Kings  attacked  the  economic  problems  of 
their  era  with  much  the  same  zeal  they  had  displayed  in 
social  and  political  reforms,  but  without  equal  success,  for 
medievalism  in  material  affairs  was  more  persistent  than  in 
social,  political,  and  intellectual  institutions.  The  same 
false  economic  ideas  of  the  past  were  still  operative.  Es- 
pecially was  this  manifest  in  the  belief  that  legislation  and 
state  intervention  in  business  provided  a  panacea  for  all 
evils,  when  the  real  needs  were  the  development  of  the  wealth 
at  hand  and  the  modification  of  geographical  conditions  in 
such  a  way  as  to  permit  of  additional  productivity.  Pro- 
tection and  excessive  regulation  were  the  keynote  of  the  laws. 
As  a  result  manufactures  were  stimulated  on  the  one  hand, 
and  various  cities  of  the  two  kingdoms  became  notable  in- 
dustrial centres,  but  on  the  other  hand,  these  same  indus- 
tries were  hindered  by  inspections,  by  laws  regulating  the 
fashion  and  style  of  goods  and  fixing  prices,  wages,  and  the 
hours  of  labor,  and  by  a  host  of  other  measures  which  killed 
initiative  and  hindered  rapidity  of  work.  In  part  to  pro- 
mote this  artificial  industrial  life,  so  that  raw  wool  might  be 
readily  procured,  the  Catholic  Kings  recognized  and  even 
extended  the  privileges  of  the  great  corporation  of  the  Mesta. 
Starting  from  La  Mancha  and  Extremadura  in  April,  flocks 
of  sheep  annually  ravaged  Castile,  returning  in  September 
to  the  place  whence  they  had  come.  The  Canada  real,  or 
royal  sheepwalk,  was  set  aside  for  their  exclusive  use,  and  a 
prohibition  was  placed  on  clearing,  working,  or  enclosing 
any  part  of  that  strip.  In  fact  the  sheepmen  ventured  be- 
yond the  legal  limits,  and  although  required  by  law  to  pay 

228 


MATERIAL  AND   INTELLECTUAL   PROGRESS,    1479-1517     229 


damages  in  such  cases  were  so  powerful  that  they  rarely  did 
so.  Withal,  the  stimulus  to  manufacturing  was  almost 
purely  artificial,  and  the  Spanish  cities,  even  Barcelona, 
found  competition  with  foreign  cloths  and  other  goods  too 
keen.  In  the  main,  Spain  continued  to  be  a  raw  material 
land,  exporting  primary  articles  to  foreign  countries,  in  re- 
turn for  manufactures. 

Attempts  were  made  to  encourage  agriculture,  but  the 
spirit  of  legislative  interference  and  the  superior  importance 
accorded  the  grazing  industry  were  not  conducive  to  prog- 
ress. The  menace  of  the  Mesta  was  responsible  for  the 
almost  complete  destruction  of  forestry  and  agriculture  in 
many  regions  which  were  suitable  to  development  in  those 
respects,  while  the  irrigation  ditches  of  Andalusia  and  other 
former  Moslem  lands  were  too  often  allowed  to  decay. 

The  same  royal  solicitude  appeared,  to  assist  and  to  retard 
commerce.  Interior  customs  lines  were  to  some  extent  done 
away  with,  notably  on  the  frontier  of  Castile  and  Aragon 
proper.  Shipbuilding  was  encouraged,  but  favors  were 
shown  to  owners  of  large  ships,  wherefore  the  smaller  ship 
traffic  was  damaged,  at  the  same  time  that  the  larger  boats 
were  too  big  for  the  needs  of  the  trade.  A  flourishing  foreign 
commerce  developed,  nevertheless,  but  it  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  Jews  and,  after  their  expulsion,  of  foreigners  of  Italian, 
Germanic,  and  French  extraction.  Many  laws  were  passed 
subjecting  foreigners  to  annoyances,  lest  they  export  precious 
metal  or  in  other  ways  act  contrary  to  the  economic  interests 
of  the  peninsula  as  they  were  then  understood.  It  was  in 
this  period  that  the  commerce  of  the  Mediterranean  cities 
of  the  kingdom  of  Aragon  sank  into  a  hopeless  decline.  Other 
factors  than  those  of  the  false  economic  principles  of  the  day 
were  primarily  responsible,  such  as  the  conquests  of  the 
Turks,  which  ended  the  eastern  Mediterranean  trade,  and 
the  Portuguese  discovery  of  the  sea-route  to  India,  along 
with  the  Castilian  voyages  to  America,  which  made  the  At- 
lantic Ocean  the  chief  centre  of  sea-going  traffic  and  closed 
the  era  of  Mediterranean  supremacy. 

Nevertheless,  the  net  result  of  the  period  was  a  marked 
advance  in  material  wealth,  —  in  part,  perhaps,  because  the 


Lack  of 
progress 
in  agri- 
culture. 


Vicissi- 
tudes of 
commerce. 


Advance 
in  wealth. 


230 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Extension 
of  intel- 
lootual 
culture 
und  the 
triumph 
of  Hu- 


false  economic  ideas  of  the  Catholic  Kings  were  shared  by 
them  with  the  other  rulers  of  Europe,  wherefore  they  did  not 
prove  so  great  a  handicap  to  Spain,  and,  in  part,  because  some 
of  their  measures  were  well  calculated  to  prove  beneficial. 
At  this  time,  too,  the  wealth  of  the  Americas  began  to  pour 
in,  although  the  futiu-e  was  to  hold  far  more  in  store. 

Brief  as  was  the  span  of  years  embraced  by  the  reign  of 
the  Catholic  Kings  it  was  as  notable  a  period  in  intellectual 
progress  as  in  other  respects,  bringing  Spain  into  the  ciu*rent 
of  modern  life.  This  was  due  primarily  to  the  rapid  exten- 
sion of  printing,  which  had  appeared  in  the  peninsula  in  the 
closing  years  of  the  preceding  period,  and  which  now  came 
into  such  general  use  that  the  works  of  Spanish  and  classical 
writers  became  available  to  all.  Through  private  initiative 
many  schools  were  founded  which  later  became  universities, 
although  this  activity  was  limited  to  Castile.  Most  notable 
of  these  institutions  was  that  of  Alcala  founded  by  Ximenez. 
This  undertaking  was  due  to  the  great  cardinal's  desire  to 
establish  a  Humanist  centre  of  learning,  where  Latin,  Greek, 
Hebrew,  and  philology  could  be  studied  to  the  best  advantage. 
The  most  learned  Spanish  Humanists  assembled  there,  to- 
gether with  many  foreigners,  and  works  of  note  were  pro- 
duced, such  as  the  famous  polyglot  Bible  in  Hebrew,  Greek, 
Chaldean,  and  Latin,  with  accompanying  grammars  and 
vocabularies.  Not  a  little  of  the  advancement  in  intellec- 
tual manifestations  was  due  to  the  encouragement  of  the 
Catholic  Kings,  especially  Isabella.  Books  coming  into 
Spain  were  exempted  from  duty ;  ordinances  were  made 
regulating  university  life,  and  ridding  it  of  much  of  its  tur- 
bulence and  abuses ;  and  the  court  set  an  example  in  showing 
favor  to  distinguished  scholars,  who  were  engaged  as  teachers 
of  the  royal  children.  The  great  nobles  imitated  royalt}', 
and  invited  foreign  savants  to  Spain,  among  whom  was  the 
Italian,  Peter  Martyr  of  Anghiera,  celebrated  as  the  author 
of  the  first  history  of  the  Americas,  the  De  orhe  novo  (Con- 
cerning the  new  world).  The  most  marked  impulse  to  the 
spread  of  Humanist  ideals  came  through  Spaniards  studying 
abroad,  and  these  men  returned  to  give  Spain  her  leading 
names  in  intellectual  production  for  the  period.     The  great- 


MATERIAL  AND   INTELLECTUAL  PROGRESS,    1479-1517     231 

est  of  them  was  Antonio  de  Nebrija,  educated  in  Italy,  a 
man  of  such  encyclopedic  attainments  that  he  left  works 
on  theology,  law,  archaeology,  history,  natural  science,  geog- 
raphy, and  geodesy,  although  particularly  noteworthy  as  a 
Latin  scholar.  Cardinal  Ximenez  is  deserving  of  a  high 
place  in  the  achievements  of  the  era  for  his  patronage  of 
letters,  for  it  was  through  his  aid  that  some  of  the  most  val- 
uable work  of  the  period  was  accomplished.  Education  was 
a  matter  for  the  higher  classes  only;  people  had  not  even 
begun  to  think,  yet,  of  popular  education. 

Although  the  extension  of  intellectual  culture  and  the  tri-  Progress 
umph  of  Humanism  were  outstanding  facts  of  the  period,   in  the 
there  were  notable  cultivators,  too,  of  the  sciences,  moral,   ^^1®^^^^- 
social,  and  natural,  especially  the  last-named.     Studies  in 
geography,  cosmography,  and  cartography  received  a  great 
impulse  through  the  discovery  of  America,  and  many  scien- 
tific works  along  these  lines  were  due  to  the  scholars  con- 
nected with  the  Casa  de  Contratacidn  (House  of  Trade),  or 
India  House.     Medical  works  were  even  more  prominent, 
not  a  few  of  them  on  the  subject  of  venereal  disease.     A 
number  of  these  works  were  mutilated  or  condemned  alto- 
gether by  the  Inquisition,  in  part  because  of  their  doctrines, 
but  also  because  of  the  anatomical  details  which  they  con- 
tained, for  they  were  considered  immoral. 

In  polite  literature  the  leading  characteristics  were  the  Polite 
complete  victory  of  the  Italian  influence,  the  predominance  literature, 
of  Castilian,  the  popularity  of  the  romances,  and  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Castilian  theatre.  The  Italian  influence  mani- 
fested itself  both  in  the  translation  of  Classical  and  Italian 
Renaissance  works  and  in  an  imitation  of  their  models  and 
forms.  Castilian  was  employed,  not  only  in  Castile  and 
Aragon  proper,  but  even  in  the  literary  works  of  Portuguese, 
Catalans,  Valencians,  and  not  a  few  individuals  (Spaniards 
in  the  main)  at  the  court  of  Naples,  although  Catalan  and 
Valencian  poetry  still  had  a  vogue.  The  poetry  of  the  era 
often  exhibited  tendencies  of  a  medieval  character,  —  for 
example,  in  its  use  of  allegory.  It  is  curious  to  note  also 
the  prevalence  of  two  somewhat  opposed  types  of  subject- 
matter,  religious  and  erotic ;  in  the  latter  there  was  a  vigor- 


232 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


La 
Celeslina. 


History. 


The 

theatre. 


ous  school  which  often  went  to  the  extreme  of  license.  The 
romances  of  love  and  chivalry  gained  even  greater  favor  than 
in  the  preceding  period.  The  Amadis  de  Gaula  (Amadis 
of  Gaul)  of  Vasco  de  Lobeira  was  translated  from  the  Portu- 
guese by  Garci  Ordonez  de  Montalvo,  and  many  other  novels 
on  the  same  model  were  written.  One  of  these  was  Las 
sergas  de  Esplandidn  (The  deeds  of  Esplandian)  by  Ordofiez 
de  Montalvo  himself,  references  in  which  to  an  "  island  Cali- 
fornia" as  a  land  of  fabulous  wealth  were  to  result  in  the 
naming  of  the  present-day  California,  once  believed  to  be 
just  such  an  island.  Much  superior  to  the  amatory  or  chiv- 
alric  novels  was  a  remarkable  book  which  stood  alone  in  its 
time,  the  Tragicomedia  de  Calixto  y  Melibea  (The  tragi-com- 
edy  of  Calixtus  and  Melibea),  better  known  as  La  Celestina 
(1499),  from  the  name  of  one  of  the  characters,  believed  to 
have  been  the  work  of  Fernando  de  Rojas.  In  eloquent 
Spanish  and  with  intense  realism  La  Celestina  dealt  with 
people  in  what  might  be  called  "the  under-world."  This 
was  the  first  of  the  picaresque  novels  (so-called  because  they 
dealt  with  the  life  of  picaros,  or  rogues),  out  of  which  was  to 
develop  the  true  Spanish  novel.  History,  too,  had  a  notable 
growth.  The  outstanding  name  was  that  of  Hernando  del 
Pulgar.  His  Crdnica  (Chronicle)  and  his  Claros  varones  de 
Esyafia  (Illustrious  men  of  Spain),  besides  being  well 
written,  noteworthy  for  their  characterizations  of  individuals, 
and  influenced  by  classical  Latin  authors,  showed  a  distinct 
historical  sense.  The  already  mentioned  De  orbe  novo  of 
Peter  Martyr  and  the  letters  of  Columbus  were  the  chief 
contributions  to  the  history  of  the  new  world.  As  to  the 
theatre,  while  the  religious  mysteries  continued  to  be  played, 
popular  representations  in  dialogue,  some  of  them  religious 
and  others  profane  in  subject-matter,  began  to  be  written 
and  staged.  The  most  notable  writer  was  Juan  del  Enzina 
(1468-1534),  who  has  been  called  the  "father  of  Spanish 
comedy."  His  compositions  were  not  represented  publicly 
in  a  theatre,  but  only  in  private  houses  or  on  the  occasions 
of  royal  or  aristocratic  feasts. 

The  transitional  character  of  the  age  was  nowhere  more 
clear  than  in  the  various  forms  of  art.     The  principal  archi- 


MATERIAL  AND  INTELLECTUAL  PROGRESS,    1479-1517     233 


tectural  style  was  a  combination  of  late  Gothic  with  early 
Renaissance  features,  which,  because  of  its  exuberantly  deco- 
rative character,  was  called  plateresque,  for  many  of  its  forms 
resembled  the  work  of  plateros,  or  makers  of  plate.  Struc- 
turally there  was  a  mingling  of  the  two  above-named  ele- 
ments, with  a  superimposition  of  adornment  marked  by 
great  profusion  and  richness,  —  such,  for  example,  as  in  the 
facade  of  the  convent  of  San  Pablo  of  Valladolid.  At  the 
same  time,  edifices  were  still  built  which  were  more  properly 
to  be  called  Gothic,  and  there  were  yet  others  predominantly 
representative  of  the  Renaissance,  characterized  by  the  res- 
toration of  the  later  classical  structural  and  decorative  ele- 
ments, such  as  the  slightly  pointed  arch,  intersecting  vaults, 
columns,  entablatures,  pediments,  and  lavish  ornamentation. 
Sculpture  displayed  the  same  manifestations,  and  became 
in  a  measure  independent  of  architecture.  Noteworthy 
survivals  are  the  richly  carved  sepulchres  of  the  era.  Gold 
and  silver  work  had  an  extraordinary  development  not  only 
in  articles  of  luxury  but  also  in  those  for  popular  use,  and  as 
regards  luxury  the  same  was  true  of  work  in  rich  embroideries 
and  textures. 

The  contest  between  the  Flemish  and  Italian  influences  on 
Spanish  painting  resolved  itself  decidedly  in  favor  of  the 
latter,  although  a  certain  eclecticism,  the  germ  of  a  national 
school,  made  itself  apparent  in  the  works  of  Spanish  artists. 
Characteristics  of  a  medieval  type  still  persisted,  such  as 
faulty  drawing,  color  lacking  in  energy  and  richness,  a  sad 
and  sober  ambient,  and  a  disregard  for  everything  in  a  paint- 
ing except  the  human  figures.  Like  sculpture,  painting  be- 
gan to  be  dissociated  from  architecture,  and  was  encouraged 
by  the  purchases  of  the  wealthy.  It  was  not  yet  the  custom 
to  hang  paintings  on  the  walls ;  they  were  kept  in  chests  or 
otherwise  under  lock  and  key  except  when  brought  out  for 
temporary  display.  Music,  employed  principally  in  song  as 
the  accompaniment  of  verse,  enjoyed  a  favor  comparable 
with  that  of  the  plastic  arts. 


Plate- 
resque 
architec- 
ture. 


Sculpture 
and  the 
lesser 
arts. 


Advance 
in  paint- 
ing. 


Music. 


CHAPTER  XXII 


CHARLES   I   OF  SPAIN,    1516-1556 


Historical 
setting  of 
the  era  of 
the  House 
of  Austria. 


From  the  standpoint  of  European  history  the  period  of  the 
House  of  Hapsburg,  or  Austria,  covering  nearly  two  centuries, 
when  Spain  was  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world,  should 
be  replete  with  the  details  of  Spanish  intervention  in  Euro- 
pean affairs.  The  purposes  of  the  present  work  will  be 
served,  however,  by  a  comparatively  brief  treatment  of  this 
phase  of  Spanish  history ;  indeed,  the  central  idea  underlying 
it  reduces  itself  to  this :  Spain  wasted  her  energies  and 
expended  her  wealth  in  a  fruitless  attempt,  first  to  become 
the  dominant  power  in  Europe,  and  later  to  maintain  pos- 
sessions in  Italy  and  the  Low  Countries  which  were  produc- 
tive only  of  trouble ;  what  she  took  from  the  Americas  with 
the  one  hand,  she  squandered  in  Europe  with  the  other. 
Internally  there  were  changes  which  were  to  react  on  the 
Spanish  colonial  dominions,  wherefore  a  correspondingly 
greater  space  must  be  accorded  peninsula  history  than  di- 
rectly to  the  wars  in  Europe.  The  greatest  feature  of  the 
period  was  the  conquest  of  the  Americas,  accomplished  in 
part  by  the  spectacular  expeditions  of  the  conquistadores ,  or 
conquerors,  and  in  part  by  the  slower  advance  of  the  Spanish 
settlers,  pushing  onward  the  frontier  of  profits.  Not  only 
was  this  the  most  notable  achievement  when  considered 
from  the  American  angle,  but  it  was,  also,  when  taken  from 
the  standpoint  of  Spain,  and  possibly,  too,  from  that  of 
Europe  and  the  world. 

The  Italian  venture  of  the  Aragonese  kings  had  yielded 
probably  more  of  advantage  than  of  harm  down  to  the  time 
of  Ferdinand,  and  it  may  be  that  even  he  did  not  overstep 
the  bounds  of  prudence  in  his  ambitious  designs.     When  his 

234 


CHARLES   I    OF   SPAIN,    1516-1556 


235 


of  Spain, 
the  Em- 
peror 
Charles  V. 


policies  were  continued,  however,  in  the  person  of  Charles  I,  Vast  em 
better  known  by  his  imperial  title  as  the  Emperor  Charles  P"*®  ^^ 
V,  the  results  were  to  prove  more  disastrous  to  Spain  than  ^f  ^^^^^ 
beneficial.  The  circumstances  were  in  fact  different  for  the 
two  monarchs,  although  their  aims  were  much  the  same. 
Some  writers  have  supposed  that  Ferdinand  himself  recog- 
nized the  danger  of  a  union  of  the  Austrian,  Burgundian, 
and  Spanish  dominions  under  one  king,  and  they  assert  that 
he  planned  to  make  Charles'  younger  brother,  Ferdinand, 
ruler  of  Spain  and  the  Two  Sicilies  in  case  the  former  should 
be  elected  emperor.  In  his  will,  however,  he  respected  the 
principle  of  primogeniture,  and  left  all  to  Charles,  eldest  son 
of  Philip  the  Handsome  and  Juana  la  Loca.  Through  his 
mother  and  Ferdinand,  Charles  inherited  Castile,  Aragon, 
and  Navarre,  the  Castilian  dominions  in  Africa  and  America 
(where  the  era  of  great  conquests  was  just  about  to  begin), 
the  Roussillon  and  Cerdagne  across  the  Pyrenees,  and  Sar- 
dinia, Sicily,  and  Naples  in  Italy ;  through  his  father  he  had 
already  become  possessed  of  the  territories  of  the  House  of 
Burgundy,  comprised  of  Flanders  and  Artois  in  northern 
France,  Franche-Comte  and  Charolais  in  the  east,  Luxem- 
bourg, and  the  Low  Countries.  This  was  not  all,  for  Charles 
was  heir  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  and  in  addition  to  in- 
heriting the  latter's  Austrian  dominions  might  hope  to  suc- 
ceed to  the  imperial  title  as  ruler  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 
To  be  sure,  the  system  of  electing  the  emperors  by  the  elec- 
toral princes  still  obtained,  but  the  Germanic  states  of  the 
empire  were  almost  certain  to  prefer  a  powerful  Hapsburg, 
with  such  dominions  as  Charles  had,  to  any  other  candidate, 
if  only  to  serve  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  ambitions  of  France. 
Nevertheless,  the  electors  did  not  miss  the  opportunity  to 
make  a  profit  out  of  the  situation,  and  encouraged  the  can- 
didacy of  Henry  VIII  of  England  and  especially  of  Francis  I 
of  France  as  well  as  that  of  Charles,  receiving  bribes  and 
favors  from  all.  In  the  end,  following  the  death  of  Maxi- 
milian in  1519,  they  decided  in  favor  of  Charles.  He  was 
now  ruler,  at  least  in  name,  of  one  of  the  most  vast  empires 
in  the  history  of  the  world. 
The  mere  possession  of  such  extensive  domains  inevitably 


236 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Inherent 
weakness 
of  his 
empire. 


led  to  an  imperialistic  policy  to  insure  their  retention.  Each 
of  the  three  principal  elements  therein,  Spain,  Burgundy, 
and  the  Austrian  dominions,  was  ambitious  in  itself  and 
especially  hostile  to  France,  and  all  of  these  aspirations  and 
enmities  were  now  combined  in  a  single  monarch.  Charles 
himself  was  desirous  not  only  of  conquest  but  also  of  becom- 
ing the  most  powerful  prince  in  the  world,  thus  assuring  the 
Hapsburg  supremacy  in  Europe,  and  making  himself  the 
arbiter  in  European  political  affairs  and  the  protector  of 
Christianity ;  he  may  even  have  dreamed  of  a  world  mon- 
archy, for  if  he  did  not  aspire  to  such  a  state  for  himself  he 
believed  its  attainment  possible  of  realization.  In  the 
achievement  of  a  less  vast  ideal,  however,  Charles  was  cer- 
tain to  experience  many  difficulties,  and  at  some  point  or 
other  was  bound  to  encounter  the  hostility  not  only  of  France 
but  also  of  the  other  states  of  Europe.  If  this  were  not 
enough  there  came  along  the  unforeseen  dilemma  of  the  Ref- 
ormation. Finally,  his  own  dominions  were  none  too  strongly 
held  together,  one  with  another  or  within  themselves.  They 
were  widely  separated,  some  indeed  entirely  surrounded  by 
French  territory,  leading  to  a  multiplicity  of  problems  of  a 
military  and  a  political  nature.  The  imperial  rank  carried 
little  real  authority  in  Germany,  and  the  Burgundian  realms 
were  not  a  great  source  of  power.  It  appears,  therefore, 
that  the  empire  was  more  a  matter  of  show  than  of  strength, 
and  that  Spain,  who  already  had  a  surfeit  of  responsibility, 
what  with  her  conquests  in  Italy,  Africa,  and  the  Americas, 
must  bear  the  burden  for  all.  The  reign  of  Charles  would 
seem  to  be  the  parting  of  the  ways  for  Spain.  If  she  could 
have  restricted  herself  to  her  purely  Spanish  inheritance, 
even  with  the  incubus  of  her  Italian  possessions,  she  might 
have  prolonged  her  existence  as  a  great  power  indefinitely. 
A  century  ahead  of  England  in  colonial  enterprise,  she  had 
such  an  opportunity  as  that  which  made  the  island  of  Britain 
one  of  the  dominant  factors  in  the  world.  Even  as  matters 
were,  Spain  was  able  to  stand  forth  as  a  first  rank  nation  for 
well  over  a  century.  Whatever  might  have  happened  if  a 
different  policy  had  been  followed,  it  hardly  admits  of  doubt 
that  Spain's  intervention  in  European  affairs  involved  too 


CHARLES  I  OF  SPAIN,   1516-1556  237 

great  a  strain  on  her  resources,  and  proved  a  detriment 
politically  and  economically  to  the  peninsula. 

Charles  had  been  brought  up  in  Flanders,  and,  it  is  said,   Dissatis- 
was   unable   to   speak  Spanish  when  he  first  entered  the  faction 
peninsula  as  king  of  Spain.     His  official  reign  began  in  1516,   ^'^^^. 
but  it  was  not  until  his  arrival  in  the  following  year  that  the  favorites 
full  effect  of  his  measiu-es  began  to  be  felt.     Even  before  and  in- 
that  time  there  was  some  inkling  of  what  was  to  come  in  creased 
the  appointments  of  foreigners,  mostly  Flemings,  to  politi-  taxation, 
cal   or  ecclesiastical   office   in   Castile.     At  length  Charles 
reached  Spain,  smrounded  by  Flemish  courtiers,  who  pro- 
ceeded to  supplant  Spaniards  not  only  in  the  favor  but  also 
in  the  patronage  of  the  king.     The  new  officials,  more  eager 
for  personal  profit  than  patriotic,  began  to  sell  privileges  and 
the  posts  of  lower  grade  to  the  highest  bidders.     Such  prac- 
tices could  not  fail  to  wound  the  feelings  of  Spaniards,  be- 
sides which  they  contravened  the  laws,  and  many  protests 
by  individuals  and  towns  were  made,  to  which  was  joined 
the  complaint  of  the  Cortes  of  Valladolid  in  1518.     To  make 
matters  worse  Chievres,  the  favorite  minister  of  the  king, 
caused  taxes  to  be  raised.     The  amount  of  the  alcahala  was 
increased,  and  the  tax  was  made  applicable  to  the  hitherto 
privileged  nobility,  much  against  their  will.     In  like  manner 
the  opposition  of  the  clergy  was  roused  through  a  bull  pro- 
cured from  the  pope  requiring  ecclesiastical  estates  to  pay 
a  tenth  of  their  income  to  the  king  during  a  period  of  three 
years.     Furthermore  it  was  commonly  believed,  no  doubt 
with  justice,  that  the  Flemish  office-holders  were  sending 
gold  and  other  precious  metals  out  of  the  country,  despite 
the  laws  forbidding  such  export.     Nevertheless  the  Cortes 
of  1518  granted  a  generous  subsidy  to  the  king,  but  this  was 
followed  by  new  increases  in  royal  taxation.     Opposition 
to  these  practices  now  began  to  crystallize,  with  the  nobles  of 
Toledo  taking  the  lead  in  remonstrance  against  them. 

The  situation  in  Castile  was  complicated  by  the  question  Charles' 

of  the  imperial  election.     Between  the  death  of  Maximilian  manipula- 

in  January,  1519,  and  the  election  of  Charles  in  June  of  the  ^^'^^  ^^.^^^ 

•  1  1    -1        ^     ^v-       1  Cortes  in 

same  year  it  was  necessary  to  pay  huge  bribes  to  the  elec-  (jalicia. 

toral  princes.     Once  chosen,  Charles  accepted  the  imperial 


238  A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 

honor,  and  prepared  to  go  to  Germany  to  be  crowned,  an 
event  which  called  for  yet  more  expenditures  of  a  substantial 
nature.  So,  notwithstanding  the  grant  of  1518,  it  was  de- 
cided to  call  the  Cortes  early  in  1520  with  a  view  to  a  fresh 
subsidy.  Since  all  Castile  was  in  a  state  of  tumult  it  was 
deemed  best  that  the  meeting  should  take  place  at  some  point 
whence  an  escape  from  the  country  would  be  easy  in  case  of 
need.  Thus  Santiago  de  Corapostela  in  Galicia  was  selected, 
and  it  was  there  that  the  Cortes  eventually  met,  moving  to 
the  neighboring  port  of  Coruna  after  the  first  few  days' 
sessions.  The  call  for  the  Cortes  provoked  a  storm  of  protest 
not  only  by  Toledo  but  also  by  many  other  cities  with  which 
the  first-named  was  in  correspondence.  Messengers  were 
sent  to  the  king  to  beg  of  him  not  to  leave  Spain,  or,  if  he 
must  do  so,  to  place  Spaniards  in  control  of  the  affairs  of 
state,  and  complaints  were  made  against  the  practices  already 
recounted  and  numerous  others,  such,  for  example,  as  the 
royal  use  of  the  title  "Majesty,"  an  unwonted  term  in  Spain. 
From  the  first,  Charles  turned  a  deaf  ear,  refusing  to  receive 
the  messengers  of  the  towns,  or  reproving  them  when  he  did 
give  them  audience,  and  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  order  the 
arrest  of  the  Toledan  leaders.  The  Cortes  at  length  met, 
and  gave  evidence  of  the  widespread  discontent  in  its  de- 
mands upon  the  king.  In  accordance  with  their  instructions 
most  of  the  deputies  were  disinclined  to  take  up  the  matter 
of  a  supply  for  the  king  until  he  should  accede  to  their  peti- 
tions. Under  the  royal  eye,  however,  they  gradually  modi- 
fied their  demands,  and  when  Charles  took  it  upon  himself 
to  absolve  them  from  the  pledges  they  had  given  to  their 
constituents  they  voted  the  subsidy  without  obtaining  any 
tangible  redress  of  grievances.  The  king  did  promise  not 
to  appoint  any  foreigners  to  Spanish  benefices  or  political 
holdings  during  his  absence,  but  broke  his  word  forthwith 
when  he  named  Cardinal  Adrian,  a  foreigner,  as  his  repre- 
sentative and  governor  during  his  absence.  This  done, 
Charles  set  out  in  the  same  year,  1520,  for  Germany. 

Meanwhile,  a  riot  in  Toledo,  promoted  by  the  nobles  whom 
Charles  had  ordered  arrested,  converted  itself  into  a  veritable 
revolt  when  the  royal  corregidor  was  expelled  from  the  city. 


CHARLES  I   OF  SPAIN,    1516-1556 


239 


This  action  was  stated  to  have  been  taken  in  the  name  of  War  of 
the  Comunidad,  or  community,  of  Toledo,  and  served  to  *^®  Comu- 
give  a  name  to  the  uprising  which  now  took  place  in  all  parts  ^^  Castile 
of  Castile.  Deputies  to  the  Cortes  who  had  been  faithless 
to  their  trust,  some  of  whom  had  accepted  bribes  from  the 
king,  were  roughly  handled  upon  their  return  home,  and 
city  after  city  joined  Toledo  in  proclaiming  the  Comunidad. 
In  July,  1520,  delegates  of^  the  rebellious  communities  met, 
and  formed  the  Junta  of  Avila,  which  from  that  town  and 
later  from  Tordesillas  and  Valladolid  served  as  the  executive 
body  of  the  revolution.  For  a  time  the  Junta  was  practically 
the  ruling  body  in  the  state ;  so  complete  was  the  overturn 
of  royal  authority  that  Cardinal  Adrian  and  his  advisers 
made  no  attempt  to  put  down  the  rebellion.  Time  worked 
to  the  advantage  of  the  king,  however.  The  revolt  of  Toledo 
had  begun  as  a  protest  of  the  nobles  and  clergy  against  the 
imposition  of  taxes  against  them.  The  program  of  the  Junta 
of  Avila  went  much  further  than  that,  going  into  the  ques- 
tion of  the  grievances  of  the  various  social  classes.  At  length 
many  of  the  comuneros  began  to  indulge  in  acts  of  violence 
and  revenge  against  those  by  whom  they  regarded  themselves 
as  having  been  oppressed,  and  the  movement  changed  from 
one  of  all  the  classes,  including  the  nobles,  against  the  royal 
infractions  of  law  and  privileges,  to  one  of  the  popular  ele- 
ment against  the  lords.  Thus  the  middle  classes,  who  ob- 
jected to  the  disorder  of  the  times  as  harmful  to  business, 
and  the  nobles,  in  self-defence,  began  to  take  sides  with  the 
king.  City  after  city  went  over  to  Charles,  and  late  in  1520 
the  government  was  strong  enough  to  declare  war  on  the  com- 
munities still  faithful  to  the  Junta.  Dissension,  treason, 
and  incompetent  leadership  furthered  the  decline  of  the 
popular  cause,  and  in  1521  the  revolt  was  crushed  at  the 
battle  of  Villalar.  Charles  promised  a  general  pardon, 
but  when  he  came  to  Spain  in  1522  he  caused  a  great 
many  to  be  put  to  death.  Not  until  1526  did  he  show  a 
disposition  to  clemency.  Moreover  he  retained  his  Flemish 
advisers. 

During  the  period  of  the  revolt  of  the  Comunidades  in 
Castile  even  more  bitter  civil  wars  were  going  on  in  Valencia 


240 


A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Social 
wars  in 
Valencia 
and 
Majorca. 


Charles' 
diflQculties 
in  Ger- 
many and 
war  with 
France. 


(1520-1522)  and  Majorca  (1521-1523).  The  contest  in 
Valencia  was  a  social  conflict  from  the  start,  of  plebeians 
against  the  lords,  whereas  the  Castilian  conflict  was  funda- 
mentally political.  In  ^Majorca  the  strife  began  over  pres- 
sure for  financial  reforms,  but  developed  into  an  attempt  to 
eliminate  the  nobility  altogether.  Both  uprisings  were  in- 
dependent of  the  Castilian  revolt,  although  serving  to  aid 
the  latter  through  the  necessary  diversion  of  troops.  As  in 
Castile,  so  in  Valencia  and  Majorca,  Charles  took  sides 
against  the  popular  element,  and  put  down  the  insurrections, 
displaying  great  severity  toward  the  leaders. 

While  the  civil  wars  were  at  their  height  Charles  was 
having  more  than  his  share  of  trouble  in  other  quarters.  The 
princes  of  Germany  compelled  him  to  sign  a  document 
afl&rming  their  privileges,  in  which  appeared  many  para- 
graphs similar  to  those  of  the  Castilian  petitions  to  the  king, 
together  with  one  requiring  Charles  to  maintain  the  empire 
independently  of  the  Spanish  crown.  The  acceptance  of 
these  principles  by  the  emperor  is  an  evidence  of  the  weak- 
ness of  his  authority  in  the  subject  states  of  Germany,  for 
not  only  was  he  a  believer  in  the  divine  origin  of  the  imperial 
dignity,  a  doctrine  which  would  have  impelled  him  to  estab- 
lish his  personal  and  absolute  rule  in  all  of  his  realms  if  pos- 
sible, but  he  seems  also  to  have  intended  to  make  Spain  the 
political  centre  of  his  dominions,  because  she  was,  after  all, 
his  strongest  element  of  support.  At  the  same  time,  a  fresh 
difficulty  appeared  in  Germany  with  the  Lutheran  outbreak 
of  1521.  Charles  himself  favored  reform  in  the  church,  but 
was  opposed  to  any  change  in  dogma.  Before  he  could  con- 
front either  the  political  or  the  religious  problem  in  Germany, 
he  found  himself  attacked  on  another  quarter.  Francis  I 
of  France  had  seized  upon  Charles'  difficulties  as  affording 
him  a  rich  opportunity  to  strike  to  advantage;  so  in  1521 
he  twice  sent  French  armies  into  Spain  through  the  western 
P>Tenees  on  the  pretext  of  restoring  the  crown  of  Navarre 
to  the  Labrit  family.  With  all  these  questions  pressing  for 
solution  Charles  was  in  an  exceedingly  unsatisfactory  posi- 
tion. Thus  early  in  the  period  lack  of  funds  to  prosecute 
European  policies  was  chronic.     Spain  herself,  even  if  there 


CHARLES  I  OF  SPAIN,   1516-1556  241 

had  been  no  civil  wars,  was  not  united  internally  like  the 
compact  French  nation,  and  the  other  Hapsburg  dominions 
could  give  but  little  help.  Finally,  Charles  could  not  depend 
on  the  alliance  of  any  other  power,  for  his  own  realms  were 
neighbors  of  all  the  others,  and  his  designs  were  therefore 
generally  suspected.  Nevertheless,  Charles  brought  to  his 
many  tasks  an  indomitable  will,  marked  energy,  a  steadfast 
purpose,  and  an  all-round  ability  which  were  to  do  much 
toward  overcoming  the  obstacles  that  hindered  him. 

It  is  profitless,  here,  to  relate  the  course  of  the  wars  with  Wars  with 
France  and  other  European  states.     In  the  years  1521  to  France, 
1529,  1536  to  1538,  and  1542  to  1544,  France  and  Spain  were  J^^  P«P^«^^ 
at  war,  and  at  other  times,  down  to  the  death  of  Francis  I   g^^^tes  and 
in  1547,  the  two  countries  enjoyed  what  was  virtually  no   German 
more  than  a  truce.     Meanwhile,  Charles  was  usually  in  con-  princes, 
flict  with  the  popes,  whose  temporal  dominions  in  central 
Italy  were  threatened  by  the  growing  power  of  Spain  and  the 
empire  in  the  Italian  peninsula.     Other  states  in  Italy  fought 
now  on  Charles'  side,  now  against  him,  while  the  princes 
of  Germany  were  an  equally  variable  quantity.     England 
favored  each  side  in  turn,  but  offered  little  effective  aid  to 
either.     As  affecting  the  history  of  religion  these  wars  gave 
Protestantism  a  chance  to  develop.     Neither  Charles  nor 
Francis  disdained  the  aid  of  Protestant  princes,  and  the  for- 
mer had  little  opportunity  to  proceed  against  them  on  reli- 
gious grounds.     Francis  even  allied  himself  with  the  Moslem 
power  of  Turkey.     On  the  whole,  Charles  was  the  victor  in  The  out- 
the  wars,  and  could  point  to  the  occupation  of  Milan  as  a  come, 
tangible  evidence  of  his  success,  —  about  the  only  territorial 
change  of  consequence  as  a  result  of  the  many  campaigns. 
Perhaps  the  most  noteworthy  fact  as  affecting  the  history  of 
Spain  and  Spanish  America  was  the  financial  drain  occasioned 
by  the  fighting.     Time  and  again  lack  of  funds  was  mainly 
responsible  for  defeats  or  failures  to  follow  up  a  victory. 
Spain  and  the  Americas  had  to  meet  the  bills,  but,  liberal  as 
were  their  contributions,  more  were  always  needed. 

The  wars  with  Turkey  had  a  special  significance  because 
of  the  ever  impending  peril  from  Moslem  northern  Africa. 
The  pirates  of  the  Berber,  or  Barbary,  Coast,  as  the  lands  in 


2-i2 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Wars  with 

the  Turks 

and  the 

Moslems 

of 

northern 

Africa. 


Charles' 
failure  to 
stamp  out 
Protes- 
tantism. 


northwestern  Africa  are  often  called,  seemed  to  be  more 
than  ever  audacious  in  the  early  years  of  the  reign  of  Charles. 
Not  only  did  they  attack  Spanish  ships  and  even  Spanish 
ports,  but  they  also  made  numerous  incursions  inland  in 
the  peninsula.  Aside  from  the  loss  in  captives  and  in  eco- 
nomic wealth  that  these  visitations  represented,  they  served 
to  remind  the  authorities  of  the  Moslem  sympathies  of  Span- 
ish Moriscos  and  of  the  ease  with  which  a  Moslem  invasion 
might  be  effected.  P'lU'thermore  the  conquests  of  Isabella 
and  Ximenez  had  created  Castilian  interests  in  northern 
Africa,  of  both  a  political  and  an  economic  character,  which 
were  in  need  of  defence  against  the  efforts  of  the  tributary 
princes  to  free  themselves  by  Turkish  aid.  The  situation 
was  aggravated  by  the  achievements  of  a  renegade  Greek 
adventiu*er  and  pirate,  known  best  by  the  sobriquet  "Bar- 
barossa."  This  daring  corsair  became  so  powerful  that  he 
was  able  to  dethrone  the  king  of  Algiers  and  set  up  his  own 
brother  in  his  stead.  On  the  death  of  the  latter  at  the  hands 
of  the  Spaniards  in  1518,  Barbarossa  placed  the  kingdom  of 
Algiers  under  the  protection  of  the  sultan  of  Turkey,  became 
himself  an  admiral  in  the  Turkish  navy,  and  soon  afterward 
conquered  the  kingdom  of  Tunis,  whence  during  many  years 
he  menaced  the  Spanish  dominions  in  Italy.  Charles  in 
person  led  an  expedition  in  1535  which  was  successful  in  de- 
throning Barbarossa  and  in  restoring  the  former  king  to  the 
throne,  but  an  expedition  of  1541,  sent  against  Algiers,  was 
a  dismal  failure.  On  yet  another  frontier,  that  of  Hungary, 
Spanish  troops  were  called  upon  to  meet  the  Turks,  and  there 
they  contributed  to  the  checking  of  that  people  at  a  time 
when  their  military  power  threatened  Europe.  The  problem 
of  northern  Africa,  however,  had  been  little  affected  by  the 
efforts  of  Charles. 

Meanwhile,  the  religious  question  in  Germany  had  all 
along  been  considered  by  Charles  as  one  of  his  most  impor- 
tant problems.  The  first  war  with  France  prevented  any 
action  on  his  part  until  1529,  since  he  needed  the  support 
of  the  Protestant  princes.  The  movement  therefore  had 
time  to  gather  headway,  and  it  was  evident  that  Charles 
would  meet  with  determined  opposition  whenever  he  should 


CHARLES  I  OF  SPAIN,   1516-1556  243 

decide  to  face  the  issue.  Various  factors  entered  in  to  com- 
plicate the  matter,  such,  for  example,  as  the  fear  on  the  part 
of  many  princes  of  the  growing  Hapsburg  power  and  the 
belief  that  Charles  meant  to  make  the  imperial  succession 
hereditary  in  his  family.  A  temporary  adjustment  of  the 
religious  situation  was  made  by  the  imperial  Diet  held  at 
Spires  in  1526,  when  it  was  agreed  that  every  prince  should 
decide  for  himself  in  matters  of  religion.  With  the  close  of 
the  war  with  France  in  1529,  Charles  caused  the  Diet  to  meet 
again  at  Spires,  on  which  occasion  the  previous  decision  was 
revoked.  The  princes  devoted  to  the  reform  ideas  protested, 
giving  rise  to  the  name  "Protestant,"  but  without  avail. 
The  Diet  was  called  for  the  next  year  at  Augsburg,  when 
Charles  sat  in  judgment  between  the  two  parties.  The  Prot- 
estants presented  their  side  in  a  document  which  became 
known  as  the  confession  of  Augsburg.  The  Catholic  theo- 
logians replied,  and  Charles  accepted  their  view,  ordering  the 
Protestant  leaders  to  submit,  and  threatening  to  employ 
force  unless  they  should  do  so.  The  international  situation 
again  operated  to  protect  the  reform  movement,  for  the  Turks 
became  threatening,  and,  indeed,  what  with  the  wars  with 
France  and  his  numerous  other  difficulties  Charles  was  un- 
able to  proceed  resolutely  to  a  solution  of  the  religious  prob- 
lem until  the  year  1545.  At  last  he  was  ready  to  declare 
war.  In  1547  he  won  what  seemed  to  be  a  decisive  victory 
in  the  battle  of  Miihlberg,  resulting  in  the  subjection  of  the 
Protestant  princes  to  the  Roman  Church.  They  protested 
anew,  and,  aided  by  the  opposition  to  Charles  on  other 
grounds,  —  for  example,  because  of  his  introduction  of  Ital- 
ian and  Spanish  soldiery  into  what  was  regarded  as  a  domestic 
quarrel,  —  were  able  to  present  a  warlike  front  again.  This 
time  they  were  joined  by  Charles'  former  powerful  ally, 
Maurice  of  Saxony,  through  whose  assistance  they  success- 
fully defended  themselves.  Peace  was  made  at  Passau  in 
1552,  ratified  by  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  in  1555,  whereby  the 
Protestant  princes  obtained  equal  rights  with  the  Catholic 
lords  as  to  their  freedom  in  religious  beliefs. 

Great  as  were  to  be  the  results  of  Charles'  reign  on  its 
European  side,  it  had  nevertheless  been  a  failure  so  far  as 


244 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Other 
failures  of 
Charles 
and  his 
abdica- 
tion. 


Greatness 
of  Charles 
in  the 
history  of 
Spain  and 
Spanish 
America. 


Spain  and  Charles'  own  objects  were  concerned.  Yet  other 
disappointments  were  to  fall  to  his  lot.  He  aspired  to  the 
imperial  title  for  his  son  Philip.  In  this  he  was  opposed 
both  by  the  Germanic  nobility,  who  saw  in  it  an  attempt  to 
foist  upon  them  a  Spanish-controlled  absolutism,  and  by 
his  brother  Ferdinand,  who  held  the  Austrian  dominions  as 
a  fief  of  the  empire  and  aimed  to  become  emperor  himself. 
Unable  to  prevail  in  his  own  policy  Charles  eventually  sup- 
ported Ferdinand.  For  many  years,  too,  he  thought  of 
establishing  an  independent  Burgundian  kingdom  as  a  coun- 
terpoise to  France,  but  changed  his  mind  to  take  up  a  plan 
for  uniting  England  and  the  Low  Countries,  with  the  same 
object  in  view.  For  this  latter  purpose  he  procured  the  hand 
of  Queen  ]\Iary  of  England  for  his  son  Philip.  The  marriage 
proved  childless,  and  Philip  was  both  unpopular  and  without 
power  in  England.  The  death  of  Mary  in  1558  ended  this 
prospect.  At  last  Charles'  spirit  was  broken.  For  nearly 
forty  years  he  had  battled  for  ideals  which  he  was  unable  to 
bring  to  fulfilment ;  so  he  resolved  to  retire  from  public  life. 
In  1555  he  renounced  his  title  to  the  Low  Countries  in  favor 
of  Philip.  In  1556  he  abdicated  in  Spain,  and  went  to  live 
at  the  monastery  of  Yuste  in  Caceres.  He  was  unable  to 
drop  out  of  political  life  completely,  however,  and  was  wont 
to  intervene  in  the  afl'airs  of  Spain  from  his  monastic  retreat. 
In  1558  he  gave  up  his  imperial  crown,  to  which  his  brother 
Ferdinand  was  elected.  Thus  Spain  was  separated  from 
Austria,  but  she  retained  the  Burgundian  inheritance  and 
the  Italian  possessions  of  Aragon.  The  marriage  of  Philip 
the  Handsome  and  Juana  la  Loca  was  still  to  be  productive 
of  fatal  consequences  to  Spain,  for  together  with  the  Bur- 
gundian domains  there  remained  the  feeling  of  Hapsburg  soli- 
darity. 

Charles  had  failed  in  Europe,  but  in  Spain  and  especially 
in  the  Americas  he  had  done  more  than  enough  to  compen- 
sate for  his  European  reverses.  His  achievements  in  Spain 
belong  to  the  field  of  institutional  development  rather  than 
to  that  of  political  narrative,  however.  As  for  the  Americas 
his  reign  was  characterized  by  such  a  series  of  remarkable 
mainland  conquests  that  it  is  often  treated  as  a  distinct  epoch 


CHARLES  I  OF  SPAIN,   1516-1556  245 

in  American  history,  the  era  of  the  conquistadores,  and  Span- 
ish America  is,  after  all,  the  principal  monument  [to  the 
greatness  of  his  reign.  The  Emperor  Charles  V  was  a  fail- 
ure ;  but  King  Charles  I  of  Spain  gave  the  Americas  to  Euro- 
pean civilization. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 


THE  REIGN   OF   PHILIP   II,  1556-1598 


Resem- 
blance of 
the  reign 
of  Philip  II 
to  that  of 
Charles  I. 


Educa- 
tion and 
character 
of  Philip 
II. 


In  underlying  essentials  the  reign  of  Philip  II  was  a  repro- 
duction of  that  of  Charles  I.  There  were  scattered  dominions 
and  family  prestige  to  maintain,  the  enemies  of  the  Catholic 
Chiu-ch  to  combat,  the  dominant  place  of  Spain  in  Europe 
to  assiu-e,  the  strain  on  Spanish  resources,  and,  as  glorious 
offsets  to  gentTal  failure  in  Europe,  the  acquisition  of  some 
European  domains  and  the  advance  of  the  colonial  conquests. 
Only  the  details  varied.  Philip  had  a  more  compact  nation 
behind  him  than  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of  Charles,  although 
there  was  still  much  to  be  desired  in  that  respect ;  France 
was  hostile,  though  less  powerful  than  formerly,  but  England 
and  Philip's  rebellious  Protestant  Netherlands  more  than 
made  up  for  the  weakness  of  France ;  issues  in  Germany  no 
longer  called  for  great  attention,  but  family  politics  were 
not  forgotten ;  on  the  other  hand  Philip  achieved  the  ideal 
of  peninsula  unity  through  the  acquisition  of  Portugal,  car- 
rying with  it  that  country's  colonies ;  and,  finally,  his  con- 
quests in  the  new  world,  though  less  spectacular  than  those 
of  Charles,  compared  favorably  with  them  in  actual  fact. 

Historians  have  often  gone  to  extremes  in  their  judgments 
of  Philip  11.  Some  have  been  ardently  pro-Philip,  while 
others  were  as  bitterly  condemnatory.  Recently,  opinions 
have  been  more  moderately  expressed.  In  addition  to  native 
ability  and  intelligence  Philip  had  the  benefit  of  an  unusually 
good  education  in  preparation  for  government.  Charles 
himself  was  one  of  the  youth's  instructors,  and,  long  before 
his  various  abdications,  had  given  Philip  political  practice 
in  various  ways,  —  for  example,  by  making  him  co-regent  of 
Spain  with  Cardinal  Tavera  during  Charles'  own  absence  in 

246 


THE   REIGN   OF   PHILIP   II,    1556-1598 


247 


Germany.  Philip  also  travelled  extensively  in  the  lands 
which  he  one  day  hoped  to  govern,  —  in  Italy  (1548),  the 
Low  Countries  (1549),  and  Germany  (1550).  In  1543  he 
married  a  Portuguese  princess,  Maria,  his  first  cousin.  One 
son,  Charles,  was  born  of  this  marriage,  but  the  mother  died 
in  childbirth.  His  fruitless  marriage  with  Mary  Tudor, 
in  1553,  has  already  been  mentioned.  He  remained  in  Eng- 
land until  1555,  when  he  went  to  the  Low  Countries  to  be 
crowned,  and  thence  to  Spain,  of  which  country  he  became 
king  in  1556,  being  at  that  time  twenty-nine  years  old.  His 
abilities  as  king  of  Spain  were  offset  in  a  measure  by  certain 
unfortunate  traits  and  practices.  He  was  of  a  vacillating 
type  of  mind ;  delays  in  his  administration  were  often  long 
and  fatal,  and  more  than  once  he  let  slip  a  golden  oppor- 
tunity for  victory,  because  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to 
strike.  Of  a  suspicious  nature,  he  was  too  little  inclined  to 
rely  upon  men  from  whose  abilities  he  might  have  profited. 
A  tremendous  worker,  he  was  too  much  in  the  habit  of  trying 
to  do  everything  himself,  with  the  result  that  greater  affairs 
were  held  up,  while  the  king  of  Spain  worked  over  details. 
Finally,  he  was  extremely  rigorous  with  heretics,  from  motives 
of  religion  and  of  political  policy. 

The  principal  aim  of  Philip's  life  was  the  triumph  of  Cathol- 
icism, but  this  did  not  hinder  his  distinguishing  clearly  be- 
tween the  interests  of  the  church  and  those  of  the  popes  as 
rulers  of  the  Papal  States.  Thus  it  was  not  strange  that 
Philip's  reign  should  begin  with  a  war  against  Pope  Paul  IV. 
The  latter  excommunicated  both  Charles  and  Philip,  and 
procured  alliances  with  France  and,  curious  to  relate,  the 
sultan  of  Turkey,  head  of  the  Moslem  world.  The  pope  was 
defeated,  but  it  was  not  until  the  accession  of  Pius  IV,  in 
1559,  that  the  bans  of  excommunication  were  raised. 

There  was  a  constant  succession  of  war  and  peace  with 
France  throughout  the  reign,  with  the  campaigns  being 
fought  more  often  in  northern  France  from  the  vantage 
ground  of  Flanders  than  in  Italy  as  in  the  time  of  Charles. 
In  1557  Philip  might  have  been  able  to  take  Paris,  but  he 
hesitated,  and  the  chance  was  lost.  Many  other  times 
Philip's  generals  won  victories,  but  attacks  from  other  quar- 


War  with 
the  pope. 


Wars  with 
France. 


248  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

ters  of  Europe  would  cause  a  diversion,  or  funds  would  give 
out,  or  Philip  himself  would  change  his  plans.  France  was 
usually  on  the  defensive,  because  she  was  weakened  during 
most  of  the  period  by  the  domestic  strife  between  Catholics 
and  Protestants.  When  in  1589  the  Protestant  leader  be- 
came entitled  to  the  throne  as  Henry  IV,  Philip  and  the  un- 
compromising wing  of  the  French  Catholic  party  endeavored 
to  prevent  his  actual  accession  to  power.  At  one  time  it 
was  planned  to  make  Philip  himself  king  of  France,  but,  as 
this  idea  did  not  meet  with  favor,  various  others  were  sug- 
gested, including  the  proposal  of  Philip's  daughter  for  the 
crown,  or  the  partition  of  France  between  Philip  and  others. 
Henry  IV  settled  the  matter  in  1594  by  becoming  a  Catholic, 
wherefore  he  received  the  adhesion  of  the  Catholic  party. 
Philip  was  not  dissatisfied,  for  it  seemed  that  he  had  rid  him- 
self of  a  dangerous  Protestant  neighbor.  Had  he  but  known 
it,  Henry  IV  was  to  accomplish  the  regeneration  of  a  France 
which  was  to  strike  the  decisive  blow,  under  Louis  XIV,  to 
remove  Spain  from  the  ranks  of  the  first-rate  powers. 
War  with  While  Philip  had  no  such  widespread  discontent  in  Spain 
the  Grana-  to  deal  with  as  had  characterized  the  early  years  of  the  reign 
j^J^^.  of  Charles,  there  was  one  problem  leading  to  a  serious  civil 

war  in  southern  Spain.  The  Moriscos  of  Granada  had  proved 
to  be  an  industrious  and  loyal  element,  supporting  Charles 
in  the  war  of  the  communities,  but  there  was  reason  to  doubt 
the  sincerity  of  their  conversion  to  Christianity.  The  popu- 
lace generally  and  the  clergy  in  particular  were  very  bitter 
against  them,  and  procured  the  passage  of  laws  which  were 
increasingly  severe  in  their  treatment  of  the  Moriscos.  An 
edict  of  1526  prohibited  the  use  of  Arabic  speech  or  dress, 
the  taking  of  baths  (a  Moslem  custom) ,  the  bearing  of  arms, 
the  employment  of  non-Christian  names,  and  the  giving  of 
lodging  in  their  houses  to  Mohammedans  whether  free  or 
slave.  The  Moriscos  were  also  subjected  to  oppressive  in- 
spections to  prevent  Mohammedan  religious  practices  ;  they 
were  obliged  to  send  their  children  to  Christian  schools; 
and  a  branch  of  the  Inquisition  was  established  in  Granada 
to  execute,  with  all  the  rigors  of  that  institution,  the  laws 
against  apostasy.     The  full  efiFect  of  the  edict  was  avoided 


THE  REIGN  OF  PHILIP  II,   1556-1598  249 

by  means  of  a  financial  gift  to  tiie  king,  but  the  Inquisition 
was  not  withdrawn.  For  many  years  the  situation  under- 
went no  substantial  change.  The  clergy,  and  the  Christian 
element  generally,  continued  to  accuse  the  Moriscos,  and  the 
latter  complained  of  the  confiscations  and  severity  of  the 
Inquisition.  In  1567,  however,  the  edict  of  1526  was  re- 
newed, but  in  harsher  form,  amplifying  the  prohibitions. 
When  attempts  were  made  to  put  the  law  into  effect,  and 
especially  when  agents  came  to  take  the  Morisco  children 
to  Christian  schools,  by  force  if  necessary,  an  uprising  was 
not  long  in  breaking  out.  The  war  lasted  four  years.  The 
Moriscos  were  aided  by  the  mountainous  character  of  the 
country,  and  they  received  help  from  the  Moslems  of  northern 
Africa  and  even  from  the  Turks.  The  decisive  campaign 
was  fought  in  1570,  when  Spanish  troops  under  Philip's  half- 
brother,  Juan  (or  Don  John)  of  Austria,  an  illegitimate  son 
of  Charles  I,  defeated  the  Moriscos,  although  the  war  dragged 
on  to  the  following  year.  The  surviving  Moriscos,  includ- 
ing those  who  had  not  taken  up  arms,  were  deported  en  masse 
and  distributed  in  other  parts  of  Castilian  Spain. 

The  external  peril  from  the  Moslem  peoples  had  not  con-  Wars  with 
fined  itself  to  the  period  of  the  Morisco  war.     Piracy  still  ^^^  Tiirka 
existed  in  the  western  Mediterranean,  and  the  Turkish  Em- 
pire continued  to  advance  its  conquests  in  northern  Africa. 
Philip  gained  great  victories,  notably  when  he  compelled 
the  Turks  to  raise  the  siege  of  Malta  in  1564,  and  especially 
in  1571,  when  he  won  the  naval  battle  of  Lepanto,  in  which 
nearly  80,000  Christians  were  engaged,  most  of  them  Span- 
iards.    These  victories  were  very  important  in  their  Euro- 
pean bearings,  for  they  broke  the  Turkish  naval  power,  and 
perhaps  saved  Europe,  but  from  the  standpoint  of  Spain 
alone  they  were  of  less  consequence.     Philip  failed  to  follow 
them  up,  partly  because  of  the  pressure  of  other  affairs,  and 
in  part  because  of  his  suspicions  of  the  victor  of  Lepanto, 
the  same  Juan  of  Austria  who  had  just  previously  defeated  Juan  of 
the  Moriscos.     Juan  of  Austria  was  at  the  same  time  a  vi-  Austria, 
sionary  and  a  capable  man  of  affairs.     He  was  ambitious  to 
pursue  the  Turks  to  Constantinople,  capture  that  city,  and 
restore  the  Byzantine  Empire,  with  himself  as  ruler.     Philip 


250 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Wars  in 
the  Low 
Countries, 


withdrew  his  support,  whereupon  Juan  devised  a  new  project 
of  a  great  North  African  empire.  Juan  even  captured  Tunis 
in  pursuance  of  iiis  plan,  hut  PhiHp  would  give  him  no  help, 
and  Juan  was  obliged  to  retire,  thus  permitting  of  a  Turkish 
reconquest.  Philip  was  always  able  to  offer  the  excuse  of 
lack  of  funds,  —  and,  indeed,  the  expenditures  in  the  wars 
with  Turkey,  with  all  the  efi'ects  they  carried  in  their  train, 
were  the  principal  result  to  the  peninsula  of  these  campaigns. 
The  greatest  of  Philip's  difficulties,  and  one  which  bulked 
large  in  its  importance  in  European  history,  was  the  warfare 
with  his  rebellious  provinces  in  the  Low  Countries.  Its 
principal  bearing  in  Sjjanish  history  was  that  it  caused  the 
most  continuous  and  very  likely  the  heaviest  drain  on  the 
royal  treasury  of  any  of  Philip's  problems.  The  war  lasted 
the  entire  reign,  and  was  to  be  a  factor  for  more  than  a  half 
centiu-y  after  Philip's  death.  It  got  to  be  in  essence  a  reli- 
gious struggle  between  the  Protestants  of  what  became  the 
Netherlands  and  Philip,  in  which  the  latter  was  supported 
to  a  certain  extent  by  the  provinces  of  the  Catholic  Nether- 
lands, or  modern  Belgium.  Religion,  however,  was  not  the 
initial,  or  at  any  time  the  sole,  matter  in  controversy.  At 
the  outset  the  causes  were  such  practices  as  the  Castilian 
communities  had  objected  to  in  the  reign  of  Charles,  namely  : 
the  appointments  of  foreigners  to  office ;  the  presence  of 
foreign  (Spanish)  troops ;  measures  which  were  regarded  as 
the  forerunner  to  an  extension  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition 
to  the  Low  Countries  (against  which  the  nobles  and  the 
clergy  alike,  practically  all  of  whom  were  Catholic  at  that 
time,  made  strenuous  objections) ;  Philip's  policy  of  cen- 
tralization and  absolutism ;  the  popular  aversion  for  Philip 
as  a  Spaniard  (just  as  Spaniards  had  objected  to  Charles  as 
a  Fleming) ;  and  the  excessive  rigors  employed  in  the  sup- 
pression of  heresy.  The  early  leaders  were  Catholics,  many 
of  them  members  of  the  clergy,  and  the  hotbed  of  rebellion 
was  rather  in  the  Catholic  south  than  in  the  Protestant  north. 
It  was  this  situation  which  gave  the  Protestants  a  chance  to 
strike  on  their  own  behalf.  The  war,  or  rather  series  of  wars, 
was  characterized  by  deeds  of  valor  and  by  extreme  cruelty. 
Philip  was  even  more  harsh  in  his  instructions  for  dealing 


THE   REIGN   OF   PHILIP   II,    1556-1598  251 

with  heretics  than  his  generals  were  in  executing  them. 
Alba  (noted  for  his  severity),  Requesens  (an  able  man  who 
followed  a  more  moderate  policy),  Juan  of  Austria  (builder 
of  air  castles,  but  winner  of  battles),  and  the  able  Farnese, 
—  these  were  the  Spanish  rulers  of  the  period,  all  of  them 
military  men.  The  elder  and  the  younger  William  of  Orange 
were  the  principal  Protestant  leaders.  In  open  combat 
the  Spanish  infantry  was  almost  invincible,  but  its  victories 
were  nullified,  sometimes  because  it  was  drawn  away  to  wage 
war  in  France,  but  more  often  because  money  and  supplies 
were  lacking.  On  various  occasions  the  troops  were  left 
unpaid  for  so  long  a  time  that  they  took  matters  into  their 
own  hands.  Then,  terrible  scenes  of  riot  and  pillage  were 
enacted,  without  distinction  as  to  the  religious  faith  of  the 
sufferers,  for  even  Catholic  churches  were  sacked  by  the 
soldiery.  The  outcome  for  the  Low  Countries  was  the  vir- 
tual independence  of  the  Protestant  Netherlands,  although 
Spain  did  not  yet  acknowledge  it.  For  Spain  the  result  was 
the  same  as  that  of  her  other  ventures  in  Eiu'opean  politics, 
only  greater  in  degree  than  most  of  them,  —  exhausting 
expenditm-es. 

In  the  middle  years  of  Philip's  reign  there  was  one  project  The  an- 
of  great  moment  in  Spanish  history  which  he  pushed  to  a  nexation 
successful  conclusion,  —  the  annexation  of  Portugal.  While  ^  ^'*" 
the  ultimate  importance  of  this  event  was  to  be  lessened  by 
the  later  separation  of  the  two  kingdoms,  they  were  united 
long  enough  (sixty  years)  for  notable  effects  to  be  felt  in 
Spain  and  more  particularly  in  the  Americas.  The  desire 
for  peninsula  unity  had  long  been  an  aspiration  of  the  Cas- 
tilian  kings,  and  its  consummation  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  acquisition  of  Portugal  had  several  times  been  attempted, 
though  without  success.  The  death  of  King  Sebastian  in 
1578  without  issue  left  the  Portuguese  throne  to  Cardinal 
Henry,  who  was  already  very  old,  and  whom  in  any  event 
the  pope  refused  to  release  from  his  religious  vows.  This 
caused  various  claimants  to  the  succession  to  announce 
themselves,  among  whom  were  the  Duchess  of  Braganza, 
Antonio  (the  prior  of  Crato),  and  Philip.  The  first-named 
had  the  best  hereditary  claim,  since  she  was  descended  from 


252  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

a  son  (the  youngest)  of  King  ISIaniiel,  a  predecessor  of  Se- 
bastian. Antonio  of  Crato  was  son  of  another  of  King  INIan- 
uel's  sons,  but  was  of  illegitimate  birth ;  nevertheless,  he  was 
the  favorite  of  the  regular  clergy,  the  popular  classes,  some 
nobles,  and  the  pope,  and  was  the  only  serious  rival  Philip 
had  to  consider.  Philip's  mother  was  the  eldest  daughter 
of  the  same  King  Manuel.  With  this  foundation  for  his 
claim  he  pushed  his  candidacy  with  great  ability,  aided  by 
the  skilful  diplomacy  of  his  special  ambassador,  Cristobal 
de  Moura.  One  of  the  master  strokes  was  the  public  an- 
nouncement of  Philip's  proposed  governmental  policy  in 
Portugal,  promising  among  other  things  to  respect  the  au- 
tonomy of  the  kingdom,  recognizing  it  as  a  separate  political 
entity  from  Spain.  A  Portuguese  Cortes  of  1580  voted  for 
the  succession  of  Philip,  for  the  noble  and  ecclesiastical 
branches  supported  him,  against  the  opposition  of  the  third 
estate.  A  few  days  later  King  Henry  died,  and  Philip  pre- 
pared to  take  possession.  The  partisans  of  Antonio  resisted, 
but  Philip,  who  had  long  been  in  readiness  for  the  emergency, 
sent  an  army  into  Portugal  under  the  Duke  of  Alba,  and  he 
easily  routed  the  forces  of  Antonio.  In  keeping  with  his 
desire  to  avoid  giving  offence  to  the  Portuguese,  Philip  gave 
Alba  the  strictest  orders  to  punish  any  infractions  of  dis- 
cipline or  improper  acts  of  the  soldiery  against  the  inhabit- 
ants, and  these  commands  were  carefully  complied  with,  — 
in  striking  contrast  with  the  policy  which  had  been  follow^ed 
while  Alba  w^as  governor  in  the  Low  Countries.  Thus  it 
was  that  a  Portuguese  Cortes  of  1581  solemnly  recognized 
Philip  as  king  of  Portugal.  Philip  took  oath  not  to  appoint 
any  Spaniards  to  Portuguese  offices,  and  he  kept  his  word 
to  the  end  of  his  reign.  Portugal  had  now  come  into  the 
peninsula  union  in  much  the  same  fashion  that  Aragon  had 
joined  with  Castile.  With  her  came  the  vast  area  and  great 
wealth  of  the  Portuguese  colonies  of  Asia,  x\frica,  and  more 
particularly  Brazil.  If  only  the  Spanish  kings  might  hold 
the  country  long  enough,  it  appeared  inevitable  that  a  real 
amalgamation  of  such  kindred  peoples  would  one  day  take 
place.  Furthermore,  if  only  the  kings  would  have,  or  could 
have,  confined  themselves  to  a  Pan-Hispanic  policy,  em- 


THE  REIGN  OF  PHILIP  II,  1556-1598  253 

bracing  Spain  and  Portugal  and  their  colonies,  the  oppor- 
tunity for  the  continued  greatness  of  the  peninsula  seemed 
striking.  The  case  was  a  different  one  from  that  of  the  union 
of  Castile  and  Aragon,  however,  for  a  strong  feeling  of  Por- 
tuguese nationality  had  already  developed,  based  largely  on 
a  hatred  of  Spaniards.  This  spirit  had  something  to  feed 
upon  from  the  outset  in  the  defeat  of  the  popular  Antonio 
of  Crato  and  in  the  discontent  of  many  nobles,  who  did  not 
profit  as  much  by  Philip's  accession  as  they  had  been  led  to 
expect.  It  was  necessary  to  put  strong  garrisons  in  Portu- 
guese cities  and  to  fortify  strategic  points.  Nevertheless, 
Philip  experienced  no  serious  trouble  and  was  able  to  leave 
Portugal  to  his  immediate  successor. 

Philip's  relations  w^th  England,  in  which  the  outstanding  Causes  of 
event  was  the  defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada,  had  elements  the  war 
of  importance  as  affecting  Spanish  history,  especially  in  so  ^**^ 
far  as  they  concerned  English  depredations  in  the  Americas. 
They  were  more  important  to  England,  however,  than  to 
Spain,  and  the  story  from  the  English  standpoint  has  become 
a  familiar  one.  From  the  moment  of  Protestant  Elizabeth's 
accession  to  the  English  throne  in  1558,  in  succession  to  Cath- 
olic Mary,  there  was  a  constant  atmosphere  of  impending 
conflict  between  Spain  and  England.  Greatest  of  the 
motives  in  Philip's  mind  was  that  her  rule  meant  a  Prot- 
estant England,  a  serious  break  in  the  authority  of  Catholic 
Christianity,  but  there  were  other  causes  for  war  as  well. 
English  aid  of  an  unofficial  but  substantial  character  was 
helping  to  sustain  the  Protestant  Netherlands  in  revolt 
against  Spain.  In  the  Americas  "beyond  the  line"  (of  Tor- 
desillas)  the  two  countries  were  virtually  at  war,  although 
in  the  main  it  was  a  conflict  of  piratical  attacks  and  the  sack- 
ing of  cities  on  the  part  of  the  English,  with  acts  of  retalia- 
tion by  the  Spaniards.  This  was  the  age  of  Drake's  and 
Hawkins'  exploits  along  the  Spanish  Main  (in  the  Carib- 
bean area),  but  it  was  also  the  age  of  Gilbert  and  Raleigh, 
and  the  first,  though  ineffectual,  attempts  of  England  to 
despoil  Spain  of  her  American  dominions  through  the  found- 
ing of  colonies  in  the  Spanish-claimed  new  world.  Inci- 
dents of  a  special  character  served  to  accentuate  the  feeling 


254 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Why  a 
declara- 
tion of 
war  was 
delayed. 


Prepara- 
tions for  a 
descent 
upon 
England. 


engendered  by  these  more  permanent  causes,  —  such,  for 
example,  as  Elizabeth's  apprt)i)riati()n  of  the  treasure  which 
Philip  was  sendinjij  to  the  Low  Countries  as  pay  for  his  sol- 
diers :  the  Spanish  vessels  took  shelter  in  an  English  port  to 
escape  from  pirates,  whereupon  Elizabeth  proceeded  to  "bor- 
row," as  she  termed  it,  the  wealth  they  were  carrying.  Hard 
pressed  for  funds  as  Philip  always  was,  this  was  indeed  a 
severe  blow. 

Nevertheless,  a  declaration  of  war  was  postponed  for 
nearly  thirty  years.  English  historians  ascribe  the  delay 
to  the  diplomatic  skill  of  their  favorite  queen,  but,  while 
there  is  no  need  to  deny  her  resourcefulness  in  that  respect, 
there  were  reasons  in  plenty  why  Philip  himself  was  desirous 
of  deferring  hostilities,  or  better  still,  avoiding  them.  In 
view  of  his  existing  troubles  with  France  and  the  Low  Coun- 
tries he  drew  back  before  the  enormous  expense  that  a  war 
with  England  would  entail,  to  say  nothing  of  the  military 
difficulties  of  attacking  an  island  power.  Though  he  re- 
ceived frequent  invitations  from  the  Catholics  of  England 
and  Scotland  to  effect  an  invasion,  these  projects  were  too 
often  linked  with  similar  proposals  to  the  kings  of  France, 
the  leading  European  opponents  of  the  Spanish  monarch. 
Philip  wished  to  break  the  power  of  Elizabeth  and  of  Prot- 
estantism if  possible,  however,  and  gave  encouragement  to 
plots  against  the  life  of  the  English  queen  or  to  schemes  for 
revolutionary  uprisings  in  favor  of  INIary  Stuart,  a  Catholic 
and  Elizabeth's  rival,  but  none  of  these  designs  met  with 
success.  Many  Spanish  leaders  urged  a  descent  upon  Eng- 
land, among  them  Juan  of  Austria,  who  wished  to  lead  the 
expeditionary  force  himself,  dreaming  possibly  of  an  English 
crown  for  his  reward,  but  it  was  not  until  1583  that  Philip 
viewed  these  proposals  with  favor. 

Once  having  decided  upon  an  expedition  Philip  began  to 
lay  his  plans.  Mary  Stuart  was  persuaded  to  disinherit 
her  son,  who  was  a  Protestant  (the  later  James  I  of  England), 
and  to  make  Philip  her  heir.  The  pope  was  induced  to  lend 
both  financial  and  moral  support  to  the  undertaking,  although 
it  was  necessary  to  deceive  him  as  to  Philip's  intentions  to 
acquire  England  for  himself ;  the  pope  was  told  that  Philip's 


THE  REIGN  OF  PHILIP  II,   1556-1598  255 

daughter  was  to  be  made  queen  of  England.  The  proposed 
descent  upon  England  was  no  secret  to  Elizabeth,  who  made 
ready  to  resist.  With  a  view  to  delaying  Philip's  prepara- 
tions, Drake  made  an  attack  upon  Cadiz  in  1587,  on  which 
occasion  he  burned  all  the  shipping  in  the  bay.  This  only 
strengthened  Philip's  resolutions  with  regard  to  the  under- 
taking, and  tended  to  make  him  impatient  for  its  early  ex- 
ecution. Plans  were  made  which  proved  to  be  in  many 
cases  ill  considered.  The  first  mistake  occurred  when  Philip 
did  not  entertain  a  proposition  of  the  Scotch  and  French 
Catholics  that  he  should  work  in  concert  with  them,  thus  de- 
clining an  opportunity  to  avail  himself  of  ports  and  bases 
of  supply  near  the  point  of  attack;  political  reasons  were 
the  foundation  for  his  attitude  in  this  matter.  Against 
advice  he  also  decided  to  divide  the  expedition  into  a  naval 
and  a  military  section,  the  troops  to  come  from  the  Low 
Countries  after  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  there  to  transport 
them.  •  The  worst  error  of  all  was  that  of  Philip's  insistence 
on  directing  the  organization  of  the  fleet  himself.  All  de- 
tails had  to  be  passed  upon  by  the  king  from  his  palace  of 
the  Escorial  near  Madrid,  which  necessarily  involved  both 
delay  and  a  faulty  execution  of  orders.  Evil  practices  and 
incompetence  were  manifest  on  every  hand ;  quantities  of 
the  supplies  pm-chased  proved  to  be  useless ;  and  the  officers 
and  men  were  badly  chosen,  many  of  the  former  being  with- 
out naval  experience.  A  great  mistake  was  made  in  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia  to  lead  the  ex- 
pedition ;  the  principal  recommendation  of  the  duke  was 
that  of  his  family  prestige,  for  he  was  absolutely  lacking  in 
knowledge  of  maritime  affairs,  and  said  as  much  to  the  king, 
but  the  latter  insisted  that  he  should  take  command. 

At  length  the  fleet  was  able  to  leave  Lisbon,  and  later  Defeat 
Coruna,  in  the  year  1588.     Because  of  its  great  size  it  was  of  the 
termed  the  Armada  Invencihle  (the  Invincible  Fleet),  a  name  Armada, 
which  has  been  taken  over  into  English  as  the  Spanish,  or 
the  Invincible,  Armada.     In  all  there  were  131  ships,  with 
over  25,000  sailors,  soldiers,  and  officers.     The  evil  effect 
of  Philip's  management  followed  the  Armada  to  sea.     He 
had  given  detailed  instructions  what  to  do,  and  the  com- 


256 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Domestic 
troubles 
and  death 
of  PhiUp. 


mander-in-chicf  would  not  vary  from  them.  Many  officers 
thought  it  would  be  best  to  make  an  attack  on  Plymouth, 
to  secure  that  port  as  a  base  of  operations,  but  Philip  had 
given  orders  that  the  fleet  should  first  go  to  the  Low  Coun- 
tries to  effect  a  junction  with  the  troops  held  in  readiness 
there.  The  story  of  the  battle  with  the  English  fleet  is  well 
known.  The  contest  was  altogether  one-sided,  for  the  Eng- 
lish ships  were  both  superior  in  speed  and  equipped  with 
longer  range  artillery.  Nevertheless,  storms  contributed 
more  than  the  enemy  to  the  Spanish  defeat.  The  Armada 
was  utterly  dispersed,  and  many  vessels  were  wrecked.  Only 
65  ships  and  some  10,000  men  were  able  to  return  to  Spain. 
The  decisive  blow  had  been  struck,  and  Spain  was  the 
loser.  The  English  war  went  on  into  the  next  reign,  and 
there  were  several  spectacular  military  events,  not  all  of 
them  unfavorable  to  Spanish  arms,  but  they  affected  the 
general  situation  only  in  that  they  continued  the  strain  on 
the  royal  exchequer.  In  the  final  analysis  Philip  had  failed 
in  this  as  in  so  many  other  enterprises.  This  fact  was  clear, 
even  at  the  time,  although  the  eventualities  of  later  years 
were  to  make  the  outcome  appear  the  more  decisive.  Philip's 
evil  star  did  not  confine  its  effects  to  his  international  poli- 
cies. His  eldest  son,  Charles,  proved  to  be  of  feeble  body 
and  unbalanced  mind.  Getting  into  difficulties  with  his 
father,  he  was  placed  in  prison  by  the  latter's  orders,  and 
was  never  seen  again,  dying  in  1568.  Charges  have  been 
made  that  Philip  caused  his  death,  but  he  was  probably 
blameless,  although  he  did  plan  to  disinherit  him.  Philip 
had  no  other  son  until  1571,  when  his  eventual  successor  was 
born,  by  his  fourth  wife.  Certain  other  domestic  troubles, 
not  divorced  from  scandal  (although  the  evidence  is  in  no 
case  conclusive),  may  be  passed  over,  except  to  mention  the 
crowning  grief  of  all.  It  early  became  clear  that  his  son  and 
heir,  the  later  Philip  III,  was  a  weak  character.  "God,  who 
has  given  me  so  many  kingdoms,"  Philip  is  reported  to  have 
said,  "has  denied  me  a  son  capable  of  ruling  them."  In 
1598  Philip  died.  His  last  days  were  passed  in  extreme 
physical  suffering,  which  he  endured  with  admirable  resig- 
nation.    Philip,  like  the  Emperor  Charles,  his  father,  had 


THE  REIGN  OF  PHILIP  II,   1556-1598  257 

been  indeed  a  great  king,  but  he  was  a  victim,  as  Charles 
had  been,  of  a  mistaken  policy.  Nevertheless,  they  had 
ruled  Spain  in  her  century  of  greatness,  when  Spain  was  not 
only  the  leading  power  in  Europe,  but  was  planting  her  in- 
stitutions, for  all  time,  in  the  vast  domains  of  the  Americas. 


CHAPTER   XXIV 


A   CENTURY   OF  DECLINE,    1598-1700 


Spanish 
defeats 
of  the 
sixteenth 
century. 


The  unfortunate  policies  of  Charles  I  and  Philip  II  were 
continued  during  the  seventeenth  century  in  the  reigns  of 
Philip  III,  Philip  IV,  and  Charles  II,  but  Spain  was  no  longer 
able  to  hold  her  front  rank  position  in  European  affairs, 
especially  after  the  buffets  of  fortune  which  fell  to  her  lot  in 
the  reign  of  Philip  IV.  Not  only  that,  but  a  decline  also  set 
in  which  affected  Spanish  civilization  in  all  its  phases.  The 
impetus  of  Spain's  greatness  in  the  sixteenth  century  carried 
her  along  to  yet  loftier  heights  in  some  manifestations  of  her 
inner  life,  notably  in  art  and  literature,  but  even  in  these 
characteristics  the  decline  was  rapid  and  almost  complete 
by  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  Italy,  France,  and  the 
Low  Countries  continued  to  absorb  Spanish  effort,  but  now 
it  was  Spain's  tiu-n  to  acknowledge  defeat,  while  France,  the 
great  power  of  the  century,  took  toll  for  the  losses  she  had 
suffered  at  the  hands  of  Charles  I  and  Philip  II.  The  un- 
successful Catalan  revolt  and  the  victorious  war  of  the 
Portuguese  for  independence  assisted  to  drain  Spain  of  her 
resources,  financial  and  otherwise,  while  the  last-named  event 
destroyed  peninsula  unity,  carrying  with  it  such  of  the  Portu- 
guese colonies  as  had  not  already  been  lost.  Spain  yielded 
the  aggressive  to  her  strongest  opponent,  and  endeavored 
herself  to  maintain  the  defence.  Nevertheless,  great  achieve- 
ments were  still  the  rule  in  the  colonies,  even  if  of  a  less  showy 
type  than  formerly.  Spain  was  still  the  conqueror  and  civil- 
izer.  On  the  other  hand,  the  efforts  of  other  nations  to  found 
colonies  in  lands  claimed  by  Spain  began  to  be  successful, 
and  this  movement  gathered  force  throughout  the  century, 

258 


A   CENTURY   OF  DECLINE,    1598-1700 


259 


together  with  the  direct  annexation  of  some  lands  which  were 
already  Spanish. 

Philip  III  (1598-1621)  was  the  first  of  three  sovereigns, 
each  of  whom  was  weaker  than  his  predecessor.  The  fif- 
teenth-centm-y  practice  of  government  by  favorites  was  re- 
stored. Philip  III  turned  over  the  political  management  of 
his  kingdom  to  the  Duke  of  Lerma,  while  he  himself  indulged 
in  wasteful  extravagances,  punctuated  by  an  equal  excess  in 
religious  devotions.  He  had  inherited  wars  with  England 
and  the  Protestant  Netherlands,  but  the  first  of  these  was 
brought  to  an  end  in  1604,  shortly  after  the  accession  of 
James  I  of  England.  The  war  in  the  Low  Countries  was 
characterized  by  the  same  features  which  had  marked  its 
progress  in  the  previous  reign.  Philip  II  had  endeavored  to 
solve  the  problem  by  making  an  independent  kingdom  of 
that  region,  under  his  daughter  and  her  husband  as  the 
rulers,  with  a  proviso  for  a  reversion  to  Spain  in  case  of  a 
failure  of  the  line.  This  measure  was  practically  without 
effect,  for  Spanish  troops  and  Spanish  moneys  continued  to 
be  the  basis  for  the  wars  against  the  Dutch,  or  Protestant, 
element.  Before  the  end  of  Philip  Ill's  reign  the  decision 
for  a  reversion  to  Spanish  authority  had  already  been  made 
and  accepted.  There  were  two  factors  in  the  Dutch  wars 
of  the  period  worthy  of  mention.  For  one  thing  the  Dutch 
became  more  bold  on  the  seas,  and  began  a  remarkable  career 
of  maritime  conquest  which  was  to  last  well  over  half  a  cen- 
tury. As  affecting  Spain  this  new  activity  manifested  itself 
mainly  in  piratical  attacks  on  Spanish  ships,  or  in  descents 
upon  Spanish  coasts,  but  a  number  of  Philip's  Portuguese 
colonies  were  picked  up  by  the  Dutch.  The  Dutch  wars  also 
produced  a  man  who  was  both  a  great  soldier  (a  not  uncom- 
mon type  in  that  day  of  Spanish  military  importance)  and  a 
great  statesman,  who  sensed  the  evil  course  which  Spain  was 
following  in  her  European  relations  and  argued  against  it, 
all  to  no  avail.  This  man  was  Ambrosio  Spinola.  Spinola 
won  victory  upon  victory  from  the  Dutch,  but  was  often 
obliged  to  rely  on  his  personal  estate  for  the  funds  with  which 
to  carry  on  the  campaigns;  so  when  the  Dutch  asked  for  a 
truce  he  favored  the  idea,  and  on  this  occasion  his  views 


PhiUp  III 

and 

Spanish 

relations 

with 

England, 

the  Low 

Countries, 

and  the 

Empire. 


260 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Relations 

with 

France. 

the  Italian 

states, 

Turkey, 

and  the 

pirates 

of  the 

Barbary 

Coast. 


Philip  IV 

and 

Olivares. 


were  allowed  to  prevail.  A  twelve-year  truce  was  agreed 
upon  in  1609,  one  condition  of  which  was  the  recognition  of 
the  independence  of  the  Protestant  states.  In  1618  the 
great  conflict  which  has  become  known  as  the  Thirty  Years' 
War  broke  out  in  Germany,  having  its  beginnings  in  a  dispute 
between  the  Hapsburg  emperor,  Ferdinand,  and  the  Protest- 
ant elector  of  the  Palatinate.  Spain  entered  the  war  on  the 
side  of  Ferdinand,  largely  because  of  family  reasons,  but 
also  in  support  of  Catholicism.  Spinola  was  sent  into  the 
Palatinate  with  a  Spanish  army,  where  he  swept  everything 
before  him.  Thus  casually  did  Spain  enter  a  war  which  was 
to  be  a  thirty-nine  years'  conflict  for  her  (1620-1659)  and 
productive  of  her  own  undoing. 

Affairs  with  France  were  characterized  by  a  bit  of  good 
fortune  which  postponed  the  evil  day  for  Spain.  Henry  IV 
had  reorganized  the  French  kingdom  until  it  reached  a  state 
of  preparation  which  would  have  enabled  it  to  take  the 
offensive,  a  policy  which  Henry  had  in  mind.  The  assassi- 
nation of  the  French  king,  in  1610,  prevented  an  outbreak  of 
war  between  France  and  Spain  at  a  time  when  the  latter 
was  almost  certain  to  be  defeated.  Marie  de  Medici  became 
regent  in  France,  and  chose  to  keep  the  peace.  Italy  was  a 
constant  source  of  trouble  in  this  reign,  due  to  the  conflict 
of  interests  between  the  kings  of  Spain  and  the  popes  and 
princes  of  the  Italian  peninsula.  There  was  a  succession  of 
petty  wars  or  of  the  prospects  of  war,  which  meant  that 
affairs  were  always  in  a  disturbed  condition.  The  Turks 
continued  to  be  a  peril  to  Europe,  and  their  co-religionists 
and  subjects  in  northern  Africa  were  the  terror  of  the  seas. 
Spain  rendered  service  to  Europe  by  repulsing  the  attempts 
of  the  former  to  get  a  foothold  in  Italy,  but  could  do  nothing 
to  check  piratical  ventures.  The  pirates  of  the  Barbary 
Coast  plied  their  trade  both  in  the  Mediterranean  and  along 
Spain's  Atlantic  coasts  to  their  limits  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay, 
while  English  and  Dutch  ships  were  active  in  the  same  pur- 
suits. 

The  storm  broke  in  the  reign  of  Philip  IV  (1621-1665). 
Philip  IV  was  only  sixteen  at  tlie  time  of  his  accession  to 
the  throne.     He  had  good  intentions,  and  tried  to  interest 


A  CENTURY   OF  DECLINE,    1598-1700  261 

himself  in  matters  of  government,  but  was  of  a  frivolous  and 
dissolute  nature,  unable  to  give  consideration  for  any  length 
of  time  to  serious  affairs.  The  result  was  the  rule  of  another 
favorite,  the  Count-Duke  of  Olivares.  Olivares  was  possibly 
the  worst  man  who  could  have  been  chosen,  precisely  because 
he  had  sufficient  ability  to  attempt  the  execution  of  his  mis- 
taken ideas.  He  was  energetic,  intelligent,  and  well  educated, 
but  was  stubborn,  proud,  irascible,  boastful,  and  insulting. 
He  was  able  to  make  plans  on  a  gigantic  scale,  and  had  real 
discernment  as  to  the  strength  of  Spain's  enemies,  but  lacked 
the  practical  capacity  to  handle  the  details.  The  times 
were  such  as  demanded  a  Spinola,  but  the  counsels  of  Oli- 
vares prevailed,  and  their  keynote  was  imperialism  in  Europe 
and  a  centralized  absolutism  in  the  peninsula. 

The  truce  with  the  Dutch  came  to  an  end  in  1621.  Spinola  Spanish 
urged  that  it  be  continued,  but  Olivares  gave  orders  for  the  losses  in 
resumption  of  hostilities.  No  advantages  of  consequence  ^^  Thirty 
were  obtained  by  Spain,  but  the  Dutch  were  again  successful  -^^^ 
in  their  career  on  the  seas.  The  Thirty  Years'  War  con- 
tinued to  involve  Spain.  France,  though  Catholic  and 
virtually  ruled  by  a  Catholic  cardinal,  Richelieu,  was  more 
intent  on  the  development  of  the  French  state  than  upon 
the  religious  question,  and  aided  the  Protestants  against 
their  enemies.  Richelieu  did  not  bring  France  into  the  w^ar 
until  1635,  but,  in  the  meantime,  through  grants  of  money  and 
skilful  diplomacy,  he  was  able  to  make  trouble  for  Spain  in 
Italy  and  in  the  Low  Countries.  When  at  length  it  seemed 
as  if  the  Catholic  states  might  win,  due  largely  to  the  effect- 
iveness of  the  Spanish  infantry,  France  entered  the  war  on 
the  side  of  the  Protestant  princes.  Spanish  troops  con- 
tinued to  win  battles,  without  profiting  greatly  because  of 
the  incessant  difficulties  from  lack  of  funds.  In  1643  the 
French,  under  Conde,  defeated  the  Spaniards  at  Rocroy. 
The  moral  effect  of  this  victory  was  tremendous,  like  the 
surrender  of  the  ancient  Spartans  at  the  Island  of  Sphacteria, 
for  it  was  the  first  time  in  some  two  centuries  that  the  Span- 
ish infantry  had  been  defeated  in  pitched  battle  under  nearly 
equal  conditions.  Henceforth  defeats  were  no  novelty. 
The  tide  had  turned ;  Rocroy  spelled  Spain's  doom  as  a  great 


262 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Catalan 
dis- 
content. 


power.  The  treaties  of  Westphalia  in  1648  affected  Spain 
only  so  far  as  concerned  the  war  with  the  Protestant  Nether- 
lands. Dutch  independence  was  reaffirmed,  and  the  colonies 
which  the  Dutch  had  won,  mainly  from  the  Portuguese  in 
the  East  Indies,  were  formally  granted  to  them.  The  Catho- 
lic Netherlands  remained  Sjianish.  The  war  with  France 
went  on  until  1659.  In  1652  Cromwell  offered  Spain  an 
alliance  against  France,  but  the  price  demanded  was  high ; 
one  of  the  conditions  was  that  Spain  should  permit  English- 
men to  trade  with  the  Spanish  colonies,  —  an  entering  wedge 
for  an  English  commercial  supremacy  which  might  easily 
be  converted  into  political  acquisition.  Spain  declined 
and  Cromwell  joined  France.  The  English  conquest  of 
Jamaica  in  the  ensuing  war  was  the  first  great  break  in  the 
solidarity  of  the  actually  occupied  Spanish  domain,  marking 
a  turning  point  in  colonial  history,  as  Rocroy  had  done  in 
that  of  Europe.  By  the  treaty  of  1659  Spain  gave  up  the 
Roussillon  and  Cerdagne,  thus  accepting  the  P,\Tenees  as 
the  boundary  between  herself  and  France.  Spain  also  sur- 
rendered Sardinia  and  large  parts  both  of  the  Catholic  Nether- 
lands and  of  her  former  Burgundian  possessions.  The  most 
fruitful  clause  in  the  treaty  was  that  providing  for  the 
marriage  of  the  Spanish  princess,  Maria  Teresa,  with  Louis 
XIV  of  France.  The  former  was  to  renoimce  for  herself 
and  her  heirs  any  rights  she  or  they  might  otherwise  have  to 
the  Spanish  throne,  while  a  considerable  dowry  was  to  be 
paid  by  Spain  on  her  behalf.  The  results  of  this  marriage 
will  be  mentioned  presently. 

Intimately  related  to  the  wars  just  referred  to  was  the 
Catalan  revolt.  The  Catalans  had  long  been  a  nation  so  far 
as  separate  language  and  institutions  go,  and  their  traditions 
compared  well  with  those  of  Castile,  which  had  now  come  to 
dominate  in  the  Spanish  state.  The  whole  course  of  the 
revolt  is  illustrative  of  the  difficulties  under  which  Spain 
labored  in  this  era  of  European  wars.  The  Catalans  had 
objected  for  centuries,  even  before  the  union  with  Castile, 
to  the  policy  of  centralization  and  absolutism  of  the  kings, 
alleging  their  charter  rights  which  were  thus  contravened. 
Such  acts  as  the  failure  of  the  kings  to  call  the  Catalan 


A   CENTURY    OF   DECLINE,    1598-1700  263 

Cortes,  the  increases  in  taxation,  or  the  levying  of  taxes  like 
those  paid  in  Castile,  and  the  introduction  of  the  Castilian 
Inquisition  had  been  unfavorably  received  in  the  past. 
Now  came  the  monarchical  designs  of  Olivares,  coupled  with 
the  unavoidable  exigencies  of  the  wars,  to  heighten  the  dis- 
content. Aside  from  the  increased  taxation  there  were  two 
matters  to  which  the  Catalans  were  strenuously  opposed  on 
the  ground  that  they  w^ere  against  their  legal  rights,  —  the 
maintenance  of  foreign  troops  (even  Castilians  and  Aragonese 
being  so  regarded)  in  Catalonia  and  the  enjoyment  of  public 
office  by  persons  who  were  not  Catalans.  Furthermore  they 
objected  to  the  employment  of  Catalan  troops  in  foreign 
countries,  holding  that  their  obligations  were  limited  to 
defending  Catalonia,  and  similarly  they  maintained  that 
funds  raised  in  Catalonia  should  not  be  used  for  wars  outside 
that  province.  Philip  IV  tried  to  procure  a  subsidy  from 
the  Catalan  Cortes  in  1626,  but  the  grant  was  denied.  An- 
other attempt  was  made  in  1632,  on  which  occasion  Olivares 
imprudently  followed  the  methods  of  Charles  I  at  the  time 
of  the  Cortes  of  Santiago-Coruiia.  He  got  the  funds,  but 
his  action  caused  great  dissatisfaction  in  the  province. 
Meanwhile  the  danger  of  an  invasion  from  France  had  led 
to  the  sending  of  troops  to  Catalonia,  and  constant  friction 
followed  their  arrival.  The  imperfect  military  discipline 
of  that  age,  together  with  the  annoyances  usually  inseparable 
from  the  presence  of  armies,  resulted  in  many  abuses,  which 
were  resented  even  to  the  point  of  armed  conflict ;  as  early 
as  1629,  eleven  years  before  the  outbreak,  there  was  a  bloody 
encounter  between  the  citizens  and  the  soldiery  at  Barcelona. 
The  irksome  requirement  calling  upon  the  towns  to  lodge  the 
troops  was  also  productive  of  ill  feeling.  By  law  the  most 
that  could  be  demanded  was  the  use  of  a  room,  a  bed,  a 
table,  fire,  salt,  vinegar,  and  service,  while  all  else  must  be 
paid  for.  Lack  of  funds  was  such,  however,  that  more  than 
this  was  exacted.  In  addition  to  this  there  came  an  order 
from  Madrid  calling  for  the  imposition  of  the  quinto,  or  fifth, 
of  the  revenues  of  the  municipalities.  France  took  advantage 
of  the  situation  to  fan  the  flame  of  discontent  and  to  win 
certain  Catalan  nobles  of  the  frontier  to  her  side.     Neverthe- 


264 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Begin- 
ning of 
the 

Catalan 
revolt. 


The  war 
against 
the 
Catalans. 


less,  when  the  French  invaded  the  Roussillon  in  1639  the 
Catalans  rushed  to  arms  and  helped  to  expel  them  early  in 
1640. 

The  questions  of  lodging  the  soldiers  and  of  procuring  addi- 
tional funds  continued  to  provoke  trouble.  Olivares  said 
in  an  open  meeting  of  the  Consejo  Real  that  the  Catalans 
ought  to  be  made  to  contribute  in  proportion  to  their  wealth. 
Later  he  ordered  an  enforced  levy  of  Catalan  troops  for  use 
in  Italy,  and  stated  in  the  decree  so  providing  that  it  was 
necessary  to  proceed  without  paying  attention  to  "  provincial 
pettiness"  {meniidencias  provinciales) .  The  impulse  for  the 
outbreak  proceeded,  however,  from  the  conflicts  between  the 
soldiers  and  the  peasantry  of  the  country  districts,  especially 
on  account  of  the  excesses  of  the  retreating  royal  troops  at 
the  time  of  the  French  invasion  of  the  Roussillon.  Curi- 
ously enough,  the  peasantry  acted  very  largely  from  religious 
motives.  Many  of  the  soldiers  were  utter  foreigners  to  the 
Catalans,  —  such,  for  example,  as  the  Italians  and  the  Irish, 
both  of  which  elements  were  present  in  considerable  num- 
bers. To  the  ignorant  peasants  these  strange-mannered 
people,  who  were  Catholics  in  fact,  seemed  most  certainly 
heretics.  Attacks  on  the  soldiery  began  in  the  mountain 
districts  early  in  1640,  and  soon  extended  to  the  cities  as  well. 
In  June  a  serious  riot  occurred  in  Barcelona,  during  which 
the  hated  royal  viceroy  was  killed.  That  act  marked  the 
triumph  of  the  revolution  and  the  beginning  of  the  war. 

It  is  possible  that  a  policy  of  moderation  might  still  have 
avoided  the  conflict,  but  such  action  was  not  taken.  The 
war  lasted  nineteen  years,  and  was  fought  bitterly  until 
1653.  In  1640  the  Catalans  formed  a  republic,  and  made 
an  alliance  with  France,  putting  themselves  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  French  monarchy.  The  republic  was  short- 
lived ;  in  1641  the  monarchical  form  returned,  with  a  recogni- 
tion of  the  king  of  France  as  ruler.  French  troops  aided 
the  Catalans  in  many  expeditions,  but  in  this  very  fact  lay 
the  remedy  for  the  grievances  against  Spain.  The  Catalans 
found  that  French  officials  and  French  soldiers  committed 
the  same  abuses  as  those  which  they  had  objected  to  in  the 
case  of  Castile.     Coupled  with  a  statement  of  Philip  IV  that 


A   CENTURY   OF  DECLINE,    1598-1700 


265 


he  had  never  intended  to  interfere  with  the  Catalan  fueros, 
or  charter  rights  (although  OUvares  certainly  had  so  in- 
tended), this  proved  to  be  the  turning  point.  Philip  con- 
firmed the  charters  in  1653,  but  the  fighting  went  on  in  cer- 
tain regions  until  1659,  when  Catalonia  was  recognized  as 
part  of  Spain  in  the  treaty  of  peace  with  France.  The  war 
had  one  good  result ;  it  occasioned  the  dismissal  of  Olivares 
in  1643.  Nevertheless,  the  evil  had  been  done  beyond  re- 
pair, though  the  dispute  had  experienced  a  turn  for  the  better, 
dating  from  Olivares'  deprivation  from  oflBce. 

Meanwhile,  Olivares  had  involved  Spain  in  another  direc- 
tion. From  the  time  of  the  acquisition  of  Portugal  by 
Philip  II  that  region  had  been  exceedingly  well  treated  by 
the  Spanish  kings :  no  public  offices  were  given  to  any  but 
Portuguese;  no  military  or  naval  forces  and  no  taxes  were 
required  for  purely  Spanish  objects  ;  the  Portuguese  colonies 
were  left  to  the  Portuguese,  and  the  route  around  Africa  to 
the  Far  East  was  closed  to  Spaniards ;  Lisbon  continued  to 
be  the  centre  of  Portuguese  colonial  traffic,  as  Seville  was 
for  Spain  ;  and  even  the  members  of  the  House  of  Braganza, 
despite  their  dangerous  claim  to  the  throne,  were  allowed  to 
remain  in  Portugal,  and  were  greatly  favored.  Furthermore, 
Philip  II  abolished  customs  houses  between  Portugal  and 
Castile,  made  advantageous  administrative  improvements 
(among  other  things,  reforming  colonial  management,  on  the 
Spanish  model),  and  attempted  something  in  the  way  of 
public  works.  The  annexation  weighed  very  lightly  on  the 
country.  The  king  was  represented  by  a  viceroy ;  there 
were  a  few  Spanish  troops  in  Portugal ;  and  some  taxes 
were  collected,  though  they  were  far  from  heavy  in  amount. 
Spain  has  been  charged  with  the  responsibility  for  the  loss 
of  many  Portuguese  colonies,  on  the  ground  that  Portugal 
became  involved  in  the  wars  against  the  Spanish  kings,  and 
therefore  open  to  the  attack  of  Spain's  enemies.  There  is 
reason  for  believing,  however,  that  the  connection  served 
rather  as  a  pretext  than  a  cause ;  this  was  an  age  when  the 
North  European  powers  were  engaging  in  colonial  enter- 
prises, and  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  Dutch,  who  were 
the  principal  successors  to  the  Portuguese  possessions,  con- 


Mildness 
of  Spanish 
rule  in 
Portugal. 


266 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  im- 
perialism 
of  Olivares 
and  the 
uprising  in 
Portugal. 


tinued  to  make  conquests  from  Portugal  after  they  had 
formed  an  alliance  with  that  country  in  the  war  of  Portuguese 
independence  from  Spain.  In  fact,  very  little  passed  into 
foreign  hands  prior  to  the  Portuguese  separation  from  the 
Spanish  crown  as  compared  with  what  was  lost  afterward. 

While  the  nobility  and  the  wealthy  classes  favored  the 
union  with  Spain,  there  were  strong  elements  in  the  country 
of  a  contrary  opinion,  for  whom  leaders  were  to  be  found  in 
the  lower  ranks  of  the  secular  clergy  and  especially  among 
the  Jesuits.  The  masses  of  the  people  still  hated  Spaniards ; 
several  generations  were  necessary  before  that  traditional 
feeling  could  be  appreciably  lessened.  A  current  of  opposi- 
tion manifested  itself  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Philip  III, 
when  the  Duke  of  Lerma,  the  king's  favorite  minister,  pro- 
posed to  raise  the  prohibition  maintained  against  the  Jews 
forbidding  them  to  sell  their  goods  when  emigrating,  and 
planned  to  grant  them  civil  equality  with  Christians.  This 
had  coincided  with  a  slight  increase  in  taxation  to  produce 
discontent.  It  was  natural  that  the  imperialistic  Olivares 
should  wish  to  introduce  a  radical  change  in  the  relations 
of  Spain  and  Portugal.  He  early  addressed  the  king  on  the 
advisability  of  bringing  about  a  veritable  amalgamation 
of  the  two  countries,  and  suggested  that  Portuguese  indi- 
viduals should  be  given  some  offices  in  Castile,  and  Cas- 
tilians  in  like  manner  awarded  posts  in  Portugal.  When 
this  purpose  became  known  it  was  used  as  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal means  of  stirring  up  opposition  to  Spain,  on  the  ground 
that  Portugal  was  to  be  deprived  of  her  autonomy.  The 
renewal  of  legislation  such  as  that  proposed  by  the  Duke 
of  Lerma  with  respect  to  the  Jews  and  an  increase  in  taxa- 
tion added  to  the  dissatisfaction  in  Portugal  to  such  an  extent 
that  there  were  several  riots.  Spain's  financial  difficulties 
arising  from  the  European  wars  led  Olivares  to  turn  yet  more 
insistently  to  Portugal,  and  in  the  year  1635  new  and  heavier 
taxes  began  to  be  imposed,  together  with  the  collection  of 
certain  ecclesiastical  rents  which  had  been  granted  to  the 
king  by  the  pope.  This  produced  the  first  outbreak  against 
the  royal  authority.  A  revolution  was  started  at  Evora  in 
1637  which  soon  spread  to  all  parts  of  Portugal,  but  the 


A  CENTURY   OF  DECLINE,    1598-1700  267 

nobles,  the  wealthy  classes,  and  the  Duke  of  Braganza  were 
not  in  favor  of  the  movement,  and  it  was  soon  suppressed. 
The  condition  of  affairs  which  had  provoked  it  continued, 
however,  and  was  accentuated  by  new  burdens  and  fresh 
departures  from  the  agreement  of  Philip  II.  Taxes  became 
heavier  still ;  Portuguese  troops  were  required  to  serve  in  the 
Low  Countries;  and  the  Duke  of  Braganza,  of  whom  Oli- 
vares  was  unreasonably  suspicious,  was  appointed  viceroy 
of  ]Milan,  with  a  view  to  getting  him  out  of  Portugal.  It 
was  this  last  measure  which  was  to  bring  about  a  fresh  and 
more  determined  uprising  than  that  of  1637.  The  duke 
refused  the  appointment,  whereupon  Olivares  completely 
changed  front,  possibly  with  a  view  to  concealment  of  his 
real  suspicions,  and  made  Braganza  military  governor  of 
Portugal,  besides  sending  him  funds  with  which  to  repair 
the  fortifications  of  the  kingdom.  The  duke  would  almost 
certainly  have  been  satisfied  with  this  arrangement,  had  it 
not  been  for  his  wife,  whose  ambitious  character  was  not 
duly  taken  into  account  by  Olivares.  This  lady  was  a 
Spaniard  of  the  family  of  the  dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia,  but 
she  was  desirous  of  being  a  queen,  even  though  it  should 
strike  a  blow  at  her  native  land.  She  conspired  to  bring 
about  a  Portuguese  revolution  headed  by  her  husband,  who 
should  thus  become  king  of  Portugal.  The  Catalonian 
outbreak  of  1640  furnished  a  pretext  and  the  propitious  occa- 
sion desired.  The  Duke  of  Braganza  and  the  nobility  gener- 
ally were  ordered  to  join  the  royal  army  in  suppressing  the 
Catalans.  Instead,  the  nobles  rebelled,  and  the  revolution 
broke  out  on  the  first  of  December  in  the  same  year,  1640. 
Fortresses  were  seized,  and  the  Duke  of  Braganza  was  pro- 
claimed as  Joao  (or  John)  IV,  king  of  Portugal. 

The  war  lasted  twenty-eight  years,  but,  although  it  might  The  war 
well  have  been  considered  as  more  important  than  any  of  the  of  Por- 
problems  of  the  time,  other  than  the  equally  momentous  Cat-  *"^®S6  ^^' 
alan  revolt,  it  was  not  actively  prosecuted  by  Spain.     Spain  ^jence. 
was  engaged  in  too  many  other  wars,  to  which  she  gave  per- 
haps an  undue  share  of  her  attention,  and  was  more  than 
ever  beset  by  her  chronic  difficulty  of  lack  of  funds.     France, 
England,  and  the  Protestant  Netherlands  gave  help  to  Portu- 


268 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Other  re- 
volts and 
plottings. 


Charles 
"the  Be- 
witched.' 


gal  at  different  times,  whereby  the  last-named  was  able  to 
maintain  herself  against  the  weak  attacks  of  Spain.  The 
decisive  battle  was  fought  at  Villaviciosa  in  1G65,  but  it  was 
not  until  IOCS,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II,  that  peace  was 
made.  Portugal  was  recognized  as  independent,  retaining 
such  of  her  former  colonies  as  had  not  already  been  taken 
by  the  Dutch,  —  with  one  exception ;  the  post  of  Ceuta, 
in  northern  Africa,  remained  Spanish,  —  the  only  reminder 
of  Spain's  great  opportunity  to  establish  peninsula  unity 
through  the  union  with  Portugal. 

Still  other  difficulties  arose  in  Italy  and  in  Spain  to  harass 
the  reign  of  Philip  IV.  There  were  revolts  in  Sicily  in  1646- 
1647,  and  in  Naples  in  1647-1648,  both  of  which  were  put 
down.  An  Aragonese  plot  w^as  discovered,  and  there  was  no 
uprising.  A  similar  plot  in  Andalusia  was  headed  by  the 
Duke  of  IMedina  Sidonia,  captain  general  of  the  province 
and  brother  of  the  new  queen  of  Portugal.  This  too  was  un- 
covered in  time  to  prevent  an  outbreak.  In  Vizcaya  there 
was  a  serious  revolt,  growing  out  of  an  alleged  tampering 
with  local  privileges,  but  it  was  eventually  put  down.  In 
fine,  the  reign  had  been  one  of  disaster.  Olivares  had  been 
the  chief  instrument  to  bring  it  about,  but,  after  all,  he  only 
represented  the  prevailing  opinion  and  traditional  policies. 
The  moment  of  reckoning  had  come. 

The  reign  of  Charles  II  (1665-1700)  was  a  period  of  waiting 
for  what  seemed  likely  to  be  the  end,  unless  fate  should  in- 
tervene to  give  a  new  turn  to  affairs.  The  king  himself 
was  doubly  in  need  of  a  regent,  for  he  was  only  four  years  old 
when  he  succeeded  to  the  throne  and  was  also  weak  and  sick 
in  mind  and  body.  He  was  subject  to  epileptic  fits,  on  which 
account  he  was  termed  Charles  "the  Bewitched"  (el  Hechi- 
zado) ,  and  many  people  believed  that  he  was  indeed  possessed 
of  a  Devil.  This  disgusting,  but  pitiful,  creatiu-e  was  ex- 
pected to  die  at  anj^  moment,  but  he  lived  to  rule,  though 
little  more  than  in  name,  for  thirty-five  years.  The  whole 
reign  was  one  of  plotting  for  the  succession,  since  it  early 
became  clear  that  Charles  II  could  have  no  heir.  There 
was  a  pro-French  party,  a  pro-Austrian  party,  and  a  very 
strong  group  which  favored  a  Spaniard,  Juan  of  Austria, 


A   CENTURY   OF   DECLINE,    1598-1700 


269 


illegitimate  son  of  a  Spanish  king,  as  his  predecessor  of  the 
same  name  had  been.  Juan  of  Austria  became  virtual  ruler 
in  1677,  but  died  in  1679,  thus  eliminating  the  only  prominent 
claimant  in  Spain.  France,  at  the  height  of  her  power  under 
Louis  XIV,  was  unwilling  to  wait  for  the  death  of  Charles  II 
before  profiting  by  Spanish  weakness,  and  therefore  engaged 
in  several  wars  of  aggression,  directed  primarily  against 
Spain's  possessions  in  the  Low  Countries  and  against  the 
Protestant  Netherlands.  In  many  of  these  wars  other  pow^  ers 
fought  on  the  side  of  Spain  and  the  Dutch,  notably  the  Holy 
Roman  Emperor,  many  princes  of  Germany,  and  Sweden, 
while  England  and  the  pope  joined  the  allies  against  the 
French  military  lord  in  the  last  war  of  the  period.  Four 
times  Spain  was  forced  into  conflict,  in  1667-1668,  1672-1678, 
1681-1684,  and  1689-1697.  Province  after  province  in 
northern  Europe  was  wrested  away,  until,  after  the  last  war, 
when  Louis  XIV  had  achieved  his  greatest  success,  little 
would  have  remained,  but  for  an  unusual  spirit  of  generosity 
on  the  part  of  the  French  king.  Instead  of  taking  further 
lands  from  Spain,  he  restored  some  which  he  had  won  in  this 
and  previous  wars.  The  reason  was  that  he  now  hoped  to 
procure  the  entire  dominions  of  Spain  for  his  own  family. 

The  leader  of  the  party  favoring  the  Hapsburg,  or  Austrian, 
succession  in  Spain  was  the  queen-mother,  Maria  Ana,  her- 
self of  the  House  of  Austria.  After  many  vicissitudes  she 
at  length  seemed  to  have  achieved  a  victory,  when  she 
brought  about  the  marriage  of  Charles  II  to  an  Austrian 
princess  in  1689,  the  same  year  in  which  the  king's  former 
wife,  a  French  princess,  had  died.  The  situation  was  all  the 
more  favorable  in  that  Louis  XIV  declared  war  against  Spain 
in  that  year  for  the  fourth  time  in  the  reign.  The  very 
necessities  of  the  war,  added  to  the  now  chronic  bad  adminis- 
tration and  the  general  state  of  misery  in  Spain,  operated, 
however,  to  arouse  discontent  and  to  provoke  opposition  to 
the  party  in  power.  Thus  the  French  succession  was  more 
popular,  even  during  the  war,  than  that  of  the  allied  House 
of  Austria.  After  the  war  was  over,  the  French  propaganda 
was  established  on  a  solid  basis,  for  it  was  evident,  now,  that 
Charles  II  could  not  long  survive.     Louis  XIV  put  forward 


French  ag- 
gressions. 


Plottings 
of  the 
Austrian 
and 
French 
parties  for 
the  sue- 


270 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


his  grandson,  PhlHp  of  Anjou,  as  a  candidate,  and  the  Holy 
Roman  Emperor  urged  the  claims  of  his  son,  the  Archduke 
Charles.     Not  only  did  Philip  have  the  weaker  hereditary 
claim,  but  he  also  had  the  renunciation  of  his  grandmother, 
Maria  Teresa,  wife  of  Louis  XIV,  against  him.     The  last- 
named  objection  was  easily  overcome,  since  Spain  had  never 
paid  the  promised  dowry  of  IMaria  Teresa,  wherefore  Louis 
XIV  held  that  the  renunciation  was  of  no  effect. 
Success  of        The  fight,  after  all,  was  a  j^olitical  one,  and  not  a  mere  de- 
the  French   termination  of  legal  right,  and  in  this  respect  Louis  XIV  and 
party.  j^jg  candidate,  Philip,  had  the   advantage,  through  skilful 

diplomacy.  The  French  party  in  Madrid  was  headed  by 
Cardinal  Portocarrero,  a  man  of  great  influence,  assisted  by 
Harcourt,  the  French  ambassador.  The  imperial  ambassa- 
dor, Ilarrach,  and  Stanhope,  the  representative  of  England, 
worked  together;  the  union  of  France  and  Spain  under 
Bourbon  rulers,  who  would  probably  be  French-controlled, 
represented  a  serious  upsetting  of  the  balance  of  power, 
wherefore  England  desired  the  succession  of  the  Archduke 
Charles,  who  at  that  time  was  not  a  probable  candidate  for 
the  imperial  crown.  For  several  years  Madrid  was  the 
scene  of  one  of  the  most  fascinating  diplomatic  battles  in 
European  history.  The  feeble-minded  king  did  not  know 
what  to  do,  and  asked  advice  on  all  sides,  but  could  not  make 
up  his  mind  about  the  succession.  The  Austrian  party  had 
his  ear,  however,  through  his  Austrian  wife,  and  through 
the  king's  confessor,  who  was  one  of  their  group,  but  by  a 
clever  strike  of  Portocarrero's  the  king  was  persuaded  that 
his  wife  was  plotting  to  kill  him,  and  was  induced  to  change 
confessors,  this  time  accepting  a  member  of  the  French  party. 
To  divide  his  opponents  Louis  XIV  proposed  the  dismember- 
ment of  Spain  and  her  possessions  among  the  leading  claim- 
ants, assigning  Spain,  Flanders,  and  the  colonies  to  a  third 
candidate,  the  Prince  of  Bavaria.  The  French  king  did  not 
intend  that  any  such  division  should  take  place,  and  in  any 
event  the  Bavarian  prince  soon  died,  but  through  measures 
of  this  type  Louis  XIV  eventually  contrived  to  supplant  in 
oflBce  and  in  influence  nearly  all  who  opposed  the  Bourbon 
succession.     Meanwhile,  the  unfortunate  king  was  stirred 


A   CENTURY   OF   DECLINE,    1598-1700  271 

up  and  worried,  although  possibly  without  evil  design,  so  that 
his  health  was  more  and  more  broken  and  his  mentality  dis- 
ordered to  the  point  of  idiocy,  hastening  his  death.  Strange 
medicines  and  exorcisms  were  used  in  order  to  cast  out  the 
Devil  with  which  he  was  told  he  was  possessed,  exciting  the 
king  to  the  point  of  frenzy.  In  1700  Louis  XIV  abandoned 
his  course  of  dissimulation  to  such  an  extent  that  it  became 
clear  that  he  would  endeavor  to  procure  all  the  Spanish 
dominions  for  Philip.  Henceforth  it  was  a  struggle  between 
the  two  principal  claimants  for  exclusive  rule.  The  wretched 
Spanish  monarch  was  at  length  obliged  to  go  to  bed  by  what 
was  clearly  his  last  illness.  Even  then  he  was  not  left  in 
peace,  and  the  plotting  continued  almost  to  the  very  end. 
On  October  3,  Philip  was  named  by  the  dying  king  as  sole 
heir  to  all  his  dominions.  On  November  1,  Charles  II  died, 
and  with  him  passed  the  rule  of  the  House  of  Austria. 


CHAPTER  XXV 


SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENTS,   1516-1700 


Principal 

events  in 
the  social 
history  of 
the  era. 


Gradual 
approxi- 
mation of 
the  no- 
bility to 
present- 
day 
society. 


As  compared  with  the  two  preceding  eras  there  was  little 
in  this  period  strikingly  new  in  social  history.  In  the  main, 
society  tended  to  become  more  thoroughly  modern,  but  along 
lines  whose  origins  dated  farther  back.  The  most  marked 
novelty  in  Spain  was  the  conversion  of  the  Mudejares  of 
Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  Valencia,  followed  less  than  a  century 
later  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Moriscos  from  every  part  of 
Spain.  The  most  remarkable  phase  of  social  history  of  the 
time,  however,  was  the  subjection,  conversion,  and  to  a 
certain  extent  the  civilization  of  millions  of  Indians  in  the 
Americas.  The  work  was  thorough  enough  to  mark  those 
lands  permanently  with  the  impress  of  Spain. 

By  a  process  of  natural  evolution  from  the  practices 
current  in  the  reign  of  the  Catholic  Kings  the  nobles  came 
to  exliibit  characteristics  very  similar  to  those  of  present-day 
society.  They  now  went  to  court  if  they  could,  or  else  to 
the  nearest  large  city,  where  they  became  a  bourgeois  no- 
bility. Those  who  remained  on  their  estates  were  soon 
forgotten.  Through  social  prestige  the  nobles  were  still 
able  to  procure  not  only  the  honorary  palace  posts  but  also 
the  majority  of  the  greater  political  and  military  commands. 
Now  and  then,  an  untitled  letrado  would  attain  to  a  vice- 
royalty  or  other  high  position,  but  these  cases  were  the 
exception.  In  this  way,  the  great  body  of  the  nobles  were 
able  to  counteract  the  economic  losses  of  their  class  occasioned 
by  the  new  importance  of  mercantile  and  industrial  wealth. 
Nevertheless,  the  wealthiest  men  of  the  times  were  nobles, 
with  whom  the  richest  of   middle-class   merchants   could 

272 


SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENTS,    1516-1700 


273 


hardly  compare  in  material  possessions.  The  more  extraor- 
dinary accumulations  of  wealth,  based  on  vast  lands  and  the 
institution  of  primogeniture,  were  confined  to  a  few  of  the 
greatest  nobles  of  the  land,  however.  The  vast  horde  of 
the  segundones  and  others  of  the  lesser  nobility  found  service 
as  before  at  court,  or  in  the  train  of  some  great  noble,  in  the 
army,  and  in  the  church.  The  nobles  retained  most  of  the 
privileges  they  had  previously  enjoyed,  but  except  in  Aragon 
proper  lost  much  of  the  political  jurisdiction  they  had 
formerly  exercised  over  their  own  lands.  The  sentiment  in 
favor  of  the  royal  authority  was  now  so  strong  that  any 
limitation  on  the  power  of  the  sovereign  was  viewed  with 
disapproval.  The  jurisdiction  which  the  lords  retained 
was  limited  by  many  royal  rights  of  intervention,  such  as 
the  superior  authority  of  the  king's  law,  or  the  royal  institu- 
tion of  the  pesquisa.  Some  remnants  of  the  lords'  former 
political  and  social  power  over  their  vassals  existed,  but  in 
general  the  relation  was  the  purely  civil  one  of  landlord  and 
tenant.  In  Aragon,  despite  attempts  to  effect  reforms,  the 
lords  still  possessed  seigniorial  authority,  accompanied  by 
the  irksome  incidents  of  serfdom ;  required  personal  services 
of  their  vassals ;  collected  tributes  of  a  medieval  character ; 
exercised  a  paternal  authority  (such  as  that  of  permitting 
or  refusing  their  vassals  a  right  to  marry) ;  and  had  the  power 
of  life  and  death. 

The  hierarchy  of  the  nobility  was  definitely  established  in 
this  period.  At  the  top,  representing  the  medieval  ricos- 
hombres,  were  the  grandees  (Grandes)  and  the  "titles" 
(TUulos).  The  principal  difference  between  the  two  was 
that  the  former  were  privileged  to  remain  covered  in  the 
presence  of  the  king  and  to  be  called  "cousins"  of  the 
monarch,  while  those  of  the  second  grade  might  only  be 
called  "relatives,"  —  empty  honors,  which  were  much  es- 
teemed, however,  as  symbolic  of  rank.  These  groups  monop- 
olized all  titles  such  as  marquis,  duke,  count,  and  prince. 
Below  them  were  the  caballeros  and  the  hidalgos.  The  word 
hidalgos  was  employed  to  designate  those  nobles  of  inferior 
rank  without  fortune,  lands,  jurisdiction,  or  high  public 
office.     The  desire  for  the  noble  rank  of  hidalgo  and  the 


Hierarchy 
of  the 
nobility. 


274 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Social 
vanity. 


Survivals 
of  medie- 
valism 
among  the 
nobles. 


Advance 
of  the 
plebeian 
classes 
through 
the  rise 
of  the 
merchants 
and  the 
letrados. 


vanity  marked  by  the  devising  of  family  shields  became  a 
national  disease,  and  resnltcd  in  fact  in  the  increase  of  the 
hidalgo  class.  The  people  of  (inipuzcoa  claimed  that  they 
were  all  hidalgos,  and  received  the  royal  recognition  of  their 
pretension.  Measures  were  taken  to  check  this  dangerous 
exemplification  of  social  pride,  but  on  the  other  hand  the 
treasury  ft)und  the  sale  of  rights  of  hidalguia  a  profitable 
source  of  income.  In  1541  there  were  less  than  800,000 
taxpayers  in  Castile,  but  over  100,000  hidalgos.  The  nobles 
did  not  at  once  forget  their  medieval  practices  of  duelling, 
private  war,  plotting,  and  violence.  There  were  instances 
of  these  throughout  the  era,  and  in  Aragon  and  Majorca 
they  were  almost  continuous.  Nevertheless,  the  situation 
did  not  become  so  serious  as  it  had  been  in  the  past;  it 
merely  represented  the  deeply  rooted  force  of  noble  tradition, 
which  objected  to  any  submission  to  discipline.  Both  the 
hierarchy  of  the  nobility,  with  all  its  incidents  of  broad 
estates,  jurisdictions,  class  pride,  and  vanity,  and  the 
irresponsible  practices  of  the  nobles  passed  over  into  the 
Americas. 

While  there  were  many  different  categories  of  free  Chris- 
tian society  the  essential  grades  were  those  of  nobles  (or 
members  of  the  clergy)  and  plebeians.  There  were  many 
rich  merchants  of  the  middle  class  who  aped  the  nobility 
m  entailing  their  estates  and  in  luxurious  display,  and  there 
were  learned  men  who  received  distinguished  honors  or 
exemptions  from  duties  to  the  state,  but  in  social  prestige 
they  could  not  compare  with  the  lowest  hidalgo.  Many  of 
them  became  noble  by  royal  favor,  and  especially  was  this 
way  open  to  the  learned  class  of  the  letrados.  These  men  pro- 
vided lawyers  and  administrative  officers  for  the  state,  and, 
as  such,  occupied  positions  which  put  them  on  a  level,  at 
least  in  authority,  with  the  nobles.  The  advance  of  the 
merchants  and  the  letrados  represented  a  gain  for  the  ple- 
beian class  as  a  whole,  for  any  free  Christian  might  get  to  be 
one  or  the  other  and  even  become  ennobled.  The  economic 
decline  of  Spain  in  the  seventeenth  centmy  was  a  severe 
blow  to  the  merchants,  while  the  letrados  were  unpopular 
with  nobles  and  plebeians  alike ;    nevertheless,  thoughtful 


SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENTS,    1516-1700 


275 


men  agreed  that  the  regeneration  of  the  country  must  come 
from  these  two  elements. 

The  masses  were  poor,  as  always,  but  their  legal  condition, 
except  in  Aragon,  had  been  improved.  There  were  many 
social  wars  in  Aragon  throughout  the  period,  but  the  serfs, 
unable  to  act  together,  could  not  overcome  their  oppressors. 
Something  was  done  by  the  kings  through  the  incorporation 
into  the  crown  of  seigniorial  estates  where  abuses  were  most 
pronounced.  The  same  state  of  chronic  warfare  existed  in 
Catalonia,  where  the  rural  population,  though  now  freed 
from  serfdom,  was  still  subject  to  certain  seigniorial  rights. 
By  the  end  of  the  period  the  victory  of  the  plebeians  was  clear, 
and  the  ties  which  bound  them  to  the  lords  were  loosened. 
The  social  aspects  of  the  civil  wars  in  Castile,  Valencia,  and 
Majorca  at  the  outset  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I  have  already 
been  referred  to.  These  revolts  failed,  and  there  were  no 
similar  great  uprisings  of  the  Christian  masses  in  these 
regions,  but  the  tendency  of  the  nobility  to  go  to  court  and 
the  expulsion  of  the  Moriscos  were  to  operate  to  break  down 
the  siu'vivals  of  seigniorial  authority. 

Although  objections  were  raised  to  the  enslavement  of  the 
Indians  in  the  Americas,  the  institution  of  slavery  itself 
was  generally  recognized ;  even  charitable  and  religious 
establishments  possessed  slaves.  IMoslem  prisoners  and 
negroes  (acquired  through  war  or  purchase),  together  with 
their  children,  made  up  the  bulk  of  this  class,  although 
there  were  some  slaves  of  white  race.  Conversion  to  Chris- 
tianity did  not  procure  emancipation,  but  the  slaves  were 
allowed  to  earn  something  for  themselves  with  which  to 
purchase  their  freedom.  Certain  restrictions  —  such,  for 
example,  as  the  prohibition  against  their  living  in  quarters 
inhabited  by  newly  converted  Christians,  or  against  their 
entering  the  guilds  —  were  placed  upon  them  once  they  had 
become  free.  Only  a  little  higher  in  status  than  the  slaves 
were  the  Egipcianos,  or  gypsies.  About  the  middle  of  the 
fifteenth  century  they  had  entered  Spain  for  the  first  time 
by  way  of  Catalonia,  and,  thenceforth,  groups  of  them  wan- 
dered about  the  peninsula,  stealing  and  telling  fortunes  for 
a  living,  and  having  a  government  of  their  own.     A  law  of 


Improve- 
ment in 
the  legal 
condition 
of  the 


Slavery. 


The 

gypsies. 


276 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Forced 
conversion 
of  the 
Mud6- 
jares  of 
the  king- 
dom of 
Aragon. 


1499  required  them  to  settle  down  in  towns  and  ply  honest 
trades  on  pain  of  expulsion  from  Spain  or  of  enslavement, 
but  the  gypsies  neither  left  Spain  nor  abandoned  their 
nomadic  ways,  and  they  were  a  continual  problem  to  the 
kings  of  the  House  of  Austria.  Various  royal  orders  pro- 
vided that  they  must  take  up  an  occupation,  although  their 
choice  was  virtually  limited  by  law  to  the  cultivation  of  the 
soil ;  they  were  not  to  live  in  the  smaller  villages,  were 
forbidden  to  use  their  native  language,  dress,  or  names,  or 
to  employ  their  customs  in  marriage  and  other  matters,  and 
were  prohibited  from  dwelling  in  a  separate  quarter  of  their 
own.  Fear  lest  the  Christian  population  become  contami- 
nated by  gypsy  superstitions  and  a  regard  for  public  security 
were  the  guiding  motives  for  this  legislation.  Severe 
penalties  were  attached,  but  the  evil  was  not  eradicated; 
similar  laws  had  to  be  enacted  as  late  as  the  eighteenth 
century. 

After  the  time  of  the  Catholic  Kings  there  were  no  free 
Mudejares  in  Castile,  although  there  were  many  Moriscos, 
but  in  Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  especially  in  Valencia  the 
IMudejares  were  numerous.  IVIany  elements,  including  the 
majority  of  the  clergy  (the  officers  of  the  Inquisition  in  par- 
ticular), the  king,  and  the  Christian  masses  were  in  favor 
of  their  forcible  conversion  with  a  view  to  the  establishment 
of  religious  unity  in  the  country,  although  other  reasons 
were  alleged  as  well.  The  nobles  were  warmly  opposed, 
mainly  on  economic  grounds  because  the  Mudejares  formed 
the  principal  element  among  their  agricultural  workers. 
Many  of  the  higher  clergy  joined  with  them  for  the  same 
reason,  although  some  of  them  voiced  their  objections  on 
the  ground  that  compulsory  baptism  would  only  result  in 
apostasy.  During  the  social  war  in  Valencia  early  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  I  the  popular  faction  had  forcibly  converted 
a  number  of  the  Mudejares  who  had  fought  against  them 
on  the  side  of  the  lords.  The  question  arose  whether  these 
baptisms  were  valid.  Charles  decided  that  they  were, 
and  ordered  the  children  of  the  Mudejares,  who  had  thus 
unwillingly  become  Moriscos,  to  be  baptized  also.  This 
provoked  a  storm  of  protest  on  the  part  of  the  lords,  for  the 


SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENTS,    1516-1700 


277 


continuance  of  such  a  policy  might  result  in  emigrations  or 
uprisings,  much  to  their  detriment.  They  cited  the  royal 
oath  of  Ferdinand  and  of  Charles  himself  to  the  Cortes  of 
Aragon  not  to  compel  the  Mudejares  to  abjure  their  faith, 
but  this  difficulty  was  easily  overcome.  The  pope  was  per- 
suaded to  absolve  Charles  from  his  oath,  and  gave  his  consent 
to  the  forcible  conversion  of  the  free  Mudejares,  on  pain  of 
perpetual  enslavement  or  expulsion  from  Spain.  In  1525 
Charles  published  a  decree  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of 
the  papal  license.  The  objections  of  the  nobles  and  the 
Cortes  were  overruled,  and  several  isolated  rebellions  were 
put  down.  While  many  Mudejares  went  to  Africa,  thou- 
sands accepted  conversion,  and,  although  it  was  clear  that 
they  did  not  do  so  of  their  own  free  will,  were  at  once  made 
subject  to  the  usual  rules  applying  to  converts,  including 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Inquisition.  Soon  afterward,  how- 
ever, Charles  consented  to  exempt  them  from  religious 
persecution  for  a  number  of  years. 

The  problem  of  religious  unity  was  now  officially  solved ; 
all  Spain  legally  had  become  Christian.  The  Moriscos 
were  the  subject  of  grave  suspicions,  however,  as  regards 
their  orthodoxy,  and  with  reason,  since  most  of  them  con- 
tinued to  be  Mohammedans  in  fact.  The  harsh  legislation  Moriscoa 
of  other  days  was  resurrected,  and  was  applied  with  even 
greater  severity.  Prohibitions  extended  to  the  use  of  any- 
thing reminiscent  of  their  former  religion  or  customs,  such 
as  amulets,  the  Arabic  language,  Arabic  names,  their  special 
form  of  dress,  their  characteristic  songs  and  dances,  and 
their  habit  of  taking  baths.  The  laws  applying  to  Granada 
were  particularly  harsh,  provoking  the  already  mentioned 
war  of  1568-1571.  After  the  suppression  of  that  rebellion 
and  the  deportation  of  the  Granadine  Moriscos  to  other 
parts  of  Castile,  steps  were  taken  to  prevent  their  return 
and  to  keep  them  under  surveillance.  The  Moriscos  were 
not  allowed  to  dwell  together  in  a  district  of  their  own ; 
they  might  not  stay  out  overnight,  or  change  their  residence 
without  permission ;  and  their  children  were  ordered  to  be 
brought  up  in  the  homes  of  Christians  of  long  standing,  or 
at  any  rate  to  be  sent  to  Christian  schools.    Prohibitions 


Failure  of 
the  at- 
tempts to 
Christian- 
ize the 


278  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

against  carrying  arms  and  other  measures  designed  to  pre- 
vent the  Moriscos  from  endangering  the  peace  were  general 
throughout  Spain.  Gradually  the  idea  arose  that  the  best 
thing  to  do  would  be  to  get  rid  of  the  Moriscos  in  some  way. 
In  the  first  place  the  attempt  to  convert  them  had  been  a 
failure.  The  JNIoriscos  were  not  altogether  to  blame,  for 
no  adequate  steps  had  been  taken  to  instruct  them  in  the 
Christian  religion.  Orders  to  do  so  had  been  issued,  but  for 
many  reasons  they  were  difficult  to  execute.  Such  a  task 
would  have  been  enormously  expensive,  and  the  funds  were 
not  at  hand ;  few  Christian  priests  were  competent  to  serve 
as  instructors,  since  not  many  of  them  knew  Arabic ;  there 
existed  the  serious  obstacle  of  the  hatred  of  the  Moriscos 
for  the  Christian  religion,  due  to  the  bad  treatment  they  had 
received  and  their  fear  of  the  Inquisition;  and  the  nobles 
threw  the  weight  of  their  influence  against  molesting  the 
jNIoriscos  in  this  way  as  in  others.  In  the  second  place,  the 
very  hatred  of  the  Christian  masses  for  the  IMoriscos  had 
rendered  their  conversion  difficult.  Some  of  the  charges 
made  against  them  would  seem  to  indicate  that  prejudice 
was  the  real  foundation  of  this  animosity.  It  was  said  that 
the  Moriscos  ate  so  little  meat  and  drank  so  little  wine  that 
Christians  had  to  pay  nearly  all  of  the  alcabala,  or  the  tax 
on  their  sale ;  they  were  denounced  because  they  monopolized 
the  industrial  arts  and  trades,  to  the  disadvantage  of  Chris- 
tians; complaints  were  made  that  they  always  married, 
never  becoming  monks,  wherefore  their  numbers  increased 
more  rapidly  than  those  of  the  Christian  population.  Thus 
their  frugality,  industry,  and  domesticity  were  made  the 
subject  of  accusations.  Naturally  there  were  more  serious 
grounds  of  complaint  than  these,  such  as  the  inevitable 
private  conflicts  of  old  Christians  and  Moriscos,  but  dif- 
ferences in  race,  religion,  and  general  customs  were  enough  to 
cause  popular  hatred  in  that  day,  when  intolerance  was  the 
rule.  In  the  third  place,  it  must  be  said  in  measurable 
justification  of  Spanish  policy  that  the  IVIoriscos  did  repre- 
sent a  danger  to  the  state.  They  were  numerous,  and,  natu- 
rally enough,  hostile  to  the  government;  time  and  again 
they  were  proved  to  have  fostered  or  taken  part  in  uprisings 


SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENTS,    1516-1700  279 

and  to  have  worked  in  conjunction  with  Moslem  pirates ; 
finally,  the  likelihood  of  a  fresh  Moslem  descent  from  Africa, 
assisted  by  Spanish  Moriscos,  was  not  to  be  disregarded. 

The  failure  of  the  attempts  to  convert  the  Moriscos  had  Expulsion 
long  been  recognized,  and  the  question  arose  what  to  do  with  ^^  ^^.® 
them.  Some  men  proposed  a  general  massacre,  or  sending  -'^^"^^o^- 
them  to  sea  and  scuttling  the  ships.  Others  suggested  that 
they  be  sent  to  the  Americas  to  work  in  the  mines,  —  a  solu- 
tion which  might  have  had  interesting  consequences.  From 
about  1582,  however,  the  idea  of  expelling  them  from  Spain 
became  more  and  more  general,  and  was  favored  by  men  of 
the  highest  character,  —  for  example,  by  Juan  de  Ribera, 
archbishop  of  Valencia  (canonized  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tiu-y).  The  expulsion  was  virtually  decided  upon  as  early 
as  1602,  but  the  decrees  were  postponed  for  several  years. 
In  September,  1609,  the  expulsion  from  Valencia  was  ordered. 
All  JVIoriscos  except  certain  specified  groups  were  required 
to  be  at  various  designated  ports  within  three  days;  they 
were  allowed  to  carry  such  movable  property  as  they  could, 
while  the  rest  of  their  possessions  was  to  go  to  their  lords, 
—  a  sop  to  the  nobles,  for  whom  the  expulsion  meant  great 
economic  loss  ;  they  were  informed  that  they  would  be  taken 
to  Africa  free  of  charge,  but  were  told  to  carry  as  much  food 
as  they  could.  Six  per  cent  of  the  Morisco  men  and  their 
families  were  excepted  by  the  decree,  so  that  they  might 
instruct  the  laborers  who  should  take  the  place  of  the  ex- 
pelled Moriscos.  Various  other  groups,  such  as  slaves, 
small  children  (under  certain  specified  conditions),  and  those 
whose  conversion  was  regarded  as  unquestionably  sincere, 
were  also  exempted.  The  Moriscos  were  unwilling  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  exceptions  in  their  favor,  and  a  general 
exodus  began.  The  decree  was  cruelly  executed,  despite 
the  government's  attempt  to  prevent  it.  Murder,  robbery, 
and  outrages  against  women  went  unpunished ;  even  the 
soldiers  sent  to  protect  the  Moriscos  were  guilty  of  these 
abuses.  Many  Moriscos  were  sold  into  slavery,  especially 
children,  who  were  taken  from  their  parents.  When  news 
came  that  the  peoples  of  northern  Africa  had  given  a  harsh 
receDtion  to  the  first  of  the  Moriscos  to  disembark  there. 


280 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Failure  of 
the  expul- 
sions to 
stamp  out 
the  Mo- 
risco  and 
Jewish 
elements 
in  Spanish 
blood. 


many  preferred  to  take  the  chances  of  revolt  rather  than 
submit  to  expulsion,  but  these  uprisings  were  easily  put  down. 
Decrees  for  the  other  parts  r)f  Spain  soon  followed ;  the  de- 
cree for  Castile  proper,  Extreraadura,  and  La  Mancha  came 
in  the  same  year,  1G09 ;  for  Granada,  Andalusia,  and  Aragon 
in  1610;  and  for  Catalonia  and  INIurcia  in  1611,  although  the 
execution  of  the  decree  for  Murcia  was  postponed  until  1614. 
The  terms  of  all,  while  varying  in  details,  resembled  that  of 
Valencia.  More  time  was  given,  usually  a  month ;  the  per- 
mission to  carry  away  personalty  was  accompanied  by  a 
prohibition  against  the  taking  of  money  or  precious  metals ; 
and  in  some  cases  all  children  under  seven  were  required  to 
remain  in  Spain  when  their  parents  elected  to  go  to  Africa. 
On  this  account  many  Moriscos  made  the  voyage  to  Africa 
by  way  of  France,  on  the  pretence  that  they  were  going  to 
the  latter  country,  thus  retaining  their  children. 

Various  estimates  have  been  made  as  to  the  number  of 
the  expelled  IVIoriscos.  It  is  probable  that  some  half  a  mil- 
lion were  obliged  to  emigrate.  Many  remained  in  Spain, 
forming  outlaw  bands  in  the  mountains,  or  hiding  under  the 
protection  of  their  lords,  while  thousands  had  long  since 
merged  with  the  Cliristian  population.  Almost  from  the 
start  a  current  of  re-immigration  set  in,  for,  after  all,  the 
^[oriscos  had  in  many  respects  become  Spaniards,  and  they 
found  that  conditions  in  the  lands  to  which  they  had  gone 
were  far  from  agreeable.  Throughout  the  seventeenth 
century  laws  were  enacted  against  returning  Moriscos,  but 
were  of  such  little  effect  that  the  government  virtually  ad- 
mitted its  powerlessness  in  the  matter.  Southern  Spain 
and  the  east  coast  below  Catalonia  remained  strongly 
Moslem  in  blood,  and  the  other  provinces  of  the  peninsula 
were  not  a  little  affected  as  well,  but  as  regards  religion  the 
Morisco  element  was  gradually  merged,  and  this  matter 
never  became  a  serious  problem  again.  Similar  questions 
arose  over  returning  Jews,  who  came  back  to  Spain  for  much 
the  same  reasons  the  Moriscos  did.  They  were  not  nearly 
so  numerous,  however,  wherefore  their  retm-n  did  not  rep- 
resent such  a  political  danger  as  did  that  of  the  Moriscos. 

The  legal  status  of  the  family  underwent  no  striking 


SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENTS,    1516-1700 


281 


change  In  this  period,  except  that  the  victory  of  Roman 
principles  was  more  and  more  confirmed.  The  decisions  of 
the  Council  of  Trent  (1545-1563),  a  famous  general  council 
of  the  Catholic  Chm'ch,  prohibited  divorce,  clandestine 
marriage,  and  in  general  any  kind  of  marital  union  not  made 
according  to  the  solemnities  and  forms  of  the  church,  and 
these  principles  became  law  in.  Spain,  but  they  represented 
tendencies  which  had  long  before  appeared  in  the  Partidas 
and  the  Leyes  de  Tow.  Unions  lacking  the  sanction  of  the 
law  did  not  disappear;  rather  they  were  one  of  the  promi- 
nent features  of  the  immorality  of  the  times.  It  was  in  its 
economic  aspects  that  the  family  experienced  its  most 
marked  change,  and  this  was  due  to  the  exceptional  favor 
with  which  the  institution  of  primogeniture  had  come  to  be 
viewed,  keeping  pace  with  the  vanity  and  the  furor  for 
ennoblement  of  the  age.  The  very  extension  of  the  practice 
was  its  saving  grace,  for  not  only  the  great  nobles  but  also 
persons  of  lesser  note,  including  plebeians  with  not  too 
vast  estates,  were  wont  to  leave  their  properties  to  the  eldest 
son;  thus  accumulation  in  the  hands  of  a  very  few  was 
avoided.  For  the  same  reason  the  crown  often  favored  the 
custom  for  the  smaller  holdings,  but  restricted  it  in  the  case 
of  the  latifundia,  —  for  example,  in  the  prohibition  issued 
against  the  combining  of  two  such  great  estates.  The  in- 
dividualism and  capitalism  of  the  Roman  law  was  most 
marked  of  all  in  matters  of  property.  One  interesting 
attempt  was  made  to  get  around  the  laws  against  usury 
through  the  purchase  of  annuities,  the  censo  consignativo. 
Popular  opinion,  reinforced  by  the  ideas  of  the  moralists 
and  jurisconsults  and  even  by  a  bull  of  the  pope,  opposed 
the  practice,  and  it  did  not  survive.  Despite  the  supremacy 
of  the  Roman  ideas  there  were  many  writings  of  a  socialistic 
character  citing  the  collectivism  of  the  Peruvian  Incas  or 
other  such  states  of  society  as  desirable  of  adoption  in 
Spain.  The  philosopher  Luis  Vives,  for  example,  favored  a 
redistribution  of  natural  resources  and  their  equal  enjoyment 
by  all. 

While  the  law  frowned  upon  the  spirit  of  association,  even 
prohibiting  the  founding  of  new  cofradias,  the  guilds  enjoyed 


Influence 
of  Roman 
principles 
on  the  in- 
stitutions 
of  the 
family  and 
private 
property. 


282  A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 

Evolution    their  greatest  era  of  prosperity.     This  was  due  in  part  to  the 
of  the  intervention  of  the  state,  which  supplanted  the  municipaUties 

^^  in   control   of   the   institution.     State   regulation,    even   in 

technical  matters,  went  fiuther  than  it  had  in  the  fifteenth 
century.  Despite  government  interest,  as  evidenced  by 
the  according  of  numerous  pri\'ileges,  the  germs  of  the  decline 
of  the  guilds  were  already  apparent  at  the  close  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  The  exclusive  spirit  of  the  guilds  whereby 
they  endeavored  to  keep  trade  in  the  hands  of  their  own 
members  and  their  families,  without  admitting  others  who 
were  competent  to  belong,  was  one  cause  of  this  decline, 
while  their  loss  of  liberty  (due  to  government  intervention) 
and  the  strife  within  and  without  the  guild  were  contributing 
factors.  One  novelty  of  the  era  was  the  growing  distinction 
between  the  manual  arts  and  the  liberal  professions,  the 
latter  of  which  rose  to  a  higher  consideration.  Thus  lawyers, 
notaries,  and  doctors  were  rated  above  those  engaged  in 
manual  labors,  while  there  was  also  a  recognized  hierarchy 
among  the  last-named,  from  the  v^^orkers  in  gold,  silver, 
jewelry,  and  rich  cloths  down  to  the  drivers  of  mules.  The 
great  association  of  the  Mesta  still  enjoyed  wide  powers,  as 
did  also  that  of  the  carriers. 
Low  moral  In  laxness  of  morals  and  in  luxury  this  period  was  much 
tone  of  the  Jij^g  ^he  two  preceding.  It  seems  worse,  but  this  may  be 
^^'  due  to  the  greater  variety  of  materials  at  hand  for  study, 

such  as  books  of  travel,  novels,  plays,  satires,  letters,  laws, 
and  the  frequently  appearing  "relations  of  events,"  which 
in  that  day  took  the  place  occupied  by  the  modern  news- 
paper. A  Spanish  writer  has  characterized  the  practices 
of  the  time  in  the  following  language:  "The  ideal  of  an 
exaggerated  sense  of  honor,  chivalric  quixotism,  religious 
fanaticism,  and  the  exalted  predominance  of  form  over  the 
essence  of  things  ruled  Spanish  society  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  absolutely  and  tyrannically.  Duels  and  stabbings 
at  every  moment  to  sustain  the  least  question  of  etiquette 
or  courtesy ;  scandalous  conflicts  of  jurisdiction  between 
the  highest  tribunals  of  state ;  absurd  and  ridiculous  proj- 
ects to  make  silver  without  silver,  fomented  by  the  leading 
ministers;    extremely  costly  and  showy  feasts  to  solemnize 


SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENTS,    1516-1700  283 

ordinary  events,  while  cities,  islands,  provinces,  and  even 
kingdoms  were  being  lost  through  bad  government  and 
worse  administration;  frequent  and  pompous  public  pro- 
cessions ;  blind  belief  in  the  miraculous  virtue  of  some  medal, 
stamp,  or  old  rag  of  Mother  Luisa  or  some  other  impostor; 
politico-religious  sermons  within  and  without  the  royal 
palace;  the  most  abominable  and  nefarious  sins  scattered 
to  an  almost  unbelievable  extent  among  all  classes  of  Madrid 
society;  the  vice  of  gambling  converted  into  a  profession 
by  many  persons ;  and,  in  fine,  the  censure  of  our  court,  by 
those  who  formed  part  of  it  and  by  those  who  did  not,  for 
its  astonishing  abundance  and  its  depraved  life  of  strumpets 
and  wenches.  .  .  It  is  true  that  there  were  men  of  high 
degree  who  preferred  the  coarse  sackcloth  of  the  religious 
to  the  rich  clothing  of  brocade  and  gold,  and  military  leaders 
who  exchanged  the  sword  for  the  monkish  girdle,  but  these 
were  exceptions,  which  by  the  very  fewness  of  their  numbers 
stand  out  the  more  strongly  from  the  general  stock  of  that 
society,  so  accustomed  to  laziness,  hypocrisy,  routine,  and 
external  practices  as  it  was,  removed  from  the  true  paths  of 
virtue,  wisdom,  and  progress."  If  to  these  characteristics 
there  are  added  those  of  the  misery  and  ignorance  of  the 
common  people,  and  if  an  exception  is  made  of  the  men  de- 
voted to  intellectual  pursuits,  the  above  is  fairly  representa- 
tive of  Spanish  society  in  this  period.  Loose  practices  were 
prevalent  in  excessive  degree  at  IMadrid,  which  had  become 
the  capital  in  the  time  of  Philip  II.  While  such  a  state  of 
affairs  is  not  unusual  in  all  great  capitals,  immorality  infected 
all  classes  of  society  in  Madrid,  and  little  if  any  stigma  at- 
tached in  the  matter.  Philip  IV  had  thirty-two  illegitimate 
children,  and  Charles  I  and  even  the  somewhat  sombre 
Philip  II  were  not  without  reproach.  Much  that  is  unspeak- 
able was  prevalent,  and  gambling  was  generally  indulged  in. 
Lack  of  discipline  also  manifested  itself  in  frequent  duelling, 
despite  prohibitive  laws,  and  in  the  turbulence  of  the  people 
on  different  occasions;  university  students  were  somewhat 
notorious  in  this  respect,  indulging  in  riots  which  were  not 
free  from  incidents  of  an  unsavory  character.  Other  cities 
were  little  better  than  Madrid,  and  those  of  the  south  and 


284  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

east,  where  IMoslem  blood  liad  been  most  plentiful,  es- 
pecially Seville  and  \alencia,  had  a  yet  worse  reputation; 
Valencia  had  even  a  European  notoriety  for  its  licentious 
customs.  These  practices  passed  over  into  the  Americas 
in  an  exaggerated  form.  The  Andalusian  blood  of  the  con- 
querors and  their  adventurous  life  amidst  subject  races 
were  not  conducive  to  self-restraint.  These  evils  were  not 
to  be  without  effect  in  the  moulding  of  the  Spanish  American 
peoples.  In  the  smaller  Spanish  towns  and  villages  there 
was  probably  less  vice,  but  there  was  more  ignorance  and 
greater  lack  of  public  security.  Bands  of  robbers  infested 
the  country. 
Royal  In  luxury  as  in  immorality  the  example  was  set  by  the 

extrava-       kings  themselves.     Some  of  its  manifestations  were  meri- 
gance.  torious  (except  that  expenditures  were  out  of  proportion 

to  the  resources  and  needs  of  the  state),  especially  the  en- 
couragement of  art  through  the  purchase  of  paintings  and 
the  construction  of  palaces.  But  if  Charles  I  and  Philip  II 
were  lavish,  Philip  III  and  Philip  IV  were  extravagant. 
Both  of  these  kings,  in  addition  to  their  fondness  for  the 
theatre,  bull-fighting,  dancing,  and  hunting,  were  responsible 
for  the  most  ostentatious  display  on  occasions  of  court  cele- 
brations. When  Philip  III  went  to  San  Sebastian  in  1615 
to  attend  the  double  wedding  which  was  to  bind  together 
the  houses  of  Austria  and  Bourbon,  he  was  accompanied 
by  a  train  of  74  carriages,  174  litters,  190  state  coaches, 
2750  saddle  mules,  374  beasts  of  bm-den  (of  which  128  had 
coverings  embroidered  with  the  royal  coat  of  arms),  1750 
mules  with  silver  bells,  and  6500  persons,  besides  an  escort 
of  4000  Guipuzcoans.  Equal  pomp  and  extravagance 
marked  the  reception  to  the  Archduchess  INIaria  Ana  of 
Austria  when  she  came  to  Spain  as  the  fiancee  of  Philip  IV ; 
similarly,  the  entertainment  accorded  the  Prince  of  Wales 
(the  later  Charles  I  of  England)  and  the  Duke  of  Buckingham 
when  they  visited  Spain  early  in  the  reign  of  Philip  IV ; 
and  likewise  the  various  masquerades  during  the  period  of 
Olivares,  one  of  which  is  said  to  have  cost  over  300,000  ducats 
(nearly  $5,000,000).  It  would  seem  that  war  was  not  alone 
responsible  for  the  drains  on  the  Spanish  treasury.    There 


SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENTS,    1516-1700 


285 


was  a  decline  in  expenditures  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II,  due 
principally  to  the  fact  that  there  was  little  left  to  spend. 

Private  individuals  could  not  equal  the  kings  in  extrava- 
gance, but  they  did  the  best  they  could.  Houses  often  lacked 
comforts  in  the  way  of  furniture,  but  made  a  brave  showing 
in  tapestries  and  paintings.  Naturally,  great  attention  was 
paid  to  dress.  Under  Charles  I,  just  as  in  art,  so  also  in  dress, 
clothing  was  in  a  stage  which  may  be  called  the  transition 
from  the  " plateresque "  to  the  "Spanish  Renaissance." 
For  example,  influenced  by  German  and  Swiss  fashions, 
men  wore  puffs  on  their  forearm  or  between  the  waist  and 
hips,  variegated  oblong  pieces  in  their  jackets,  bright  colors 
generally,  and  a  tall  conical  hat.  In  keeping  with  the 
greater  sobriety  of  Philip  II,  styles  became  "Herreran"  in 
that  the  puffs  were  abandoned,  obscure  colors  replaced  gay, 
and  a  cap  superseded  its  more  pretentious  predecessor. 
Philip  III  inaugurated  the  "baroque"  in  dress  with  a  return 
to  the  styles  of  Charles  I,  but  in  an  exaggerated  form. 

Men  were  much  given  to  sports  and  outings.  The  duel  as 
a  sport  passed  out  at  the  beginning  of  the  era,  and  jousts 
and  tourneys  lost  their  vogue  by  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  but  a  host  of  new  games  took  their  place,  such 
as  equestrian  contests  of  skill  in  the  use  of  reed  spears, 
lances,  or  pikes,  but,  more  than  all,  the  game  which  has  ever 
since  gripped  Spanish  interest,  the  bull-fight.  Dances, 
parties,  excursions,  picnics,  and  masquerades  were  also  in 
high  favor.  Dancing  on  the  stage  had  a  tendency  to  be 
indecent,  —  so  much  so,  that  it  had  to  be  prohibited.  To- 
bacco was  introduced  from  America  at  this  time.  Bathing 
was  unpopular,  partly  because  of  the  stigma  attaching  to 
that  hygienic  practice  as  a  result  of  INIoslem  indulgence 
therein,  but  it  was  also  the  subject  of  attacks  by  writers  on 
ethics,  who  complained  of  the  immoral  uses  to  which  bath- 
houses were  put.  Public  celebrations  of  feast  days  and  car- 
nivals were  characterized  by  exhibitions  of  rough  horse-play 
which  were  far  removed  from  modern  refinement.  People 
considered  it  amusing  to  empty  tiny  baskets  of  ashes  on 
one  another,  to  trip  up  passers-by  with  a  rope  across  the 
street,  to  put  a  lighted  rag  or  a  piece  of  punk  in  a  horse's 


Luxury  in 
general. 


Dress. 


Sports 
and 
amuse- 
ments. 


General 

social 

customs. 


286  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

ear,  to  pin  an  animal's  tail  or  some  other  unseemly  object 
on  a  woman's  dress,  to  loose  harmless  snakes  or  rats  in  a 
crowd,  to  drop  filthy  waters  on  passers-by  in  the  streets 
below,  and  to  hurl  egg-shells  full  of  odorous  essences  at  one 
another,  varying  the  last-named  missile  with  what  the 
present-day  American  school-boy  knows  as  the  "spitball." 
These  were  not  the  acts  of  children,  but  of  ladies  and  gentle- 
men !  Nevertheless,  there  was  a  beginning  of  refinement 
in  table  manners.  Napkins  were  introduced,  first  as  an 
unnecessary  luxury,  and  later  more  generally,  —  replacing 
the  use  of  the  table  cloth !  It  also  became  a  polite  custom 
to  wash  one's  hands  before  eating.  The  same  progress  is 
to  be  noted  in  another  respect;  Charles  I  indulged  in  the 
somewhat  "  plateresque "  custom  of  kissing  all  ladies  who 
were  presented  to  him  at  court ;  Philip  II  in  true  "  Herreran" 
style  gave  it  up. 
Bad  care  Cities   were   badly   cared   for.     Barcelona,   Madrid,   and 

of  cities.  Seville  were  alone  in  being  paved.  Uncleanly  human  prac- 
tices, despite  efforts  to  check  them,  led  to  the  accumulation 
of  filth  and  odors  in  the  streets,  and  this  condition  was  not 
remedied,  although  there  were  officials  charged  with  the 
duty  of  street-cleaning.  No  city  had  a  lighting  system 
worthy  of  the  name ;  in  Madrid  the  only  street  lights  were 
the  faintly  glimmering  candles  or  lamps  which  were  placed 
before  sacred  images.  All  Europe  exhibited  the  same  social 
defects  as  those  which  have  just  been  detailed,  but  Spain 
seemed  reduced  more  than  other  countries  to  a  state  of 
poverty  and  misery,  displaying  every  manifestation  of 
mortal  decay. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 


POLITICAL   INSTITUTIONS,    1516-1700 


Two  outstanding  features  marked  the  history  of  Spanish 
political  institutions  in  the  era  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg, 
or  Austria :  the  absolutism  of  the  kings ;  and  the  develop- 
ment of  a  modern  bureaucratic  machinery.  The  Hapsburgs 
did  not  introduce  absolutism  into  Spain,  but,  rather,  suc- 
ceeded to  a  system  which  the  efforts  of  their  predecessors, 
especially  the  Catholic  Kings,  had  made  possible.  Never- 
theless, it  was  in  this  period  that  the  kings,  aided  by  greater 
resources  than  former  Spanish  monarchs  had  possessed,  by 
the  prestige  of  ruling  the  most  extensive  and  powerful 
dominions  in  the  world,  and  by  the  predominantly  royalist 
ideas  of  the  age,  including  the  theory  of  divine  right,  were 
able  for  the  first  time  to  direct  the  affairs  of  state  much  as 
they  chose.  To  be  sure,  they  were  still  supposed  to  respect 
the  laws  and  to  rule  for  the  good  of  their  subjects,  but  in 
practice  it  was  left  to  them  to  interpret  their  own  conduct. 
Instances  have  already  been  given  of  Charles  I's  infringe- 
ments of  the  law,  —  for  example,  in  his  employment  of 
Flemish  favorites.  He  also  introduced  a  system  of  personal 
rule,  making  himself  the  head  and  centre  of  all  governmental 
action.  It  was  Philip  II,  however,  who  carried  the  ideal  of 
personal  rule  to  the  greatest  extreme.  Suspicion  and  direct 
intervention  in  state  affairs  were  the  basic  principles  of  his 
government,  wherefore  he  gave  no  man  his  full  confidence, 
but  tried  to  do  as  much  as  he  could  himself.  If  the  methods 
of  Philip  II,  the  most  bureaucratic  king  in  history,  often 
had  unfortunate  results,  —  for  example,  in  the  case  of 
preparing  the  famous  Armada,  —  those  of  his  successors 

287 


The  estab. 
lishment 
of  absolu- 
tism. 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Tend- 
encies 
toward 
centraliza- 
tion. 


Submis- 
siveness  of 
the  Castil- 
ian  Cortes. 


were  far  more  disastrous.  Under  Philip  III  and  Philip  IV 
the  royal  authority  was  granted  to  favorites,  while  the  power 
of  Charles  II  had  necessarily  to  be  exercised  most  of  the  time 
by  some  other  than  the  feeble-minded  king  himself.  Thus 
these  reigns  were  a  period  of  continual  intriguing  by  different 
factions  for  the  king's  confidence,  in  order  that  the  victors 
might  rule  Spain  for  their  own  enrichment. 

At  first  sight  it  would  seem  that  the  kings  were  not  success- 
ful in  their  policy  of  centralization.  It  was  hardly  to  be 
expected  that  the  dominions  outside  the  peninsula  could  be 
brought  under  the  same  sytem  of  law  and  custom  as  governed 
in  Castile,  and  the  case  was  much  the  same  as  regards 
Portugal  when  that  kingdom  was  added  to  the  monarchy. 
With  respect  to  the  rest  of  the  peninsula,  however,  Olivares 
expressed  what  was  at  least  a  desirable  ideal,  when  he  wished 
to  bring  about  an  amalgamation  on  the  Castilian  pattern, 
both  in  law  and  in  common  sentiment,  of  the  dominions  of 
the  crown.  Some  changes  were  in  fact  made  which  tended 
to  promote  legal  unification,  but  in  essentials  the  ancient 
customs  of  Navarre,  Aragon,  Catalonia,  Valencia,  and  the 
Basque  provinces  were  left  undisturbed.  It  is  possible  that 
the  merger  might  have  been  attempted  with  safety  at  almost 
any  time  before  1640,  when  Olivares  tried  it,  —  quite 
probably  so  in  the  sixteenth  century.  That  it  was  not  under- 
taken may  have  been  due  to  the  attention  given  to  foreign 
wars,  but  in  any  event  the  autonomy  of  the  non-Castilian 
kingdoms  of  the  monarchy  was  more  apparent  than  real. 
The  nobility  and  many  of  the  people  were  intensely  royalist, 
and  even  when  they  were  not  so  in  principle  they  supported 
the  kings  because,  like  them,  they  were  profoundly  Catholic. 
Furthermore,  the  organization  representing  the  old  regime 
had  declined  internally  to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  a  mere 
shadow  of  its  former  self.  Centralization  had  in  fact  been 
going  on  without  process  of  law,  and  for  that  very  reason  it 
was  easy  in  the  next  period  to  make  it  legally  effective. 

Nowhere  was  the  absolutism  of  the  kings  more  manifest 
than  in  their  dealings  w'ith  the  Castilian  Cortes.  The  prin- 
cipal functions  of  this  body  had  always  been  to  grant  or 
withhold  subsidies  and  to  make  petitions,  which  the  kings 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,   1516-1700  289 

might,  or  might  not,  enact  into  law.  In  this  period  the 
deputies  were  so  submissive  that  they  never  failed  to  grant 
the  required  subsidy,  despite  the  exhaustion  of  the  country, 
while  their  petitions  received  scant  attention.  Under  the 
circumstances,  since  the  grant  of  a  subsidy  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  towns  was  now  the  only  reason  for  calling 
a  Cortes,  the  nobles  and  the  clergy  were  not  always  summoned. 
Charles  I  encountered  some  resistance  of  the  Cortes  in  the 
early  part  of  his  reign,  but  in  later  years  the  kings  expe- 
rienced no  serious  difficulty.  The  deputies  themselves  lost 
interest,  and  not  infrequently  sold  their  privilege  of  at- 
tendance to  some  individual  who  might  even  be  a  non- 
resident of  the  town  he  was  to  represent.  The  kings  pro- 
cured the  right  to  appoint  many  of  the  deputies,  or  else  issued 
orders  to  the  towns,  directing  them  how  to  instruct  their 
delegates,  and  also  gave  pensions  to  the  deputies,  thus  in- 
suring the  expression  of  their  own  will  in  the  meetings  of 
the  Cortes.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  Cortes  was  called 
frequently,  —  forty-four  times  down  to  1665.  In  1665  the 
function  of  granting  subsidies  was  given  directly  to  the  towns, 
■ —  with  the  result  that  no  Cortes  was  held  in  the  entire  reign 
of  Charles  II.  The  various  other  Cortes  of  the  peninsula 
were  more  fortunate  than  that  of  Castile.  Those  of  the  Compara- 
kingdom  of  Aragon  (Aragon  proper,  Catalonia,  and  Valencia)  tive  inde- 
had  always  participated  more  than  that  of  Castile  in  legis-  pe^denee 
lation,  and  had  been  more  prone  to  voice  their  grievances.  ^fj,g^ 
The  calling  of  a  Cortes  in  these  regions  involved  difficulties,  Cortes. 
especially  in  Valencia,  where  the  king  was  obliged  to  be 
present,  in  order  to  constitute  a  legal  meeting.  The  need 
for  funds  was  such,  however,  that  a  number  of  Cortes  were 
summoned,  —  seventeen  in  Aragon,  thirteen  in  Catalonia, 
fourteen  in  Valencia,  and  seventy-three  in  Navarre,  —  but 
the  kings  did  not  obtain  a  great  deal  from  them.  Often 
the  delegates  refused  to  make  a  grant,  or  else  gave  so  little 
that  it  hardly  covered  the  expenses  of  the  king's  journey  to 
the  place  of  meeting.  No  effort  was  made  to  join  these 
bodies  with  that  of  Castile  to  form  a  national  Cortes;  the 
force  of  particularism  was  as  yet  too  strong  to  attempt  it. 
Just  as  in  the  case  of  the  Castilian  Cortes,  so  also  in  that 


290 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Subser- 
vience of 
the  towns 
to  the 
royal  will. 


Impor- 
tance of 
the 

bureau- 
cracy. 


of  the  to^Tis,  the  absolutii^m  of  the  kings  made  itself  felt  to 
a  marked  degree,  for  the  way  had  been  prepared  in  previous 
reigns,  and  in  this  instance  the  royal  authority  was  equall}'^ 
as  noteworthy  in  Aragon,  Catalonia,  Valencia,  and  Majorca 
as  in  Castile.  This  was  brought  about  principally  through 
the  decline  of  the  towns  in  political  spirit,  a  movement  which 
had  been  going  on  since  the  fourteenth  century.  As  a  result 
the  (lyuniamicntos  had  usurped  the  powers  which  formerly 
belonged  to  the  general  assembly  of  citizens,  and  now  their 
functions  became  absorbed  more  and  more  by  the  kings 
through  their  officials  in  the  towns,  such  as  the  corregidores 
and  others.  So  great  was  the  authority  of  the  kings  that 
they  were  able  to  make  a  profit  for  the  treasury  by  the  sale 
in  perpetuity  of  local  offices,  and  when  the  evils  which'  re- 
sulted became  too  pronounced  they  gave  orders  abolishing  all 
such  positions  acquired  before  1630.  Furthermore,  all  local 
legislaticm  of  an  important  character  had  to  receive  the 
sanction  of  the  Conscjo  Real.  jNIuch  the  same  local  officials 
as  in  the  past  administered  the  affairs  of  the  municipalities, 
and  the  methods  of  their  acquisition  of  office  continued  to 
be  diverse,  being  in  some  towns  by  election,  in  others  by  lot, 
in  still  others  by  inheritance,  and  in  yet  others  by  royal  ap- 
pointment ;  but  in  all  of  the  large  royal  towns  (realengos)  the 
king's  authority  was  paramount.  In  fine,  local  autonomy  was 
virtually  dead,  although  the  forms  of  the  period  when  the 
towns  were  a  virile  political  factor  still  persisted.  In  two 
classes  of  municipalities  the  royal  victory  was  not  complete. 
One  was  that  of  the  small  villages,  where  the  system  of  the 
medieval  villa,  or  concejo,  obtained,  but  since  these  units 
were  of  small  consequence  the  retention  of  their  earlier 
liberties  had  little  or  no  effect  on  the  general  situation.  The 
other  was  that  of  the  seigniorial  towns,  most  of  them  in 
Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  Navarre,  where  the  struggles  of  past 
eras,  of  the  citizens  against  the  lords,  were  repeated  in  this. 
With  the  advance  both  in  royal  authority  and  in  the  scope 
and  extension  of  government  it  was  inevitable  that  the  new 
bureaucracy,  which  had  made  its  appearance  in  the  modern 
sense  under  the  Catholic  Kings,  should  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  its  officials  and  in  power  until  it  absorbed  a  great  part 


Real. 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,    1516-1700  291 

of  the  functions  which  the  kings  themselves  had  formerly 
exercised  in  person.  Aside  from  the  royal  secretaries,  the 
governor-generals  (dm'ing  the  absence  of  the  king),  regents, 
and  members  of  the  various  administrative  groups  there 
were  often  individuals  without  portfolios  who  exercised 
great  power  as  private  counselors  of  the  king.  Some  of  the 
members  of  the  Consejo  Real  were  also  prominent  in  this 
extra-official  way.  The  importance  of  the  royal  secretaries, 
of  whom  there  were  always  more  than  one,  was  notably 
great  in  this  period.  Whenever  one  of  them  became  the 
favorite,  the  others  were  nevertheless  retained,  grouping 
themselves  around  the  one  who  had  the  ear  of  the  king. 
The  office  of  the  latter  became  a  universal  bureau  and 
secretariat  of  state  {Secretaria  de  Estado  y  del  Despacho 
Universal),  presiding  over  the  others. 

Meanwhile,  the  Consejo  Real  advanced  in  power,  and  new  Power  of 
councils  were  added.  The  most  notable  reform  in  the  the 
Consejo  Real  was  its  division  in  1G08  into  four  sections,  or  ^onsejo 
salas,  respectively  of  government  (Gobierno),  justice  (Jus- 
ticia),  "fifteen  hundred"  {Mil  y  quinientos),  and  the  prov- 
inces (Provincia).  The  last  three  had  to  do  with  affairs 
of  justice,  while  the  Sala  de  Gobierno,  the  most  important 
of  the  fom*,  was  supposed  to  concern  itself  mainly  with 
politics  and  administration.  Nevertheless,  the  variety  of 
functions  which  had  always  characterized  the  Consejo  as  a 
whole  applied  in  like  manner  to  each  of  the  solas.  Thus 
the  Sala  de  Gobierno  handled  such  w^idely  divergent  matters 
as  the  extirpation  of  vice  and  sin,  the  economic  development 
of  the  country,  the  decision  in  cases  of  conflict  of  laws  or 
jurisdictions,  cases  of  recourse  of  fuerza,  the  cleaning  and 
improvement  of  Madrid,  questions  of  peace  and  war,  to- 
gether with  a  great  number  of  others.  JMoreover,  many  of 
its  functions  were  judicial  in  character.  Important  affairs, 
especially  those  on  which  the  king  requested  advice,  were 
taken  up  by  the  Consejo  in  full  {en  pleno),  —  that  is,  by  a 
joint  meeting  of  the  four  salas.  While  the  Consejo  had  been 
in  origin  a  purely  consultive  body,  it  now  acquired  the  privi- 
lege of  making  suggestions  to  the  king  of  its  own  volition 
and  of  indicating  its  objections  to  any  measures  he  might 


292 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Impor- 
tance of 
the 
Cdmara. 


have  taken.  It  was  natural  that  the  decisions,  or  autos,  of  the 
Consejo  should  have  great  weight,  both  as  affecting  matters 
of  justice,  and  as  concerned  government  and  administration 
in  general,  since  the  Consejo  might  make  new  laws  and  annul 
or  dispense  with  old  ones,  although  of  course  consulting  with 
the  king  before  publishing  its  decision.  The  autos  of  the 
Consejo  became,  therefore,  an  important  source  of  legislation, 
and  in  1552  it  was  decided  that  they  should  have  the  same 
force  as  the  laws  of  the  king  himself.  Late  in  the  sixteenth 
century  it  became  customary  to  call  the  Consejo  the  Consejo 
de  Castilla  (Council  of  Castile),  by  which  name,  henceforth,  it 
was  more  generally  knowm. 

In  like  manner  other  councils  were  formed  (in  addition 
to  those  dating  from  the  era  of  the  Catholic  Kings)  which 
relieved  the  monarch  of  many  of  his  responsibilities.  The 
most  important  was  the  Consejo  de  la  Real  Cdmara  (Council 
of  the  Royal  Chamber),  more  often  called  the  Cdmara  de 
Castilla,  or  simply  the  Cdmara.  This  was  founded  by  Philip 
II  in  1588  to  assist  him  in  handling  such  matters  as  the 
kings  had  always  retained  for  themselves,  apart  from  the 
Consejo  Real,  such  as  questions  arising  in  connection  with 
the  patronato  real,  or  royal  patronage,  of  the  church  and 
appointments  generally  to  the  various  councils,  audiencias, 
and  other  important  posts  in  Castilian  administration. 
jMen  of  the  highest  character  were  chosen  to  compose  the 
Cdmara,  and  secrecy  as  to  their  discussions  was  imposed 
upon  them.  In  1616  the  Cdmara  advanced  a  step  further, 
in  that  certain  affairs  —  such  as  pardons  for  crime,  au- 
thorizations for  entailing  estates  in  primogeniture,  the 
naturalization  of  foreigners,  and  the  removal  of  civil  and 
political  disabilities  from  individuals  subject  to  them  — 
were  left  for  it  to  resolve  without  consulting  the  king.  The 
king  still  intervened  in  the  more  important  matters.  Among 
the  new  councils  of  the  era  were  those  of  finance  (Hacienda), 
war  (Guerra),  and  indulgences  (Cruzada),  all  of  Castilian 
origin. 

The  expansion  of  officialdom  in  the  peninsula  made  its 
presence  felt  in  the  judiciary  as  elsewhere.  The  three  judi- 
cial salas  of  the  Consejo  Real  and  in  some  cases  the  Sala  de 


POLITICAL   INSTITUTIONS,    1516-1700 


293 


Gohierno  as  well  became  the  fountain-head  of  justice,  under 
the  king.  This  was  especially  true  of  the  full  Comejo,  which 
met  weekly.  This  body  also  named  special  judges,  such  as 
msitadores,  both  to  procure  information  for  the  Consejo  and 
to  inspect  the  tribunals  of  lower  grade.  The  number  of 
audiencias  was  increased  until  there  were  five  in  the  penin- 
sula and  one  each  in  Majorca  and  the  Canary  Islands,  be- 
sides a  number  in  the  Americas.^  Below  these  was  the 
hierarchy  of  the  lesser  oflBcials.  There  were  still  various 
outstanding  jurisdictions,  such  as  those  of  the  towns,  the 
military  orders,  the  Inquisition,  and  the  church,  but  one  of 
the  keynotes  of  the  era  was  the  advance  of  the  royal  courts 
at  the  expense  of  the  others.  The  administration  of  justice 
left  much  to  be  desired,  however.  As  a  result  of  the  wars 
and  civil  conflicts  and  the  general  state  of  misery  and  lack 
of  discipline,  public  security  was  almost  non-existent. 
Banditry  and  crime  went  unsuppressed,  and  legislation 
served  for  little  in  the  face  of  the  corruption  of  officials  and 
the  lack  of  means  to  make  the  laws  effective. 

Frequent  references  have  already  been  made  to  the  des- 
perate state  of  Spanish  finances  in  the  era  of  the  House  of 
Austria  and  to  its  importance  as  an  ultimate  factor  affecting 
Spanish  dominion  in  the  Americas.  Vast  sums  were  ex- 
pended for  political  and  military  ends,  the  only  compensa- 
tions for  which  were  extensions  of  territory  and  power  and 
a  satisfaction  of  the  desire  for  glory,  without  reflecting  them- 
selves in  an  increase  of  public  wealth,  the  well-being  of  Span- 
iards, or  even  in  commercial  advantage;  on  the  contrary, 
economic  development  was  checked  or  hindered  by  the  con- 
tinual wars  in  which  the  kings  engaged.  Expenditures 
very  greatly  increased  over  what  they  had  been  before.  It 
will  be  sufficient  to  explain  this  if  some  comment  is  made  on 
two  noteworthy  objects  to  which  state  revenues  were  de- 
voted :  the  maintenance  of  the  court ;  and  the  cost  of  the 
The  ordinary  expenses  of  the  royal  family  jumped 


wars. 


Expansion 
of  the 
royal  judi- 
ciary. 


under  Charles  I  to  about  150,000  ducats  ($2,250,000)  a  year, 
—  more  than  ten  times  the  amount  required  by  the  Catholic 

'  The  two  most  important,  those  of  Valladolid  and  Granada, 
were  distinguished  from  the  others  by  being  called  chancillerlas. 


Vastness 
of  the 
royal  ex- 
pendi- 
tiu*es. 


294 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Tremen- 
dous in- 
crease in 
taxation 
in  Castile. 


Kings.  To  this  should  be  added  the  vast  sums  granted  to 
the  princes;  in  1550  Philip  (the  later  Philip  II)  received 
55,000  ducats  (over  $800,000)  in  the  course  of  four  months. 
The  expenditures  of  the  court  constantly  increased.  In 
1502  the  ordinary  court  expenses  amounted  to  415,000 
ducats  (well  over'  $6,000,000),  and  under  Philip  III  they 
were  1,300,000  (nearly  $20,000,000)  annually.  In  addition 
there  were  the  fiestas  (festivities)  and  royal  marriages,  on 
which  tremendous  sums  were  squandered.  As  for  military 
expenditures  the  war  in  Flanders  alone  consumed  37,488,565 
ducats  (nearly  $600,000,000)  in  the  space  of  eleven  years, 
1598  to  1609,  and  other  campaigns  were  costly  in  proportion, 

—  and  this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  supplies  were  often  not 
provided  and  salaries  were  left  unpaid,  leading  to  tumults 
on  the  part  of  the  soldiery.  To  gain  an  adequate  idea  of 
the  vastness  of  these  sums  one  must  bear  in  mind,  not  only 
the  greater  purchasing  power  of  money  in  that  day  and  the 
comparatively  small  population  of  the  peninsula,  especially 
the  small  number  of  taxpayers,  but  also  the  fact  that  the 
resources  of  the  Spanish  state  then  were  as  little,  as  compared 
with  those  of  the  present  day,  as  they  were  great  in  com- 
parison with  those  of  medieval  Spain. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  the  people  through  their  representa- 
tives in  the  Cortes  began  to  ask  for  peace  and  the  termination 
of  military  adventures,  even  in  the  period  when  victories 
were  frequent ;   the  nobles  also  favored  an  end  of  the  wars, 

—  when  the  kings  endeavored  to  get  them,  too,  to  grant  a 
subsidy.  One  result  of  the  greater  financial  requirements 
of  the  state  was  an  increase  in  taxation,  both  in  the  collection 
of  the  existing  taxes  at  a  higher  rate,  and  in  the  imposition 
of  new  ones.  The  grants,  or  servicios,  of  the  Castilian 
Cortes  were  frequent  and  large  in  amount.  In  1538  there 
appeared  the  new  tax  of  the  millones,  so-called  because  it 
was  calculated  in  millions  of  ducats.  This  was  an  excise  on 
articles  of  prime  necessity,  —  meat,  wine,  oil,  and  vinegar. 
It  was  extended  soon  to  powder,  lead,  sulphur,  red  ochre, 
vermilion,  sealing-wax,  and  playing  cards,  which  together 
were  called  the  siete  rentiUas  (seven  little  rents).  Salt, 
gold,  silver,  mercury,  and  many  other  materials  were  the 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,   1516-1700  295 

subject  of  a  state  monopoly,  and  to  them  were  added  in  the 
reign  of  PhiHp  IV  the  monopoly  on  tobacco,  which  was  to 
prove  an  exceptionally  profitable  source  of  revenue.  The 
diezmo  and  cruzada  (otherwise  Bida)  continued  to  be  col- 
lected from  the  church,  together  with  several  new  rents 
which  were  authorized  by  the  pope.  One  of  these  was  the 
suhsidio  de  galeras  (subsidy  of  the  galleys),  or  galeras,  so- 
called  because  it  was  theoretically  designed  to  assist  in  the 
expenses  of  the  galleys  used  in  fighting  the  Moslem  peoples. 
This  was  granted  in  1561,  and  consisted  of  an  annual  sub- 
sidy of  420,000  ducats  (over  $6,000,000).  The  alcabala  and 
the  various  customs  duties  were  increased.  Stamp  taxes 
were  extended  to  new  types  of  documents.  The  nobles 
were  required  to  pay  a  tax  called  lanzas  (lances)  in  lieu  of 
military  service.  Various  offices  and  titles  were  made  sub- 
ject to  the  media  anata  (half  annates),  a  discount  of  a  half 
year's  salary,  or  rents,  in  the  first  year  of  enjoyment.  The 
transmission  of  a  title  of  nobility  to  one's  heir  was  also  taxed. 
Vanity  was  seized  upon  as  likely  to  yield  a  revenue,  and 
money  was  collected  in  return  for  the  privilege  of  using  the 
word  "Don"  before  one's  Christian  name.  In  like  manner 
illegitimate  children  were  pronounced  legitimate  on  payment 
of  a  specified  sum.  Other  methods  were  employed  to  obtain 
ready  cash  which  tended  ultimately  to  dry  up  certain 
sources  of  revenue :  the  coinage  was  debased ;  portions  of 
the  government  rents  were  disposed  of;  public  offices  and 
royal  towns  were  granted  in  perpetuity ;  and  the  title  of 
hidalgo  was  sold  to  many  persons,  who  thereby  entered  the 
non-taxpaying  class.  Other  ways  of  acquiring  funds  were 
made  use  of,  ranging  from  the  high-handed  to  the  shameless. 
Under  the  name  of  donativos  (gifts)  the  government  resorted 
to  forced  loans,  or  even  trickery,  to  exact  money  from  the 
nobles  and  churchmen ;  confiscations  of  goods  for  offences 
against  religion  and  for  other  delinquencies  were  frequently 
ordered ;  and  most  disgusting  of  all  was  the  limosna  al  rey 
(alms  for  the  king),  which  was  collected  by  gentlemen  of 
the  court,  each  accompanied  by  a  parish  priest  and  a  friar,  in 
a  house  to  house  canvass  of  the  citizens,  who  were  asked  to 
give  what  they  could  spare.     If  the  kings  and  their  favorites 


296 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Taxes  in 
the  other 
kingdoms. 


Growth  of 
the 

national 
debt. 


thought  of  the  most  obvious  way  to  accumulate  funds,  econ- 
omy in  expenditures,  they  at  least  did  not  try  to  put  it  into 
practice ;  the  court  fiestas  were  held,  even  if  the  king's  gentle- 
men had  to  beg  the  money  and  the  nation  had  to  starve. 

The  above  refers  to  taxes  collected  in  Castile,  but  the 
other  dominions  of  Spain,  peninsula  and  otherwise,  pro- 
duced considerable  amounts  for  the  state.  Aragon,  Cata- 
lonia, and  Valencia  yielded  much  less  than  Castile.  The 
Low  Countries  were  profitable  for  a  time;  Charles  I  pro- 
cured 450,000  ducats  a  year  (nearly  $7,000,000)  at  the 
outset  of  his  reign.  Under  Philip  II,  however,  they  were 
the  scene  of  heavy  expenditures.  The  Americas  have  often 
been  considered  as  the  principal  financial  resort  of  the  Spanish 
kings,  and  although  this  is  not  certain  and  may  even  be 
doubtful  they  did  yield  vast  sums.  Prior  to  the  conquest  of 
Mexico  the  annual  revenues  were  only  some  70,000  ducats 
(about  $1,000,000),  but  the  conquests  of  Cortes,  followed 
soon  by  those  of  Pizarro  in  Peru,  resulted  in  an  enormous 
increase.  Under  Philip  II  they  amounted  annually  to  about 
1,200,000  ($18,000,000)  according  to  some  writers,  and  to 
as  much  as  2,000,000  ($30,000,000)  in  the  opinion  of 
others.  Castilian  taxes  were  applied  in  the  new  world, 
together  with  certain  others  arising  out  of  the  special  cir- 
cumstances of  colonial  affairs,  such  as  the  royal  fifth  on  pre- 
cious metals  from  the  mines  and  the  poll  tax  collected  from 
the  Indians.  Data  are  not  at  hand  for  an  accurate  estimate 
of  the  entire  revenues  of  Spain,  but  it  seems  clear  that  they 
increased  enormously  in  the  period.  They  may  have  reached 
their  highest  point  under  Philip  III,  when  it  was  estimated 
that  they  were  some  24,000,000  ducats  ($360,000,000)  a  year, 
of  which  not  more  than  half  reached  the  Spanish  treasury. 
An  estimate  made  toward  the  close  of  the  century  gave  the 
revenues  as  about  17,750,000  ($270,000,000),  of  which  only 
a  third  was  actually  available. 

Despite  these  relatively  great  sums  the  national  debt  was 
a  constant  factor,  and  advanced  greatly  in  amount  under 
Philip  II,  who  is  said  to  have  left  a  debt  of  100,000,000  ducats 
($1,500,000,000).  This  was  reduced  in  later  reigns,  but 
was  still  70.000,000  (well  over  $1,000,000,000)  in  1690,  — 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,   1516-1700  297 

a  huge  sum  as  national  debts  went  then,  even  though  credi- 
tors were  frequently  scaled  down  or  not  paid  at  all.  One 
of  the  important  elements  in  the  debt  was  that  of  the  loans 
made  by  Flemish,  German,  and  Italian  bankers,  especially 
those  of  Genoa.  The  frequency  with  which  these  loans 
were  sought  and  the  high  rate  of  interest  required  have  caused 
Spain  to  be  characterized,  with  acciu^acy,  as  a  mere  bridge 
over  which  the  wealth  of  the  Americas  (and,  to  be  sure, 
that  of  the  peninsula  itself)  passed  to  other  nations  as  in- 
terest and  part  payment  of  the  nation's  debts.  In  1539 
this  form  of  indebtedness  amounted  to  about  1,000,000 
ducats  ($15,000,000),  and  in  1560,  some  7,000,000  (over 
$100,000,000).  When  the  Spanish  kings  were  unable  to 
pay  a  note  that  had  become  due,  as  much  as  33|  per  cent 
might  be  charged  for  its  renewal ;  indeed,  the  ordinary  rate 
of  interest  ranged  from  15  to  30  per  cent.  The  inability 
of  Philip  II  to  meet  his  obligations  caused  all  but  the  Genoese 
bankers  to  refuse  him  credit,  and  they  joined  with  the  others 
when  he  suspended  the  payment  of  interest  on  their  notes. 
Unable  to  get  funds  in  any  other  way,  Philip  surrendered 
to  the  Genoese,  who  exacted  as  part  payment  for  fresh  loans 
a  share  in  various  revenues  of  the  Spanish  state,  such  as  in 
that  of  the  salt  monopoly  and  in  certain  of  the  taxes  collected 
from  the  church,  —  thus  belying  the  original  object  for  which 
the  latter  had  been  imposed.  The  Cortes,  though  it  had 
declined  in  other  respects,  was  perhaps  the  most  important 
organ  of  public  finance.  It  not  only  voted  subsidies  but  also 
collected  them,  a  function  which  it  had  exercised  in  previous 
eras.  It  had  charge  of  several  other  taxes  as  well,  such  as 
the  productive  alcabala  and  the  viillones.  For  these  pur- 
poses special  committees  of  the  Cortes  were  formed.  Never- 
theless, the  Co7isejo  de  Hacienda,  founded  in  1593,  grew 
rapidly  in  functions  and  in  power,  and  by  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century  is  said  to  have  had  over  60,000  employes. 
This  vast  number  was  due  in  part  to  the  variety  in  the  origin 
and  character  of  the  various  tributes.  Without  taking  into 
consideration  the  inevitable  accompaniment  of  graft,  such 
a  horde  of  officials  involved  the  state  in  a  heavy  cost  for  the 
collection  and  administration  of  the  revenues. 


298 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


The 
Spanish 
army  in 
the  days 
of  its 
greatness. 


The  principal  element  in  the  Spanish  army  was  the  volun- 
teer soldiery  in  the  king's  pay.  Foreign  mercenaries  were 
obtained  for  stated  lengths  of  time  or  for  specific  campaigns, 
but  Spaniards  enlisted  for  indefinite  service,  and  thus  be- 
came the  veterans  of  the  army.  Military  life  was  popular 
during  the  sixteenth  century  and  the  early  part  of  the 
seventeenth,  and  the  army  abounded  in  hidalgos  and  others 
of  yet  higher  rank  who  did  not  disdain  to  serve  as  privates. 
Later  the  number  of  Spanish  recruits  grew  less,  when  the 
state  began  to  fail  in  its  regularity  of  pajTnents,  and  their 
withdrawal  marked  the  era  when  defeats  became  frequent. 
Among  the  noteworthy  changes  in  tactics  was  the  appearance 
of  the  regiment.  Firearms  had  now  come  into  general  use, 
and  cannon  were  greatly  improved,  but  it  was  the  pikemen 
of  the  Spanish  infantry  who  formed  the  principal  branch  of 
the  army  until  near  the  close  of  the  period.  Because  of  the 
inferiority  of  their  weapons  the  troops  with  firearms  were 
regarded  as  a  mere  auxiliary  to  the  pikemen.  Armies  were 
small ;  20,000  to  40,000  men  was  perhaps  the  usual  rule. 
Even  in  the  century  of  Spain's  greatness  many  lands  were 
left  without  garrison,  as  occurred  nearly  always  in  the  case 
of  the  Americas ;  one  report  of  the  period  of  Charles  I  stated 
that  there  was  not  a  port  in  the  colonies  which  could  resist 
an  attack  of  three  hundred  men.  The  worst  evils  in  connec- 
tion with  the  army  were  those  of  bad  administration  and  a 
lack  of  regularity  in  paying  the  troops  and  in  remitting  funds 
for  munitions  and  other  supplies.  Fraud  and  graft  accounted 
for  a  great  deal  of  the  money  which  the  state  did  apply  to  the 
army.  These  factors  contributed  to  a  lack  of  military  dis- 
cipline ;  it  was  not  unusual  for  ragged  and  starving  soldiers 
to  beg  from  door  to  door,  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that 
the  troops  occasionally  took  the  matter  of  the  collection  of 
their  wages  into  their  own  hands.  It  was  customary  for 
women  of  bad  repute  to  accompany  the  armies,  and  it  sounds 
strange  today  that  one  of  the  military  manuals  of  the  time 
recommended  that  there  should  be  eight  women,  who  should 
be  common  to  all,  for  every  hundred  soldiers.  Nevertheless, 
the  Spanish  infantry,  for  more  than  a  century,  enjoyed  the 
reputation  of  being  the  most  capable  military  unit  in  Europe. 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,    1516-1700  299 

Despite  the  frequency  of  naval  warfare  and  the  necessity  Naval 
of  maintaining  communications  with  the  Americas,  com-  warfare, 
paratively  little  attention  was  paid  to  the  marine  establish- 
ment, and  properly  speaking  there  was  no  official  navy  in 
the  entire  period.  The  principal  method  employed  to  as- 
semble a  fleet  was  by  renting  ships,  whether  from  Spaniards 
or  foreigners.  In  addition  a  few  were  built  by  the  state, 
or  purchased,  and  in  times  of  stress  merchant  vessels  were 
pressed  into  service,  but  this  proved  ruinous  to  commerce  and 
ship-building  alike.  So  long  as  other  powers  used  the  same 
methods  Spain  was  not  greatly  handicapped,  but  with  the 
development  of  national  navies  in  England,  France,  and  the 
Protestant  Netherlands,  she  was  placed  at  a  disadvantage. 
Nevertheless,  considerable  fleets  were  often  assembled.  In 
1643  a  special  fleet  called  the  Armada  de  Barlovento  (fleet 
of  the  Barlovento,  modern  Windward,  Islands)  was  organized 
at  colonial  expense  for  the  defence  of  the  Americas.  It  was 
soon  withdrawn,  —  but  the  tax  remained.  The  fleet  of  the 
Catalonian  deputation  was  maintained  for  a  while,  but 
disappeared  early  in  the  seventeenth  century.  There  were 
also  a  number  of  private  fleets,  engaged  principally  in  re- 
prisals against  the  Moslems,  a  kind  of  piracy.  While 
privateering  of  this  sort  was  forbidden  by  law  the  kings 
frequently  granted  dispensations  which  enabled  the  traffic 
to  be  carried  on  almost  continuously.  Greater  strictness 
was  employed  in  the  Americas  lest  the  privateers  should  fail 
to  resist  the  temptation  to  pick  up  Spanish  merchantmen, 
but  the  prohibition  there  was  at  length  removed,  and  the 
Spanish  boats  rendered  great  service  against  pirates  and 
national  enemies.  During  the  sixteenth  century  Spanish 
fleets  were  manned  by  volunteer  forces,  but  this  was  changed 
in  the  seventeenth  to  compulsory  service  of  the  fishermen 
of  the  coasts.  The  heavier  work,  especially  the  rowing  of  the 
galleys,  was  done  by  captives  in  war  and  by  criminals,  who 
served  terms  in  the  galleys  rather  than  in  prison.  During 
most  of  the  period  the  galley,  with  three  banks  of  oars,  was 
the  principal  type  of  vessel.  In  ocean  warfare,  the  nao,  or 
light  sailing-vessel,  soon  came  into  use,  and  this  was  gradually 
supplanted  by  heavier  ships,  until  late  in  the  era  there  de- 


300 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Begin- 
nings of 
diplo- 
macy. 


The 

Nueva 

Recopila- 

ci6n  and 

other 

codes. 


velopcd  the  fragata,  or  frigate,  of  over  two  thousand  tons, 
capable  of  carrying  as  many  as  120  cannon.  While  the 
artillery  was  the  principal  arm  of  the  fleet,  Spanish  tactics 
were  at  fault  in  depending  on  getting  close  to  the  enemy 
and  boarding  him,  making  a  military  action  out  of  the  combat 
and  paying  little  attention  to  the  use  of  cannon  of  long 
range.  The  same  evils  which  have  been  described  in  con- 
nection with  the  army  —  graft,  irregularity  of  payments, 
and  laxity  of  discipline  —  obtained  also  in  the  navy ;  in  the 
expedition  of  Charles  I  against  Tunis,  room  on  board  was 
found  for  four  thousand  enamoradas  (sweethearts !)  of  the 
soldiers  and  sailors. 

In  common  with  other  Eiu"opean  countries  Spain  developed 
a  diplomatic  service  in  this  period.  The  sending  of  special 
embassies  and  the  making  of  treaties  had  been  customary 
since  ancient  times,  but  the  practice  of  appointing  ministers 
to  reside  at  foreign  courts  and  that  of  receiving  those  sent 
from  abroad  did  not  begin  in  Spain  until  the  reign  of  Charles  I. 
The  initiative  had  come  earlier  from  the  Italian  republics. 
From  this  time  forward  Spanish  diplomacy,  like  that  of 
other  countries,  took  on  a  modern  form,  and  ambassadors 
sent  reports  about  the  state  of  the  countries  to  which  they 
were  accredited,  strove  to  obtain  advantages  for  Spain, 
endeavored  to  check  the  intrigues  of  the  ambassadors  of 
other  nations,  and  made  treaties.  The  use  of  spies  as  an 
auxiliary  to  ambassadorial  work  was  general.  For  a  time 
Spanish  diplomacy  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  for  success, 
but  in  the  later  seventeenth  century  it  was  quite  overshad- 
owed by  the  French. 

The  absolutism  of  the  monarchy,  its  bureaucratic  character, 
and  the  instinct  of  the  letrados  for  reducing  everything  to 
rules  and  regulations  produced  an  abundance  of  legislation, 
much  of  which  was  exceedingly  minute  in  detail  and  casual 
in  subject-matter.  It  was  natural  therefore  that  there  should 
be  a  desire  for  a  fresh  codification,  and  this  at  length  took 
shape  in  a  compilation  by  Bartolome  de  Arrieta  in  1567 
of  the  Nueva  Recopilacion  (New  Compendium,  or  Compila- 
tion), so-called  with  reference  to  the  code  of  Montalvo,  its 
predecessor,  of  the  period  of  the  Catholic  Kings.     The  new 


POLITICAL   INSTITUTIONS,    1516-1700  301 

collection,  which  was  for  Castile  only,  filled  nine  volumes, 
and  amounted  to  little  more  than  an  elaboration  of  the 
Ordenanzas  of  Montalvo,  with  the  addition  of  laws  enacted 
since  1484.  It  contained  the  same  defects,  omitting  many 
royal  orders  or  petitions  of  the  Cortes  which  had  been  granted, 
neglecting  to  eliminate  obsolete  laws,  and  failing  to  correct 
others  whose  text  contained  errors.  Furthermore,  in 
perpetuating  the  hierarchy  of  legal  sources  which  had  been 
established  in  the  Leyes  de  Tow  it  failed  to  distinguish  be- 
tween laws  in  the  so-called  supplementary  codes  (such  as  the 
Pariidas)  which  were  indeed  supplementary  or  obsolete  and 
those  which  had  in  fact  come  to  be  in  force  as  the  principal 
law.  As  a  result  the  Nueva  Recopilacion  was  generally 
discredited,  and  the  Roman  law  of  the  Pariidas,  or  even  of 
the  code  of  Justinian,  was  cited  in  preference.  The  force  of 
government  maintained  the  new  code,  however,  and  it  ran 
through  four  more  editions,  —  1581,  1592,  1598,  and  1640, 
—  and  in  each  case  added  legislation  since  the  preceding 
publication.  The  zeal  for  codification  found  expression 
also  in  Aragon,  Catalonia,  Vizcaya,  and  Guipuzcoa,  while 
the  laws  with  regard  to  the  Americas  were  gathered  together, 
after  various  lesser  publications  had  been  made  in  earlier 
times,  in  the  Recopilacion  de  las  Leyes  de  Indias,  first  issued 
in  1680.  The  tendency  toward  the  legal  unity  of  the  penin- 
sula was  not  systematically  striven  for  by  the  kings,  since 
the  variety  in  private  law  did  not  greatly  affect  their  political 
sovereignty.  Nevertheless,  something  was  accomplished 
along  these  lines,  and  within  each  separate  unit  a  great  deal 
was  effected.  Thus,  in  Castile  many  of  the  former  privileges 
which  made  for  a  division  into  classes  and  for  consequent 
differences  in  the  law  were  done  away  with,  and  the  same 
process,  though  on  a  smaller  scale,  made  itself  felt  in  the 
other  kingdoms  of  the  peninsula. 

The  submissiveness  of  the  Spanish  peoples  under  absolute 
rule  has  often  been  greatly  exaggerated.  In  fact,  neither 
then  nor  ever  since  were  they  loth  to  criticise  the  "rnal 
gobierno"  (bad  government).  Evidences  are  to  be  found 
on  every  hand  of  complaints  against  the  bureaucratic 
organization  which  was  absorbing  a  great  part  of  the  national 


302 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Under- 
lying dis- 
content of 
the  people 
over  the 
Spanish 
political 
system. 


wealth  and  of  dissatisfaction  with  the  system  of  government 
by  favorites,  the  evils  of  which  were  only  too  apparent. 
Not  a  few  went  so  far  as  to  desire  a  republic.  Nevertheless, 
as  a  general  rule,  people  favored  the  principle  of  monarchy, 
and  did  not  object  to  the  reigning  house,  but  they  did  desire 
a  reform  of  the  existing  regime.  The  ideal  of  limited  mon- 
archy found  strong  support  among  political  thinkers,  due 
in  a  measure  to  the  resentment  of  Catholics  over  the  enforced 
apostasy  of  the  subjects  of  Protestant  princes.  On  this 
account  the  Cortes  had  numerous  defenders,  some  of  whom 
urged  its  participation  in  legislation.  Many  treatises  also 
pronounced  against  such  practices  as  the  sale  of  public  offices 
or  the  grant  of  posts  in  perpetuity,  and  against  others  which 
have  been  described  as  current  in  this  era.  In  fine,  Span- 
iards were  well  aware  of  the  evils  of  their  political  system 
and,  though  patient,  were  keenly  desirous  of  reform,  — 
despite  which,  little  attention  was  paid  to  their  wishes. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

RELIGION   AND   THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700 

Prior  to  the  era  of  the  House  of  Austria  it  is  possible  to  Outstand- 
deal  with  the  ecclesiastical  institutions  in  Spain  at  the  same  \^S  facts 
time  with  other  manifestations  of  a  social,  political,  economic,   jP  .     ^^'  , 
or  intellectual  character,  but  the  period  of  Hapsburg  rule  was  ecelesias- 
so  replete  with  interest  on  the  religious  side  and  so  important  tical  his- 
in  that  respect  in  its  ultimate  results  on  the  Americas  that  tory  of  the 
this  phase  of  Spanish  life  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  ®''^- 
centuries  is  deserving  of  separate  treatment.     Two  ideas 
dominated  the  period :  the  struggle  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  Catholic  faith  against  the  inroads  of  Protestantism  and 
other  heretical  beliefs;  and  the  efforts  of  the  Spanish  state 
to  acquire  a  virtual  political  supremacy  over  the  church. 
Few  periods  of  history  more  clearly  illustrate  the  distinction 
maintained  in  Catholic  countries  between  Catholicism  as  a 
religious  faith  and  the  Catholic  Church  as  an  institution,  a 
difference  which  people  of  the  United  States  do  not  readily 
grasp.     Thus  it  was  entirely  consistent  that  the  kings  of 
Spain  should  have  been  almost  the  most  ardent  champions 
in  Europe  of  Catholic  Christianity,  officers  of  the  church  not 
excepted,  and  also  most  persistent  in  their  endeavors  to 
limit  the  ecclesiastical  authority  in  Spanish  domains.     The 
greatest  exponent  of  the  latter  policy  as  well  as  of  the  former 
was  Philip  II,  one  of  the  most  devout  monarchs  who  ever 
occupied  the  Spanish  throne.     In  both  of  these  controversies 
the  kings  were  successful.     Heresy  made  no  headway  in 
Spain  or  in  the  colonies,  and  the  king  gained  the  upper  hand 
in  the  management  of  the  Spanish  and  American  church. 
Meanwhile  Spanish  missionaries  were  carrying  on  one  of  the 

303 


304 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Religious 
exaltation 
and  the 
increase  in 
the  pres- 
tige and 
wealth  of 
the  clergy. 


greatest  campaigns  of  proselytism  ever  waged.  The  thor- 
oughness of  the  conversion  of  the  natives  in  Spain's  colonial 
possessions  has  been  questioned,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that 
something  of  the  external  forms  and  the  glamour  —  so  much, 
at  least  —  of  the  Catholic  religion  was  implanted  in  the 
Americas  in  such  a  way  that  it  has  withstood  the  experi- 
ences of  centuries.  Spanish  American  peoples,  like  Spaniards, 
were  to  have  their  conflicts  with  the  church,  —  very  bitter 
ones  in  recent  years,  —  but  never,  since  the  Franciscan, 
Dominican,  and  Jesuit  Fathers  first  preached  their  doctrine, 
has  favor  been  shown  for  any  great  length  of  time  to  the 
other  exotic  faiths,  or  has  any  noteworthy  success  been  met 
with  in  the  attempts,  usually  short-lived,  at  a  reversion  to  the 
earlier  native  creeds.  The  work  of  the  Spanish  missionary 
was  indeed  a  permanent  factor  of  indisputable  importance  in 
the  new  world. 

One  of  the  effects  of  the  attainment  of  religious  unity  by 
the  conversion  or  expulsion  from  Spain  of  the  Jews,  Mude- 
jares,  and  Moriscos  was  to  exalt  the  feeling  of  religious 
sentiment  in  the  peninsula.  The  Protestant  Reformation 
and  the  religious  wars  which  accompanied  it  tended  to  keep 
alive  these  emotions  among  Spaniards,  partly  because  of  the 
spirit  of  controversy  they  excited,  and  partly  because  of 
the  blows  and  suffering  they  involved,  and  this  spirit  of 
religious  exaltation  was  sustained  by  the  increasing  vigor  of 
the  Inquisition  and  by  the  activities  of  the  Jesuit  order, 
founded  in  this  period.  In  consequence  the  power  and  social 
influence  of  the  clergy  were  materially  enhanced.  The 
regular  clergy  was  looked  upon  with  especial  favor,  with  the 
result  that  both  in  riches  and  in  membership  they  far  sur- 
passed the  secular  branch.  i\Iany  new  orders  were  founded, 
while  the  older  ones  received  fresh  stimulus.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century  there  were  some  200,000 
members  of  the  regular  clergy  and  over  9000  convents  for 
men,  and  in  both  cases  the  numbers  increased  thereafter, 
while  the  population  of  the  peninsula  declined,  —  a  factor 
which  caused  political  and  economic  writers,  many  of  whom 
were  churchmen,  not  a  little  concern.^  Despite  this  fact 
1  Compaxe  the  figures  on  population  given  at  page  333. 


RELIGION  AND  THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700 


305 


the  clergy  enjoyed  the  highest  social  consideration,  and 
intervened  in  all  phases  of  Spanish  life.  This  was  due  not 
only  to  the  religious  sentiment  of  the  people  but  also  in 
great  measure  to  the  superior  intellectual  attainments  of 
some  of  the  clergy.  Thus  they  distinguished  themselves  on 
the  one  hand  as  theologians,  students  of  the  canon  law, 
jurisconsults,  men  of  letters,  historians,  and  university 
professors,  and  on  the  other  as  members  of  state  councils,  or 
in  high  political  positions  in  the  Americas.  The  increase  in 
the  landed  wealth  of  the  church,  while  it  was  the  subject  of 
numerous  unsuccessful  petitions  of  the  Cortes  to  forbid  the 
giving  of  lands  in  mortmain,  was  largely  responsible  for  the 
imposition  of  taxes  on  the  clergy,  thus  diminishing  the 
immunities  they  had  formerly  enjoyed.  The  church  could 
well  afford  to  pay,  for  if  not  the  richest  proprietor  in  Spain 
it  was  certainly  among  the  first;  toward  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century  the  combined  rents  of  the  clergy  amounted 
to  some  5,000,000  ducats  ($75,000,000)  a  year,  or  half  the 
total  for  the  kingdom,  four-fifths  of  which  amount  was  paid 
to  the  establishments  of  the  regular  clergy.  Part  of  the 
funds  was  expended  in  charities  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor, 
such  as  the  maintenance  of  asylums,  hospitals,  and  soup- 
kitchens,  measures  which  (disinterested  though  they  might 
be)  served  also  to  augment  their  popularity  with  the  masses. 

Despite  the  flourishing  condition  of  the  Spanish  clergy  Preva-* 
and  their  high  standing  in  the  peninsula  the  state  of  morality  lence  of 
among  them  left  much  to  be  desired.     Abundant  evidences  ^^^^^  prac- 
on  this  score  are  at  hand,  not  only  in  the  form  of  unsympa- 
thetic attacks  and  satires,  but  also  in  the  works  of  zealous 
and  devout  reformers.     The  fact  that  such  writings  were 
not  condemned  by  the  Inquisition  argues  the  need  for  re- 
proof.    The  practice  of  barragania  was  not  unknown,  even 
among  bishops,  some  of  whom  entailed  estates  to  their  sons. 
Among  the  lesser  churchmen,  more  particularly  the  secular 
clergy,  the  custom  was  more  general.     Solicitation  by  con- 
fessors and  the  avarice  of  clerical  collectors  of  revenues  were 
also  frequently  censured  in  the  writings  of  the  time.     Never- 
theless, it  is  but  fair  to  consider  these  evils  from  the  stand- 
point of  that  era.     As  compared  with  previous  periods  this 


tices 
among  the 
clergy. 


306 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Promi- 
nence of 
Spanish 
kings  and 
prelates  in 
church 
reform. 


age  was  one  of  marked  advance  in  the  average  of  clerical 
rectitude,  and  there  were  even  writers  who  could  claim  that 
the  Spanish  clergy  surpassed  the  churchmen  of  other 
countries  in  moderation  and  chasteness  of  life.  Meanwhile, 
reforms  like  those  instituted  in  the  time  of  the  Catholic 
Kings  by  Ximenez  were  being  pushed  on  vigorously  and 
effectively,  and  were  reinforced  by  the  decisions  of  the  great 
church  council  of  Trent  (1545-1563). 

The  Protestant  Reformation  and  the  Catholic  Reaction, 
or  Counter-Reformation,  belong  rather  to  European  and 
church  history  than  peculiarly  to  that  of  Spain,  although 
Spain  played  a  leading  part  in  the  events  connected  with 
them.  Much  in  regard  to  them  may  therefore  be  omitted, 
except  in  so  far  as  they  affected  problems  in  the  peninsula 
itself  and,  by  extension,  the  Spanish  colonies.  Charles  I 
was  an  ardent  partisan  of  church  reform,  but  was  desirous 
that  it  should  be  effected  without  change  in  dogma,  and  in 
this  attitude  he  was  joined  by  many  of  the  greatest  Catholic 
churchmen  of  the  day,  including  some  of  the  popes,  who 
recognized  the  prevalence  of  abuses  of  which  the  Protestant 
leaders  were  able  to  make  capital  in  the  furtherance  of  their 
reforms.  One  of  the  principal  policies  of  Charles  I  was  the 
calling  of  a  general  church  council  for  the  discussion  of  this 
matter,  and  despite  the  resistance  of  several  of  the  popes  he 
labored  to  attain  this  end  until  he  was  at  length  successful. 
In  1545  there  began  the  series  of  congresses  which  are  called 
collectively  the  Council  of  Trent.  Spanish  prelates  were  one 
of  the  most  important  elements  at  these  meetings,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  ideas  of  Charles  I  and  Philip  II  resisted 
the  attempts  made  at  a  suspension  of  the  sessions  and  the 
efforts  of  certain  popes  and  other  churchmen  to  bring  about 
their  failure.  They  were  not  only  among  the  most  frank 
in  their  references  to  the  need  for  reform,  but  were  also  most 
rigid  in  their  insistence  upon  disciplinary  methods,  even 
suggesting  the  application  of  the  Spanish  institution  of  the 
residencia  to  officers  of  the  church.  The  eventual  success 
of  the  council  was  due  in  no  small  degree  to  Spaniards,  who 
also  were  among  the  most  active  in  executing  the  corrective 
measures  which  were  decided  upon. 


RELIGION   AND   THE    CHURCH,    1516-1700 


307 


The  kings  of  Spain  combated  heresy  within  the  peninsula 
to  the  fullest  extent  of  their  ability,  supported  by  the  general 
opinion  of  Spanish  Christians,  who  were  almost  unanimously 
opposed  to  the  new  ideas.  Measures  were  taken  to  prevent 
the  dissemination  in  Spain  of  the  works  of  Martin  Luther  or 
other  heretical  thinkers.  In  1546  Charles  I  caused  the  first 
Index,  or  list  of  prohibited  works,  to  be  published,  and  this 
was  reproduced,  with  the  addition  of  some  other  volumes,  by 
the  Inquisition.  Later  the  Bible  was  included  in  the  Index, 
except  the  authorized  Latin  version,  on  the  ground  that  the 
reading  of  the  scriptures  by  uncultivated  persons  might 
result  in  misconceptions  as  to  the  true  religion.  Neverthe- 
less, Protestantism  gained  devotees  in  the  various  cities  of 
Spain,  more  particularly  in  Seville  and  Valladolid.  The 
number  of  heretics  was  at  no  time  great,  but  it  was  recruited 
from  the  highest  ranks  of  society.  Churchmen,  more  often 
friars,  were  the  principal  element,  and  they  found  converts 
in  not  a  few  members  of  noble  families.  Foreigners  from 
northern  lands  frequently  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  Protestant 
groups.  As  was  natural,  proselytism  on  a  wide  scale  could 
not  be  carried  on;  the  Valladolid  group  numbered  only 
about  fifty  and  that  of  Seville  one  hundred  and  thirty  (al- 
though there  is  some  evidence  to  the  effect  that  the  latter 
body  attained  a  membership  of  eight  himdred),  w^hile  those 
of  other  cities  were  still  fewer  in  numbers.  The  greatest 
name  in  the  Sevillian  movement  was  that  of  Constantino 
Ponce  de  la  Fuente,  whom  a  modern  writer  has  ventiu-ed  to 
compare  with  Martin  Luther  for  his  high  qualities,  within 
the  Protestant  movement.  Ponce,  who  was  at  one  time  the 
confessor  of  Charles  I  and  Philip  II,  was  the  author  of 
various  heretical  works.  Discovered,  at  length,  he  was 
imprisoned,  and  shortly  afterward  was  found  dead.  In  the 
year  1559  great  activity  was  displayed  by  the  Inquisition  in 
ferreting  out  and  punishing  the  Protestant  communities. 
Some  individuals  escaped  to  foreign  countries,  but  many 
were  condemned  to  die  at  the  stake,  meeting  their  fate, 
almost  without  exception,  with  admirable  fortitude.  The 
most  celebrated  case  was  that  of  Bartolome  Carranza, 
archbishop  of  Toledo.     Head  of  the  Spanish  secular  church 


Failure  of 
Protest- 
antism to 
gain  a  sub- 
stantial 
footing  in 
Spain. 


308 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The 

Illuminist 
and 

Quietist 
heresies. 


though  he  was,  only  the  efforts  of  Pope  Pius  IV  saved  him. 
After  more  than  seven  years  of  imprisonment  he  was  allowed 
to  go  to  Rome.  Some  years  later  he  was  required  to  for- 
swear some  of  his  writings  which  had  figured  in  the  original 
proceedings  against  him  in  Spain,  shortly  after  which  he 
died.  In  all  of  this  vigorous  persecution  of  Protestantism, 
Charles  I  and  Philip  II  took  the  lead.  By  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  centm-y  the  new  faith  was  no  longer  a  problem  in 
Spain.  Under  Philip  IV  a  degree  of  toleration  which  would 
not  have  been  dreamed  of  in  earlier  years  began  to  be  allowed. 
By  that  time  Catholic  France  was  Spain's  principal  enemy, 
and  this  tended  to  soften  the  attitude  of  Spaniards  toward 
Protestants,  although  the  restrictions  of  the  laws  were  still 
enforced.  In  1641  a  treaty  was  made  with  Denmark,  per- 
mitting Protestants  of  that  country  to  enter  the  peninsula. 
From  this  time  forward  Spain  was  to  evolve  toward  a  more 
lenient  policy  still.  A  discussion  of  Spanish  Protestantism 
would  not  be  complete  without  a  reference  to  the  numerous 
Spaniards  who  took  refuge  in  Protestant  lands,  and  even  for 
a  time  in  Italy  and  France.  They  wrote  a  number  of  works 
which  were  remarkable  for  the  excellent  literary  qualities  of 
the  Castilian  they  employed  and  for  the  scientific  value  of 
their  content.  While  most  of  their  writings  were  of  a  con- 
troversial, religious  type  they  also  made  translations  into 
Castilian  or  even  wrote  volumes  of  a  scientific  character 
dissociated  from  religion.  Juan  de  Valdes  and  Juan  Diaz 
were  outstanding  names  among  them.  Miguel  Servet  and 
Pedro  Gales,  whose  heresies  were  equally  in  disfavor  with 
Catholics  and  Protestants,  were  also  men  of  great  distinction. 
Protestantism  was  not  the  only  heterodoxy  to  menace 
the  religious  unity  of  the  peninsula.  The  conversion  of  the 
Mudejares  of  the  eastern  provinces  and  the  expulsion  of  the 
IVIoriscos  have  already  been  mentioned.  The  Jews  also  gave 
occasional  trouble.  Of  the  otlier  sects  the  most  noteworthy 
was  that  of  the  Iluminados  (Illuminati).  The  origins  of  this 
faith  are  obscure.  Many  believe  it  to  have  been  purely 
Spanish,  a  conclusion  to  which  the  peculiar  mystical  char- 
acter of  the  creed  lends  color.  Others  hold  that  it  was  of 
German  extraction.     In  any  event,  though  the  time  of  its 


RELIGION   AND  THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700  309 

founding  is  not  clear,  it  antedated  the  Lutheran  outbreak, 
for  it  was  in  existence  at  least  as  early  as  1512.  Many  of  the 
doctrines  sustained  by  Luther  were  a  part  of  its  creed,  and 
indeed  it  paved  the  way  for  the  entry  of  Protestantism  into 
Spain.  In  addition  it  upheld  the  following  tenets :  the 
abdication  of  one's  own  will  in  that  of  the  divine ;  and  the 
capacity  of  the  faithful,  by  means  of  ecstacies,  to  put  them- 
selves in  personal  communication  with  the  divine  essence, 
on  which  occasions  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  commit  sin. 
The  practical  result  of  these  beliefs  was  an  indulgence  in  all 
manner  of  licentious  practices  while  in  the  sinless  state.  As 
in  the  case  of  Protestantism,  so  in  this,  the  devotees  were 
usually  members  of  the  clergy,  especially  friars  and  nuns. 
The  Inquisition  attacked  the  new  faith  with  vigor,  but  found 
it  difficult  to  extirpate  in  entirety.  A  notable  derivation 
from  Illuminism  was  that  of  Quietismo  (Quietism),  or 
Molinismo,  founded  in  the  seventeenth  century  by  Miguel 
de  Molinos,  a  member  of  the  clergy.  This  creed,  though 
similar  even  in  its  licentiousness  to  Illuminism,  was  not  at 
first  considered  unorthodox,  wherefore  it  gained  many 
converts,  but  in  the  end  it  was  condemned. 

Similar  in  some  respects  to  the  two  heretical  creeds  just  Spanish 
mentioned  was  a  peculiarly  Spanish  religious  philosophy.  Mysticism. 
that  of  Catholic  INIysticism.  It  traces  back  through  the 
ideas  of  Raymond  Lull  to  those  of  the  Arabic  philosophers, 
but  in  the  main  it  was  a  product  of  the  Spanish  religious 
thought  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  The 
fundamental  idea  was  that  of  direct  communication  with 
God  through  prayer,  love  of  God,  and  the  renunciation  of 
earthly  things,  which  enabled  the  purified  soul  in  a  state  of 
ecstasy  to  appear  in  the  divine  presence.  The  whole  process 
was  accompanied  by  miracles,  but  without  any  loss  to  the 
individual  of  his  spiritual  existence  or  of  his  intelligence  for 
an  understanding  of  God.  At  first  the  ecclesiastical  author- 
ities were  suspicious  of  it,  prohibiting  the  writings  of  the 
mystics  and  conducting  investigations  into  the  conduct  of 
those  who  professed  a  belief  in  it.  At  length,  however,  it 
was  accepted  as  orthodox,  and  its  devotees  were  not  molested. 
They  produced  a  rich  literature,  in  which  they  set  forth  not 


310 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  In- 
quisition 
as  an  in- 
strument 
of  the 
kings  and 
an  agency 
to  sup- 
press 
heresy. 


only  the  fundamental  bases  of  their  belief  but  also  the 
experiences  they  had  in  journeying  to  God.  One  of  the 
mystics,  jNIaria  de  Jesus  de  Agreda,  is  famous  as  "the  Blue 
Lady"  of  the  American  (United  States)  southwest  and 
Pacific  coast,  for  she  is  said  to  have  visited  these  regions 
while  in  a  state  of  ecstacy  and  to  have  converted  many  of 
the  natives,  recounting  her  travels  in  her  published  works. 
She  is  also  famous  for  her  correspondence  with  Philip  IV. 
The  greatest  names,  however,  were  those  of  Santa  Teresa 
de  Jesus^  and  San  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  the  former  notable  in 
literature  for  the  excellence  of  her  prose,  and  the  latter 
equally  noteworthy  as  a  poet.  The  writings  of  these  and 
other  mystics  also  displayed  a  profound  psychological  study, 
such,  for  example,  as  was  required  by  their  ability  to  dis- 
tinguish between  the  processes  of  the  soul  on  the  way  to 
communication  with  God,  and  as  was  evidenced  by  their 
skill  in  differentiating  between  the  various  elements  in 
religious  sentiment. 

The  two  principal  instruments  employed  to  combat  heresy 
were  the  Inquisition  and  the  Jesuit  order.  So  far  as  the 
former  concerned  itself  with  matters  of  the  faith,  it  had  the 
support  of  the  Spanish  people,  who  equally  with  the  kings 
were  desirous  of  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of 
religious  unity.  The  Inquisition  had  acquired  various 
powers  and  privileges,  however,  which  were  not  directly 
connected  with  its  principal  office.  Papal  bulls  had  been 
procured  giving  it  jurisdiction  in  cases  of  usury,  crimes 
against  nature,  and  improper  solicitations  of  confessors ;  it 
claimed  exemption  for  its  officers  and  servants  from  the 
operation  of  the  civil  law  courts ;  and  its  relations  with  these 
courts,  made  necessary  by  the  legal  incapacity  of  the  In- 
quisition to  execute  its  own  sentences,  often  gave  rise  to 
conflicts  and  misunderstandings.  The  people  of  Spain  were 
perfectly  able  to  distinguish  between  the  Inquisition  as  an 
instrument  of  the  faith  and  the  Inquisition  in  these  extra- 


^  The  addition  of  the  name  "de  Jesds"  to  that  of  some  of  the 
mystics  came  from  their  assertions  of  a  marriage  with  Christ, 
according  to  which  fact  their  names,  in  Spanish  fashion,  required 
this  indication  of  their  marital  partner. 


RELIGION   AND  THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700  311 

jurisdictional  phases,  and  protested  vigorously  against  that 
body  in  the  latter  sense.  The  various  Cortes  of  Castile, 
Aragon,  and  Catalonia  presented  many  a  petition  on  this 
score  to  the  kings,  and  it  was  a  prominent  factor  in  the 
Catalan  revolt  of  1640.  Nevertheless,  the  kings  consist- 
ently sustained  the  Inquisition.  When  the  Aragonese 
Cortes  secured  a  papal  license  reducing  the  Inquisition  to 
the  same  footing  as  the  other  ecclesiastical  courts,  Charles 
I  procured  the  withdrawal  of  the  license.  Philip  II  pro- 
hibited all  appeals  from  or  complaints  against  the  Inquisition 
before  the  audiencias  or  the  Consejo  Real.  The  decisions 
of  the  Inquisition  thus  became  final,  although  it  is  true  that 
cases  of  appeal  and  the  recourse  of  fuerza  (also  forbidden  by 
Philip)  were  occasionally  allowed  to  go  beyond  that  body. 
When  there  seemed  to  be  a  likelihood  that  the  Council  of 
Trent  might  deprive  the  Inquisition  of  some  of  its  authority, 
Charles  I  used  every  effort  to  cause  a  failure  of  the  project. 
In  fact  the  Inquisition  was  virtually  an  instrument  of  the 
kings,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  direct  its  action  as  if  it  were 
legally  subject  to  them,  and  who  were  always  able  to  procure 
the  appointment  of  members  of  the  Consejo  Real  to  the 
Council  of  the  Inquisition.  As  regards  heresy  the  period, 
naturally,  was  exceedingly  fruitful  in  prosecutions  and  was 
marked  by  an  excess  of  suspicion,  such  that  individuals 
whose  purity  of  faith  was  hardly  open  to  question  were  not 
infrequently  brought  to  trial,  —  among  others,  Ignacio  de 
Loyola  (Saint  Ignatius),  and  Teresa  de  Jesus,  who,  like 
Loyola,  was  later  canonized.  Extreme  rigor  was  displayed  in 
placing  the  ban  on  unorthodox  books  and  in  expurgating 
those  which  were  allowed  to  circulate.  Charles  I  required 
all  books  to  have  the  authorization  of  the  Consejo  Real 
before  they  could  be  published.  Foreign  books  were  also 
scrutinized  carefully,  and  libraries  were  made  subject  to 
inspection.  The  grant  of  a  license  by  the  Consejo  Real  did 
not  mean  that  a  book  might  not  be  placed  on  the  Inquisi- 
tion's hidex  of  forbidden  works.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  too, 
that  the  Spanish  Index  and  that  of  the  Inquisition  of  Rome 
often  varied  from  each  other  in  their  lists ;  thus  a  book 
condemned  at  Rome  might  circulate  in  Spain,  and  vice  versa, 


312 


A    HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Igniaeio  de 

Loyola 

and  the 

founding 

of  the 

Jesuit 

order. 


Character- 
istics of 
the  Jesuit 
order. 


but  this  of  course  was  not  the  general  rule.  The  Spanish 
Inquisition  did  not  make  its  way  to  Spain's  Italian  posses- 
sions, but  was  established  in  the  Low  Countries,  where  it 
was  very  active,  and  in  the  Americas. 

The  other  important  agency  of  the  Spanish  Counter- 
Reformation,  the  Jesuit  order,  was  the  creation  of  a  Spaniard, 
Ignacio  de  Loyola  (1491  or  1 495-1 55G),  who  became  Saint 
Ignatius  (San  Ignacio)  with  his  canonization  in  1G09.  As 
a  youth  Loyola  led  the  somewhat  wild  life  of  a  soldier. 
Wounded  in  1521  during  the  defence  of  Pamplona  from  an 
attack  of  the  French,  he  was  a  long  time  in  recovering  his 
health,  devoting  the  period  of  his  convalescence  to  the  read- 
ing of  religious  works.  He  thereupon  resolved  to  dedicate 
his  life  to  religion,  and  as  soon  as  he  was  restored  to  health 
made  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.  Upon  his  return  he 
pursued  religious  studies  at  the  universities  of  Barcelona, 
Alcala,  Salamanca,  and  Paris.  While  at  Alcala,  where  he 
and  several  companions  made  a  practice  of  wearing  sack- 
cloth and  preaching  in  the  streets,  he  was  arrested  by  the 
Inquisition,  but  was  set  free  without  other  penalty  than  an 
order  to  give  up  his  sackcloth  and  his  preaching.  A  similar 
fate  befell  him  in  Salamanca.  Eventually  Loyola  and  his 
companions  found  their  way  to  Rome,  where  they  con- 
tinued their  street  preaching,  despite  the  opposition  of  the 
Augustinian  order  and  some  of  the  cardinals.  They  applied 
to  themselves  the  name  "Company  of  Jesus"  (hence  Jesuits), 
and  in  1539  organized  an  order  in  military  form,  vowing 
implicit  obedience  to  their  superiors,  —  especially  to  the 
pope,  —  prescribing  the  rule  of  a  general  for  life,  and  pledging 
themselves  to  the  founding  of  colleges.  The  new  order  was 
formally  approved  by  the  pope  in  1540,  and  Loyola  became 
the  first  general. 

While  an  extended  discussion  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
Jesuit  order  is  not  necessary,  some  of  the  respects  in  which 
it  differed  from  the  others  should  be  pointed  out,  in  order  to 
make  clear  the  effect  of  the  Jesuit  appearance  in  Spain  and 
the  Americas.  Great  emphasis  was  placed  on  the  military 
side ;  Loyola  was  wont  to  say  that  he  had  never  ceased  to 
be  a  soldier,  —  he  had  merely  become  a  soldier  of    God. 


RELIGION  AND  THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700  313 

Obedience  to  superiors  and  to  the  pope  was  not  a  new  idea, 
but  with  the  Jesuits  it  was  as  rigidly  Hteral  as  in  an  army. 
They  became  one  of  the  principal  supports  of  the  popes  at  a 
time  when  many  chiu*ch  leaders  were  advocating  the  reform 
of  the  papacy  with  a  view  to  limiting  the  powers  of  the  head 
of  the  church.  Like  soldiers,  they  attacked  the  enemies  of 
the  pope,  church,  and  the  Catholic  religion,  and  were  charged 
with  employing  methods  which  gave  rise  to  the  term  "  Jesu- 
itry "  in  an  opprobrious  sense.  They  did  not  stay  in  convents, 
but  went  forth  among  the  people  to  fight  for  the  principles 
for  which  they  stood.  There  was  no  election  of  their  leaders ; 
the  attainment  of  office  came  through  appointment  by  the 
general,  who  even  chose  his  own  successor.  Education  was 
their  principal  weapon,  —  education  of  the  high  and  the  low. 
In  other  respects  the  Jesuits  were  at  the  same  time  more 
simple  and  more  mundane  in  their  exterior  practices  —  at 
least  in  the  beginning  —  than  the  other  orders.  They 
opposed  choral  singing,  the  wearing  of  a  distinctive  habit, 
participation  in  religious  processions,  the  monastic  life,  and 
asceticism.  They  believed  in  the  individual  poverty  of 
their  members,  but  were  willing  that  the  order  and  its 
separate  institutions  should  prosper  in  a  material  way.  In 
other  words  they  were  going  into  the  world,  not  away  from 
it,  and  were  desirous  of  the  best  equipment  for  the  struggle 
which  lay  before  them. 

The   influence   of  the  new   order  soon   made   itself  felt  Spanish 
throughout  the  world.     At  first  Spaniards  were  in  the  ma-  opposition 
jority,  and  it  was  natural  that  the  Jesuits  should  estab-  ^^  ^^^ 
lish  themselves  in  Spain's  dominions.     By  1547  they  had 
five  institutions  in  Spain,  and  by  1566  sixteen.     Soon  after- 
ward they  began  to  appear  in  the  Americas,  where  they 
became  one  of  the  principal  agencies  of  the  Spanish  crown 
in  the  conversion  and  subjection  of  the  natives,  being  per- 
haps the  most  effective  of  the  missionary  orders.     Not  only 
as  missionaries  but  also  as  theologians,  scientists,  and  men 
of  letters  the  Spanish  Jesuits  were  among  the    most   dis- 
tinguished men  of  the  age.     They  were  not  welcomed  by 
their  fellow-countrymen  in  Spain,  however ;  rather,  they  had 
to  contend  against  some   of  the  most  powerful   elements 


314  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN  ' 

in  the  peninsula.  INIembers  of  the  clergy,  both  regular  and 
secular,  were  opposed  to  them,  —  notably  the  Dominicans, 
Franciscans,  Augustinians,  and  the  officers  of  the  Inquisition, 
the  first  named  especially,  —  while  the  universities  and  at 
the  outset  the  kings  were  also  hostile.  IMelchor  Cano,  a 
Dominican  and  one  of  the  most  influential  men  of  his  day, 
charged  the  Jesuits  with  heresy,  claiming  that  their  vows 
savored  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Iluviinados.  The  archbishop 
of  Toledo,  Cardinal  Siliceo,  forbade  them  to  preach,  confess, 
say  mass,  or  administer  sacraments,  but  was  obliged  by  the 
pope  to  retract  his  decrees.  Arias  INIontano  attacked  them 
in  the  preface  of  his  polyglot  Bible,  asserting  that  the  Jesuits 
claimed  that  they  alone  had  knowledge  and  that  they  were 
the  nearest  of  all  men  to  Jesus.  These  are  but  a  few  instances 
out  of  many,  showing  the  difficulties  encountered  by  the 
Jesuits  in  establishing  themselves  in  Spain.  It  seems  likely 
that  jealousy  may  have  entered  into  much  of  the  resistance 
to  them,  for  they  early  began  to  outrank  and  even  supersede 
other  elements  in  teaching  and  in  learning.  Charles  I  and 
Philip  II  objected  to  them  because  they  placed  the  pope 
ahead  of  the  king,  not  acknowledging  the  latter's  authority 
over  them,  and  this  was  not  altogether  in  accordance  with  the 
royal  ideal  of  centralization.  Furthermore,  the  Jesuits  were 
such  an  aggressive  factor  that  they  were  hard  to  manage. 
The  Inquisition  took  exception  among  other  things  to  the 
Jesuit  claim  of  a  right  to  absolve  their  own  members  from 
the  charge  of  heresy,  and  imprisoned  the  Jesuit  yrovincial, 
or  commanding  official,  in  Spain,  together  with  other  mem- 
bers of  the  order.  Philip  II  took  sides  with  the  Inquisition, 
but  the  pope  sustained  the  Jesuits.  By  the  seventeenth 
century  the  Jesuits  had  succeeded  in  overcoming  their  rivals, 
although  they  never  ceased  to  have  enemies.  Their  success 
was  due  in  the  first  place  to  the  continued  support  of  the 
popes ;  in  the  second  to  the  change  of  heart  experienced  by 
Philip  II  late  in  life,  when  he  began  to  realize  that  they  were 
one  of  the  most  effective  instruments  for  the  religious  unifica- 
tion of  his  dominions,  and  in  so  much  furthered  his  ideal 
of  centralization ;  in  the  third  place  to  the  backing  of 
the  opponents  of  their  enemies,  especially  those  who  were 


RELIGION   AND  THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700 


315 


hostile  to  the  Inquisition  ;  and,  finally,  and  perhaps  most  of 
all,  to  their  own  superior  attainments,  whereby  they  were 
able  to  win  a  devoted  following  among  all  ranks  of  society. 
The  successors  of  Philip  II  followed  the  later  policy  of 
that  king,  with  the  result  that  the  seventeenth  century 
was  the  most  prosperous  era  in  the  history  of  the  Jesuit 
order. 

One  thing  Spanish  kings  failed  to  do  elsewhere  in  Europe 
they  achieved  in  Spain,  —  their  ideal  of  religious  unity.  At 
the  same  time  that  they  were  suppressing  heresy  they  were 
giving  a  welcome  to  Catholics  fleeing  to  Spain  from  Prot- 
estant persecution,  notably  to  the  Irish,  who  came  to  the 
peninsula  in  great  numbers.  The  ideal  of  Catholic  unity 
was  carried  to  an  excess  which  transcended  unity  itself 
through  an  extension  of  the  institution  of  limpieza  de  sangre. 
Certificates  of  limineza  de  sangre  (that  is  to  say,  sworn  state- 
ments that  the  bearer  had  no  Jewish,  Moslem,  or  heretic 
antecedents)  now  began  to  be  required  for  the  holding  of 
various  church  offices  or  for  entry  into  religious  orders  and 
often  also  for  admission  to  the  guilds.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
there  were  few  families  which  could  have  withstood  a  close 
examination  of  their  ancestry;  the  upper  classes  would 
almost  surely  have  been  found  to  contain  Jewish  blood,  and 
the  masses,  certainly  in  the  east  and  south,  would  have  had 
a  Moslem  admixture  in  their  veins.  The  attainment  of 
religious  unity  and  the  extreme  suspicion  in  which  non- 
Catholics  were  held  did  not  succeed  in  making  the  Spanish 
people  respond  to  the  moral  code  of  their  faith.  Not  only 
such  licentious  practices  as  have  already  been  alluded  to  were 
in  vogue,  but  also  a  surprising  lack  of  reverence  was  dis- 
played, as  exemplified  by  the  improper  use  of  sacred  places 
and  sacred  objects  and  the  mixture  of  the  human  and  the 
divine  in  masquerades.  Nevertheless,  it  is  not  too  much  to 
say  that  the  principal  preoccupation  of  Spaniards  in  the 
sixteenth  and  the  seventeenth  centuries  was  the  salvation  of 
their  souls.  The  worst  of  men  would  want  to  confess  and 
seek  absolution  before  they  died,  and  many  of  them  no 
doubt  believed  themselves  to  be  good  Catholics,  even  though 
their  every-day  life  would  not  have  borne  inspection.     One 


Limpieza 
de  sangre 
and  the 
fervor  of 
Spanish 
Catholi- 


316 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Conflict  of 
the  kings 
with  the 
popes  in 
matters  of 
temporal 
import. 


notable  religious  manifestation  of  the  era  was  the  ardent 
insistence  of  Spaniards  on  the  mystery  of  the  Immaculate 
Conception  at  a  time  when  Catholics  of  other  countries  were 
not  yet  ready  to  accept  that  view. 

In  distinguishing  between  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal 
phases  of  papal  authority  the  kings  of  the  House  of  Austria 
followed  the  policy  of  the  Catholic  Kings,  but  surpassed  the 
latter  in  their  claims  of  the  superiority,  or  independence,  as 
the  case  might  be,  of  the  royal  power.  Various  factors 
contributed  to  this  attitude  in  Spain.  The  monarchical 
ideal  of  a  centralized  absolutism,  now  that  it  had  triumphed 
over  the  nobility  and  the  towns,  sought  out  the  church  in  its 
civil  aspects  as  the  next  outstanding  element  to  dominate ; 
the  interests  of  the  Spanish  kings  in  Italy  continued  to  bring 
them  into  opposition  to  the  popes  as  sovereigns  of  the  Papal 
States ;  and  the  problems  of  ecclesiastical  reform  often  found 
the  kings  and  the  popes  widely,  even  bitterly,  apart.  Charles 
I  had  frequent  conflicts  with  the  papacy,  but  Philip  II  had 
even  more  serious  contests,  in  which  he  displayed  yet  more 
unyielding  resistance  than  his  father  to  what  he  regarded  as 
the  unwarranted  intrusions  of  the  popes  into  the  sphere  of 
Spanish  politics.  When  in  155G  it  seemed  likely  that  Philip 
would  be  excommunicated  and  his  kingdom  laid  under  an 
interdict,  Philip  created  a  special  council  to  exercise  in  Spain 
such  functions  as  were  customarily  in  the  hands  of  the  pope. 
In  this  as  in  his  other  disputes  of  a  political  nature  with  the 
papacy  he  was  able  to  count  on  the  support  of  the  Spanish 
clergy.  One  document  reciting  Philip's  grievances  against 
Pope  Paul  IV,  applying  harsh  epithets  to  him,  and  expressing 
doubt  as  to  the  legitimacy  of  his  election,  is  believed  to  have 
been  written  by  a  member  of  the  clergy.  Another  docu- 
ment, the  Parecer,  or  opinion,  of  Melchor  Cano,  a  Dominican, 
argued  the  lawfulness  of  making  war  on  the  pope,  and  said 
that  in  such  cases,  when  communication  with  Rome  was 
insecure,  the  bishops  might  decide  ecclesiastical  questions 
which  were  ordinarily  left  to  the  pope. 

To  avoid  such  disputes  and  to  assure  Spain  of  an  ally  in 
Italian  affairs  Charles  I  and  Philip  II  bent  their  efforts  to 
procure  the  election  of  popes  who  would  be  favorable  to 


RELIGION  AND   THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700  317 

them.     Charles  had  much  to  do  with  the  choice  in  1522  of  Interfer- 
Adrian  VI,  who  as  a  cardinal  had  been  one  of  his  principal  ad-  ^nce  of 
ministrative  officers  during  his  own  absence  from  the  peninsula  ^^^f^''^^^  ^ 
in  the  early  years  of  his  reign.     Philip  was  successful  in  the  pj^iijp  n 
same  way  when  in  1559  he  was  able  to  cause  the  elevation  of  in  papal 
his  candidate  to  the  papal  throne.     This  pope,   Pius   IV,  elections, 
proceeded  to  annul  the  action  of  his  predecessor,  Paul  IV, 
against  Charles  and  Philip,  and  condemned  to  death  two  mem- 
bers of  the  deceased  pope's  family,  one  of  them  a  cardinal.    At 
the  election  of  1590  Philip  was  again  fortunate,  but  the  new 
pontiff.    Urban   VII,   lived   only   thirteen   days.      A   fresh 
conclave  was  held,  at  which  Philip  went  to  the  extreme  not 
only  of  excluding  the  candidates  whom  he  opposed  but  also 
of  naming  seven  Spanish  churchmen  as  the  only  ones  from 
among  whom  the  cardinals  were  to  choose.     One  of  the 
seven  was  elected,  taking  the  name  Gregory  XIV,  and  no 
pope  of  the  century  was    more  unconditionally  favorable  to 
the  wishes  of  a  Spanish  king.     This  constant  intrusion  of 
Philip  ended  by  exasperating  the  high  authorities  of  the 
church,  who  a  few  years  later  under  another  pope  condemned 
Philip's  practices  and  declared  him  ipso  facto  excommuni- 
cated.    This  proved  to  be  a  decisive  blow  to  the  influence 
of  the  Spanish  crown. 

One  of  the  principal  struggles  between  the  popes  and  the  The  pase 
kings  was  the  royal  claim  of  the  pase  regio,  or  the  right  to  regio  as  an 
examine  papal  bulls  and  pontifical  letters  and,  if  deemed  aid  to  the 
advisable,  to  retain  them,  prohibiting  their  publication  and   ^he^on- 
therefore  their  execution  in  Spanish  domains.     The  origin  flictwith 
of  this  claim  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  monarchs  seems  to  the  popes, 
date  from  the  period  of  the  Great  Schism,  when  Urban  VI 
(1378-1389)  granted  such  a  privilege  to  the  princes  allied 
with  him.     It  was  not  officially  decreed  in  Spain  until  the 
early  years  of  Charles  I,  when  provision  for  the  pase  regio  in 
all  Spanish  dominions  was  made  in  a  document  drawn  up  by 
Cardinal  Ximenez.     According  to  this  arrangement   papal 
communications  were  to  be  examined  in  the  Consejo  Real, 
and  if  found  to  be  contrary  to  the  royal  prerogative  or  other- 
wise objectionable  their  circulation  was  to  be  postponed 
and  the  pope  asked  to  change  or  withdraw  his  dispositions. 


318  A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 

Usually  the  retention  of  such  documents  took  place  without 
giving  official  notice  to  the  pope,  —  which  in  the  case  of  a 
hostile  pontiff  would  have  been  in  any  event  unavailing.  If 
the  popes  insisted  on  their  point  of  view  the  royal  prohibi- 
tions were  nevertheless  continued.  If  any  subjects  of  the  king 
resisted  his  will  in  this  matter,  even  though  they  were  church- 
men, they  might  inciu"  the  penalty  of  a  loss  of  goods  or  ban- 
ishment or  both,  and  notaries  or  attorneys  might  even  be 
condemned  to  death.  When  Paul  IV  excommunicated 
Charles  I  and  Philip  II,  the  latter  put  into  effect  the  jmse 
rcgio.  Unable  to  procure  the  publication  of  his  bull  in 
Spain,  Paul  IV  summoned  to  Rome  two  Spanish  bishops 
who  were  intensely  royalist  in  their  sympathies.  Philip  II 
protected  them  by  retaining  the  papal  order,  so  that  the 
individuals  did  not  learn  officially  of  the  summons.  Not 
only  in  serious  contests  of  this  character  but  also  in  matters 
of  comparatively  little  moment  the  kings  exercised  the  right 
of  retention,  —  for  example,  in  the  case  of  a  bull  of  Sixtus 
V  about  the  dress  and  maintenance  of  the  clergy.  The 
above  are  only  a  few  instances  out  of  many.  One  of  the 
most  bitter  conflicts  was  waged  by  Philip  II  in  opposition 
to  a  bull  of  Pius  V  excommunicating  those  who  retained 
papal  dispositions.  Philip  II  retained  this  bull,  and  pun- 
ished some  bishops  of  Spain's  Italian  domains  who  had 
published  it  within  their  dioceses.  The  pope  threatened  to 
put  Spain  under  an  interdict,  but  Philip  declined  to  yield. 
The  bull  was  never  published  in  the  peninsula,  and  the  pope 
did  not  make  use  of  the  interdict. 
The  case  The  successors  of  Philip  II  were  equally  insistent  upon  the 

of  Car-  royal  prerogative  in  their  relations  with  the  church.  One 
of  the  most  curious  incidents  in  the  disputes  of  the  kings  and 
the  popes  occurred  in  the  reign  of  Philip  IV.  Cardinal  Borja 
and  several  other  Spanish  cardinals  were  sent  to  Rome  to 
present  the  king's  grievances  against  the  pontiff  arising  out 
of  matters  connected  with  the  wars  against  the  Protestants. 
Borja  was  roughly  handled  on  making  his  protest ;  it  is  said 
that  Cardinal  San  Onofre  punched  him  in  the  face  by  di- 
rection of  the  pope.  When  this  event  was  reported  in  Spain 
a  general  meeting  of  royal  councillors  was  held,  in  which  it 


dinal 
Borja 


RELIGION   AND  THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700 


319 


was  even  discussed  whether  it  would  be  lawful  to  challenge 
the  pope  to  settle  the  matter  by  means  of  a  duel !  In  this 
ar.d  other  matters  there  was  talk  of  an  appeal  from  the  pope 
to  a  church  council.  As  the  royalist  attitude  toward  the 
popes  was  often  defended  in  books,  many  of  them  by  church- 
men, a  practice  sprang  up  at  Rome  of  placing  such  works  in 
the  Index  as  writings  which  the  faithful  were  forbidden  to 
read,  but  these  volumes  did  not  appear  in  the  Index  of  the 
Spanish  Inquisition.  Finally  the  attitude  of  superiority 
on  the  part  of  the  monarchs  made  itself  evident,  as  already 
indicated,  in  questions  of  the  reform  of  the  church.  Charles 
I  and  Philip  II  labored  to  establish  their  views  at  the  Council 
of  Trent  not  only  in  matters  of  administration  but  also  in 
those  of  doctrine.  Indeed,  many  Catholics  believed  that 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  kings  to  remedy  the  evils  of  the  church. 
With  the  conclusion  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  Philip  II  hesi- 
tated for  a  year  before  publishing  its  decisions,  because  of 
his  belief  that  some  of  the  provisions  of  the  council  dimin- 
ished, or  might  diminish,  his  royal  authority.  When  he  at 
length  did  publish  them,  he  did  so  with  the  reservation  that 
they  were  not  to  be  considered  as  introducing  any  variation 
from  the  usual  jurisdiction  of  the  king.  Consequently, 
various  canons  of  the  council  remained  without  effect  in 
Spain  and  her  possessions. 

The  same  conflict  of  authority  between  the  church  and 
the  monarch  manifested  itself  in  the  relations  of  the  kings 
with  papal  nuncios,  who  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I  began  to 
reside  at  the  Spanish  court  as  permanent  ambassadors.  In 
1537  Charles  I  obtained  a  license  from  the  pope  for  the 
creation  of  the  tribunal  of  the  nunciature,  or  court  of  the 
papal  embassy  in  Spain.  This  court,  composed  in  part  at 
least  of  Spanish  officials,  was  to  hear  the  numerous  cases  in 
ecclesiastical  law  which  had  customarily  been  settled  at 
Rome.  At  the  same  time,  the  nuncio  was  empowered  to 
grant  the  benefices  which  formerly  lay  within  the  juris- 
diction of  the  popes.  The  nuncio  also  collected  the  con- 
siderable sums  which  went  to  the  popes  from  ecclesiastical 
prebends,  or  livings,  from  the  expolios  of  deceased  bishops 
and  archbishops  (accretions  in  their  benefices  which  they 


Interfer- 
ence of 
Charles  I 
and 

Philip  II 
in  matters 
of  church 
reform. 


Royal 
restric- 
tions on 
the  powers 
of  papal 
nuncios 
and  the 
nuncia- 
txire. 


320  A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 

had  procured  out  of  rents) ,  and  from  the  income  of  vacantes, 
or  vacant  benefices  (that  which  accrued  between  the  death 
of  a  bishop  or  archbishop  and  the  appointment  of  his  suc- 
cessor). Once  having  transferred  authority  from  the  pope 
to  the  nuncio  and  nunciature  the  kings  proceeded  to  attack 
these  elements  near  at  hand  so  as  to  reduce  their  power  of 
interference  with  the  royal  authority.  In  this  they  were 
aided  by  all  classes.  The  churchmen  were  royalist  and  at 
the  same  time  opposed  to  papal  intervention  in  ecclesiastical 
administration  in  Spain.  People  generally  objected  to  such 
wide  jurisdiction  being  in  the  hands  of  a  foreigner,  for  the 
nuncios  were  usually  Italians.  There  were  frequent  com- 
plaints that  the  nunciature  was  guilty  of  the  advocacy  of 
lawsuits  and  the  collection  of  excessive  costs,  with  the  result 
that  the  court  was  sustained  out  of  Spanish  funds  instead 
of  by  the  popes.  All  of  these  matters  were  the  subject  of 
criticism  in  both  the  Cortes  and  the  Consejo  Real,  and  the 
inevitable  result  was  the  employment  of  restrictive  measures. 
The  pase  regio  was  applied  to  the  directions  by  the  popes 
to  the  nuncios,  and  the  intervention  of  the  nunciature  in 
ecclesiastical  cases  in  first  instance  was  prohibited.  There 
were  times  when  the  relations  of  the  kings  with  the  nuncio 
were  indeed  strained;  Philip  II  went  to  the  extreme  of 
expelling  a  nuncio  w^ho  had  endeavored  to  publish  a  papal 
bull  which  the  king  had  decided  to  retain ;  the  same  thing 
happened  under  Philip  IV,  who  closed  the  papal  embassy. 
Matters  were  arranged  in  1640  by  the  Fachenetti  concordat, 
or  agreement  of  the  nuncio  of  that  name  with  the  king. 
This  document  reduced  the  procedure  of  the  nunciature  and 
the  attributes  of  the  nuncio  to  writing,  and  although  it  did 
not  remove  all  the  causes  of  dispute  served  as  the  basis  for 
diplomatic  relations  with  the  papal  embassy  until  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  relations  of  the  kings  with  the  popes  and  nuncios 
formed  only  part  of  the  former's  royalist  policy  with  the 
church.  The  same  course  was  followed  with  the  ecclesi- 
astical organization  in  Spain.  The  gradual  reduction  of  the 
clergy  to  a  tributary  state  as  regards  payment  of  taxes  has 
already  been  referred  to.     Charles  I  procured  various  grants 


RELIGION   AND   THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700  321 

of  a  financial  nature  from  the  popes,  such  as  the  right  to  sell  Subjec- 
certain  ecclesiastical  holdings  (whose  proceeds  were  to  be  tionofthe 
devoted  to  the  war  with  the  Turks),  the  collection  of  various  ^JJfg^l^Q^^" 
church  rents  yielding  over  1,000,000  ducats  (some  $15,000,-  ganization 
000),  and  finally  the  gift  of  ex  polios  and  vacantes.  On  the  in  Spain  to 
other  hand,  despite  the  petitions  of  the  Cortes  and  the  the  royal 
opinions  of  leading  jurisconsults,  the  kings  declined  to  pre-  ^^^^• 
vent  the  giving  of  lands  in  mortmain,  or  in  other  words  the 
acquisition  of  estates  by  the  church.  The  most  serious 
conflicts  arose  over  questions  of  immunities,  growing  out  of 
the  survival  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdictions  of  a  seigniorial 
character  and  out  of  the  relations  of  the  church  courts  to 
those  of  the  king  and  to  the  royal  authority  in  general. 
Many  of  the  seigniorial  groups  were  incorporated  into  the 
crown,  especially  by  Philip  II.  As  regards  the  legal  immu- 
nity of  churchmen  it  came  to  be  accepted  as  the  rule  that  it 
could  be  claimed  only  in  cases  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
ecclesiastical  courts.  This  was  diminished  still  further  by 
royal  invasions  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  as  by  limiting 
the  scope  of  the  church  courts,  prohibiting  (under  severe 
penalties)  the  intrusions  of  their  judges  in  civil  affairs,  and 
intervening  to  correct  abuses,  real  or  alleged.  The  king 
reserved  a  right  of  inspection  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts, 
exercised  for  him  by  members  of  the  Consejo  Real  or  the 
audiencias,  and  if  anybody  were  unduly  aggrieved  by  a 
decision  of  the  church  courts  he  might  make  use  of  the  re- 
course of  fuerza  to  bring  an  appeal  before  the  Consejo  Real, 
the  Cdrnara,  or  the  audiencias.  The  effect  of  this  was  to 
suspend  the  execution  of  an  ecclesiastical  sentence,  subor- 
dinating the  church  courts  to  the  royal  will.  Many  matters 
of  a  religious  character  were  taken  over  into  the  exclusive 
jurisdiction  of  the  Consejo  Real  or  the  Cdmara,  such  as  the 
inspections  of  convents  of  the  regular  clergy  and  the  action 
taken  as  a  result  thereof  and  the  execution  of  the  decisions 
of  the  Council  of  Trent.  Laws  relative  to  the  recourse  of 
fuerza  were  amplified  so  as  to  prohibit  ecclesiastical  judges 
from  trying  cases  which  were  considered  by  any  of  the  liti- 
gants concerned  as  belonging  to  the  civil  law ;  other  laws 
forbade  the  summoning  of  Spaniards  before  foreign  judges; 


322 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The 

patronato 
real  as  a 
soiirce  of 
royal  au- 
thority 
over  the 
clergy. 


and  still  others  diminished  the  number  of  appeals  to  Rome. 
Even  churchmen  took  advantage  of  the  recourse  of  fuerza 
to  have  their  cases  removed  to  the  royal  courts  when  it 
suited  their  convenience,  despite  the  attempts  of  the  popes 
to  check  the  practice.  In  such  instances,  as  in  so  many 
others,  the  pase  regio  was  employed  to  prevent  effectual 
action  by  the  popes.  Even  in  the  case  of  the  provincial 
councils  of  the  Spanish  church  the  king  sent  delegates,  on 
the  ground  that  no  conventions  or  congresses  of  any  sort 
could  be  held  without  the  consent  of  the  king  and  the  attend- 
ance of  his  representatives.  In  1581  Pope  Gregory  XIII 
ordered  the  archbishop  of  Toledo  not  to  admit  anybody  to 
a  council  about  to  be  held  at  that  time  who  was  not  a  mem- 
ber of  the  clergy.  Philip  II  sent  his  delegate,  nevertheless, 
and  his  successors  followed  his  example.  In  like  manner 
religious  processions  were  forbidden  unless  authorized  by 
the  civil  authorities. 

The  royal  authority  over  the  Spanish  church  is  largely 
explained  by  the  institution  of  the  patronato  real,  or  royal 
patronage.  Charles  I  early  gained  a  right  to  make  nomi- 
nations to  most  of  the  bishoprics  and  abbacies  in  Spain, 
although  the  pope  had  to  approve  before  the  appointment 
should  take  eflfect.  Even  in  the  case  of  benefices  still  re- 
served by  the  pope  the  kings  insisted  that  the  appointees 
should  be  Spaniards.  As  regards  the  Americas  the  church 
was  yet  more  completely  under  the  king's  control,  thus 
giving  still  other  lucrative  posts  into  his  power  to  grant. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that  the 
Spanish  clergy  should  favor  the  king,  to  whom  they  owed 
their  rents  and  dignities,  rather  than  the  pope,  and  should 
even  consent  to  diminutions  in  the  privileges  of  Spanish 
churchmen.  Indeed,  faithful  service  as  a  councillor  might 
be  the  stepping-stone  to  a  bishopric.  Nevertheless  the 
kings  did  not  allow  churchmen  to  intrude  in  political  affairs 
without  being  asked,  and  instances  of  official  reproof  on  this 
score  were  numerous,  despite  which  fact  the  clergy  took  a 
prominent  part  in  political  intrigues,  and  were  possibly  the 
principal  factor  in  the  Portuguese  war  of  independence  from 
Spain.     Furthermore,    the   solicitation    of   inheritances    by 


RELIGION   AND  THE   CHURCH,    1516-1700  323 

churchmen  was  insistently  forbidden  by  the  king;  on  one 
occasion  when  accusations  of  this  character  were  made 
against  the  Jesuits  of  Flanders  the  Duke  of  Alba  annulled 
all  testamentary  dispositions  to  that  order  and  provided  for 
the  inheritance  of  the  legal  heirs. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS,    1516-1700 


Compara- 
tive back- 
wardness 
of  Spain  in 
economic 
develop- 
ment. 


While  this  era  was  marked  by  a  brief  period  of  prosperity, 
and  while  there  was  a  noteworthy  advance  out  of  medieval- 
ism in  the  evolution  of  mercantile  machinery,  the  keynote 
of  the  times  was  the  failure  of  Spain  to  keep  pace  in  material 
welfare  with  her  high  standing  in  other  aspects  of  life.  Spain 
continued  to  be  a  raw  material  country,  although  artificial 
attempts  were  still  made  to  create  a  thriving  industrial 
development.  These  efforts,  when  they  did  not  fail  al- 
together, accrued  to  the  advantage  of  foreigners  or  resulted 
in  establishments  which  were  of  slight  consequence  in 
comparison  Avith  those  of  other  European  lands.  A  com- 
bination of  evils  at  length  sank  Spain  to  such  a  state  of 
economic  degradation  and  misery  as  comported  ill  with  her 
political  reputation  in  European  affairs  and  with  the  oppor- 
tunities she  had  had  and  failed  to  employ  to  advantage. 
Nevertheless,  Spain's  decadence,  overwhelming  though  it 
was,  is  to  be  viewed  from  a  relative  standpoint.  Medieval 
Spain  at  its  best,  except  possibly  during  the  INIoslem  era, 
did  not  attain  to  an  equally  flourishing  state  with  the  Spain 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  which  marks  the  lowest  point  to 
which  she  has  fallen  in  modern  times.  On  the  other  hand, 
with  relation  to  other  countries  in  the  seventeenth  century 
and  with  due  regard  to  the  needs  which  an  expanded  civili- 
zation had  by  that  time  developed,  Spain  came  to  be  eco- 
nomically about  the  most  backward  land  in  western  Europe. 
This  occurred,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  Spaniards  found  and 
developed  such  extraordinary  wealth  in  their  new  world 
possessions  that  their  colonies  were  the  envy  of  Europe. 

324 


ECONOMIC    FACTORS,    1516-1700 


325 


Spain  did  indeed  get  rich  returns  from  her  overseas  invest- 
ment, but  these  funds  and  others  were  squandered  in  the 
ways  which  have  ah'eady  been  pointed  out. 

At  the  outset  there  was  a  period  of  undoubted  prosperity, 
due  in  part  to  a  continuation  of  the  favoring  legislation  of 
the  era  of  the  Cathohc  Kings,  but  more  particularly  to  the 
enormously  increased  demand  resulting  from  the  rapid  and 
extensive  colonization  of  the  Americas,  whose  commerce 
was  restricted  by  law  to  favored  regions  of  the  Spanish 
kingdom.  The  American  trade  and  to  some  extent  the  con- 
siderable fortunes  gained  in  the  colonies  themselves  pro- 
vided capital  for  a  yet  further  expansion  of  the  industrial 
wealth  of  the  peninsula.  The  effects  were  felt  principally 
in  Castile,  but  were  reflected  also  in  Aragon  and  Valencia. 
Seville,  as  the  sole  port  of  the  American  trade,  became 
extraordinarily  rich  in  its  industrial  life,  and  many  other 
cities  shared  in  the  general  prosperity.  Woollen  goods  and 
silks  were  manufactured  on  a  large  scale,  and  many  other 
articles,  such  as  hats,  gloves,  soap,  leathers,  arms,  and 
furniture  were  also  made.  Grazing  and  fishing  were  notably 
productive  industries.  When  Philip  II  ascended  the  Spanish 
throne  in  1556,  it  is  said  that  the  corporation  of  the  Mesta 
possessed  seven  million  sheep.  Part  of  the  wool  which  they 
produced  was  supplied  to  Spanish  manufacturers,  though 
other  sources  were  also  drawn  upon  by  the  makers  of  woollen 
goods,  but  vast  quantities  of  wool  were  sent  abroad.  In 
1512  about  50,000  quintals  were  exported ;  in  1557  some 
150,000;  and  in  1610  the  amount  had  reached  180,000 
quintals.  The  whale-fisheries  off  the  northern  and  north- 
western coasts  of  Spain,  at  that  time  a  rich  field  for  this 
occupation,  and  the  catching  of  tunny-fish  in  the  Medi- 
terranean furnished  profitable  employment  to  the  people  of 
the  coasts,  who  also  made  voyages  to  distant  waters,  even 
to  Newfoundland,  on  fishing  ventures.  The  wars  of  the 
reign  of  Philip  II  and  the  scarcity  of  boats  soon  tended  to 
check  this  phase  of  economic  expansion.  Mining  produced 
but  little,  in  part  because  the  possessors  of  latifimdia  — 
nobles  and  churchmen  —  did  not  care  to  develop  their 
estates  in  this  respect  and  in  part  because  private  individuals 


Relative 
prosperity 
in  the 
early  years 
of  the  era. 


The  Amer- 
ican trade. 


Industrial 
wealth  of 
SeviUe. 


Grazing. 


Fishing. 


Mining. 


326 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Relative 
character 
of  Spanish 
industrial 
prosperity. 


Its  dura- 
tion in 
time. 


Handicaps 
on  agri- 
culture. 


generally  could  not  be  certain  that  they  would  be  allowed  to 
enjoy  any  profit  they  migiit  make.  Philip  II,  desirous  of 
remedying  this  situation,  incorporated  all  mines  into  the 
crown,  and  encouraged  prospecting  for  mineral  wealth, 
though  exacting  certain  tributes  from  those  who  should 
discover  and  work  mines,  but  even  under  these  circumstances 
little  was  done. 

There  has  been  a  tendency  to  exaggerate  the  state  of 
prosperity  to  which  Spain  attained  and  to  treat  it  as  if  it 
suddenly  collapsed.  In  fact  Spain's  industrial  wealth  was 
only  great  by  comparison  with  what  it  once  had  been  and 
with  what  it  was  presently  to  be  in  the  period  of  decline. 
The  manufacture  of  cloth  in  the  entire  kingdom  in  the  most 
flourishing  epoch  did  not  equal  the  output  of  the  single  city 
of  Bruges.  That  the  growth  of  manufacturing  was  only 
ephemeral  and  did  not  take  root  in  the  peninsula  is  attested 
by  the  fact  that  it  was  usually  necessary,  even  in  the  era  of 
greatest  industrial  expansion,  to  depend  upon  imports  to 
supply  Spain's  needs,  while  the  considerable  exports  of  raw 
materials,  especially  wool,  show  that  the  domestic  demand 
could  not  have  been  great.  Undoubtedly  a  good  industrial 
beginning  was  made,  which  might  have  resulted  in  the 
economic  independence  of  Spain.  It  did  not  continue,  how- 
ever, and  the  question  arises :  How  long  did  the  era  of 
relative  industrial  prosperity  endure?  A  precise  answer  is 
impossible,  because  some  industries  flourished  longer  than 
others,  or  the  same  industry  prospered  in  one  place  after  it 
had  ceased  to  do  so  in  another.  Conflicting  accounts  began 
to  appear  about  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I,  and 
even  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  there  were 
documents  which  testified  to  instances  of  prosperity.  Speak- 
ing generally,  the  decline  may  be  said  to  have  made  itself 
felt  in  the  reign  of  Philip  II  and  to  have  become  clearly 
apparent  by  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Philip  IV. 

Agriculture  did  not  advance  much  from  its  wretched  state 
of  the  previous  era.  The  economists,  giving  undue  im- 
portance to  the  accumulation  of  specie,  and  obsessed  by  a 
desire  to  develop  manufactures,  did  not  appreciate  the 
fundamental  value  of  agriculture;  grazing  was  favored  at 


ECONOMIC  FACTORS,   1516-1700  327 

the  expense  of  farming ;  agricultural  labor,  never  plentiful, 
was  still  more  scarce  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Moriscos ; 
and  the  evil  of  latifundia  tended  to  reduce  the  amount  of  land 
cultivated.  The  laws  encouraged  agriculture  only  when  it 
did  not  interfere  with  what  were  considered  the  more  im- 
portant industries.  Legislation  was  frequent  forbidding 
the  cultivation  of  lands  which  had  ever  been  devoted  to 
grazing  and  compelling  their  restoration  to  that  industry, 
and  the  old  privileges  of  the  Mesta  were  maintained  to  the 
detriment  of  the  farmers.  The  scarcity  of  agricultural 
labor  caused  an  immigration  from  other  countries,  espe- 
cially from  France,  and  this  increased  after  the  expulsion  of 
the  Moriscos.  It  did  not  solve  the  problem,  as  the  foreigners 
were  wont  to  retiu-n  home,  after  they  had  accumulated 
savings.  Under  the  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that 
agricultural  production  did  not  meet  the  needs  of  the  penin- 
sula. Something  was  done  to  protect  farm  laborers,  and 
some  government  projects  of  irrigation  were  undertaken, 
but  not  enough  was  done  to  offset  the  handicaps  which  the 
state  itself  imposed.  Intensive  cultivation  by  small  pro- 
prietors was  one  of  the  needs  of  the  time,  and  one  attempt  to 
bring  this  about  in  Granada  was  made.  Some  12,500 
Castilian,  Asturian,  and  Galician  families  were  sent  there  to 
replace  in  a  measure  the  several  hundred  thousand  expelled 
Moriscos.  The  experiment  was  successful,  and  the  coloniza- 
tion took  root,  but  it  was  not  repeated.  Nevertheless, 
eastern  and  southern  Spain  had  their  period  of  relative 
prosperity,  especially  through  the  cultivation  of  the  vine 
and  the  olive.  The  Americas  offered  a  rich  field  for  the 
export  of  wine,  since  the  growing  of  vines  was  prohibited 
there,  and  the  soil,  climate,  irrigation  canals,  and  Morisco 
labor  (prior  to  the  expulsion)  of  Valencia,  Granada,  and 
Andalusia  were  well  adapted  to  provide  the  desired  supply. 
Even  this  form  of  agriculture  suffered  a  serious  decline  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  due  largely  to  the  loss  of  the 
Moriscos. 

Spanish  commerce  had  its  era  of  splendor  and  its  period  of 
decline,  but  the  former  was  prolonged  much  more  than  in 
the  case  of  the  manufacturing  industry,  because  of  Spain's 


328 


A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Compara- 
tive pros- 
perity of 
Spanish 
commerce. 

Prosperity 

of  Seville 

and 

Medina 

del 

Campo. 


The  con- 
sulados 
and  other 
mercantile 
ma- 
chinery. 


serving  as  a  medium  for  distribution  between  foreign 
countries  and  the  Americas,  and  because  of  the  continued 
exchange  of  raw  materials  for  the  foreign  finished  product 
after  Spain  herself  had  ceased  to  be  a  serious  competitor  in 
manufacturing.  Seville  was  by  far  the  most  prosperous 
port  in  the  country,  since  it  had  a  monopoly  of  the  American 
trade,  which  also  necessitated  the  sending  to  that  city  of 
goods  from  the  other  parts  of  Spain  and  from  foreign 
countries  for  trans-shipment  overseas.  Mercantile  trans- 
actions on  a  great  scale,  involving  the  modern  forms  of 
credit  and  the  establishment  of  branch  houses  in  all  parts  of 
the  world,  were  a  natural  outgrowth  of  Seville's  great  volume 
of  trade.  The  wealth  of  the  city  continued  until  well  into 
the  seventeenth  century.  The  transfer  of  the  Casa  de  Con- 
tratacion  (which  handled  Spain's  commerce  with  the  Amer- 
icas) from  Seville  to  Cadiz  occasioned  a  decline  of  the  former 
and  a  corresponding  prosperity  of  the  latter.  Possibly  next 
in  importance  to  Seville  in  mercantile  aflfairs  was  the  inland 
city  of  Medina  del  Campo,  site  of  the  greatest  of  Spanish 
fairs  and,  except  for  the  east  coast  provinces,  the  contractual 
centre  of  the  entire  kingdom.  Purchases,  sales,  and  ex- 
changes of  goods  entering  or  leaving  the  various  ports  of 
Spain  were  usually  arranged  there.  Numerous  other  cities 
shared  with  Seville  and  Medina  del  Campo  in  the  commercial 
activity  of  the  sixteenth  century,  even  those  of  the  east  coast, 
although  the  forces  which  had  occasioned  their  decline  in 
preceding  eras  were  still  operative  and  were  to  renew  their 
effects  before  the  sixteenth  century  had  much  more  than 
passed  the  halfway  mark.  The  Mediterranean  trade  of 
Spain  remained  largely  in  the  hands  of  the  Catalans,  how- 
ever. North  European  commerce,  of  which  that  with 
Flanders  was  the  most  important,  was  shared  generally  by 
Spain's  Atlantic  ports,  although  those  of  the  north  coast  had 
in  this  case  a  natural  advantage. 

The  inevitable  result  of  the  commercial  activity  of  the 
sixteenth  century  was  the  development  of  a  mercantile 
machinery  to  handle  the  trade.  This  occurred,  in  Spain, 
on  the  basis  of  institutions  already  in  existence,  the  con- 
sulados,  merchants'  exchange  buildings  (lonjas),  and  fairs. 


ECONOMIC  FACTORS,   1516-1700  329 

To  the  earlier  consulados  of  Valencia  (1283),  Barcelona 
(1347),  Saragossa  (1391),  Burgos  (1494),  and  Bilbao  (1511) 
there  were  added  those  of  Seville  (1543)  and  Madrid  (1632). 
Although  the  consulados  of  the  ports  differed  in  some  respects 
from  those  of  the  interior  the  same  principles  applied  to 
both,  —  so  much  so,  that  the  ordinances  of  the  consulado  of 
Burgos  were  the  model  for  that  of  Bilbao.  The  consulado 
of  Burgos  served  as  the  type,  indeed,  upon  which  the 
ordinances  of  many  of  the  later  considados  were  founded, 
wherefore  its  description  may  suffice  for  all.  Strictly 
speaking,  the  consulado  was  only  the  tribunal  of  the  body 
of  merchants,  who  together  formed  the  universidad,  or 
association,  for  purposes  of  trade,  although  the  term  co7i~ 
sulado  came  eventually  to  include  both.  Many  cities  lacked 
the  tribunal,  but  did  possess  the  universidad  of  merchants. 
The  tribunal,  or  consulado,  of  Burgos  exercised  jurisdiction 
in  mercantile  cases,  and  also  had  charge  of  such  important 
matters  as  maritime  insurance,  charter-parties,  and  the 
patronage  of  certain  pious  foundations.  The  universidad  met 
annually  to  elect  the  officers  of  the  consulado,  —  a  prior,  two 
consuls,  and  a  treasurer.  The  jurisdiction  of  the  consulado 
as  a  court  was  not  limited  to  cases  arising  in  Burgos,  but 
extended  to  other  towns  and  cities  for  many  miles  around 
it.  There  was  an  appeal  in  criminal  cases  to  the  corregidor 
of  Burgos,  but  in  civil  cases  the  considado  was  independent 
of  both  the  royal  and  the  municipal  courts.  The  consulado 
of  Madrid  introduced  some  novelties,  principal  among  which 
was  its  close  attachment  to  the  national  bureaucracy 
through  the  intervention  in  its  affairs  of  the  Consejo  Real. 
Various  cities  founded  merchants'  exchange  buildings, 
including  some  which  had  no  consulado.  As  for  the  fairs, 
the  great  importance  of  Medina  del  Campo  has  already 
been  mentioned.  Two  fairs  a  year,  in  May  and  October, 
were  held  at  that  city,  on  which  occasions  merchants,  bankers, 
and  brokers  from  all  parts  of  the  world  gathered  there.  By 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  fairs  of  Medina  del 
Campo  were  already  in  a  state  of  decline,  and  they  received 
a  death-blow  when  by  royal  mandate  Burgos  replaced 
Medina  del   Campo   as   the   contractual   centre   of   Spain. 


330 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Medieval 
character 
and  incon- 
sistencies 
of  mer- 
cantile 
legislation. 


Burgos  did  not  greatly  profit,  however,  for  the  general 
mercantile  decadence  had  begun  to  affect  all  commercial 
institutions  in  the  country.  Mercantile  machinery  survived 
after  the  period  of  prosperity  had  passed,  and  thus  it  was 
only  to  be  expected  that  a  central  institution  should  at 
length  be  founded.  Such  was  the  case,  for  the  Junta  de 
Comercio  y  Moneda  (Junta,  or  Council,  of  Commerce  and 
Coinage)  came  into  existence  in  1679.  During  the  remainder 
of  this  era  it  was  of  slight  consequence,  however. 

The  legislation  of  the  period  reflected  the  prevailing 
economic  ideas,  such  as  the  exceptional  imj)ortance  attached 
to  precious  metals,  the  insistence  that  the  balance  of  trade 
should  favor  exports  (lest  imports  should  result  in  specie 
going  out  of  the  country),  the  favor  shown  toward  the  policy 
of  protection,  and  in  a  measure  the  continuance  of  the 
medieval  penchant  for  government  regulation  of  industry. 
The  state  was  not  consistent,  however,  varying  its  laws 
according  as  the  needs  of  the  treasury  or  of  European 
diplomacy  or  of  any  passing  crisis  might  direct.  Thus 
prohibitions  against  foreign  goods  were  often  maintained, 
while  at  other  times  the  greatest  freedom  of  entry  was 
allowed.  In  the  treaties  of  peace  of  the  sixteenth  century 
care  to  safeguard  the  commercial  interests  of  Spain  was 
employed,  but  in  the  seventeenth  century  they  were  often 
sacrificed  through  the  indiscretions  of  ministers  or  for 
political  reasons.  Thus  Spain's  need  of  allies  against 
France  occasioned  the  grant  of  a  right  for  the  free  entry  of 
goods  into  Spain  (but  not  into  the  colonies)  to  the  Prot- 
estant Netherlands,  England,  Denmark,  and  Portugal,  with 
reductions  in  duties.  Treaties  of  16(55  and  1667  with  Eng- 
land abolished  Spain's  right  to  inspect  English  boats  or  to 
search  the  houses  of  British  subjects,  amounting  to  a  virtual 
invitation  to  smuggling,  which  was  in  fact  the  result.  Smug- 
gling in  connivance  with  Spanish  officials  became  so  general 
(not  altogether  by  Englishmen)  that  it  was  regarded  as  a 
necessary  evil.  The  government  displayed  a  tendency  to 
facilitate  internal  commerce,  —  as  by  the  suppression  of 
interior  customs  lines,  —  but  the  protective  and  regulative 
spirit  of  the  Middle  Ages  was  too  often  apparent.     Thus 


ECONOMIC    FACTORS,    1516-1700 


331 


prices  were  fixed  and  exclusive  rights  of  sale  granted.  A 
curious  instance  of  the  latter  (though  not  out  of  keeping 
with  the  age)  was  the  permit  given  to  the  religious  orders 
of  Madrid  to  open  taverns  for  the  sale  of  beverages  accruing 
from  their  crops.  When  certain  abuses  and  some  scandal 
resulted  the  privilege  was  withdrawn,  but  was  later  re- 
newed subject  to  certain  conditions,  one  of  which  was  that 
friars  should  not  serve  the  wines  to  customers. 

Legislation  with  relation  to  money  was  particularly  abun-  Diflacultiea 
dant.  One  grave  error  of  the  past  was  constantly  com-  over 
mitted  from  the  time  of  Philip  II  to  the  close  of  the  era,  the  coinage, 
debasement  of  the  coinage  with  a  view  to  relieving  the  dif- 
ficulties of  the  treasury,  but  the  results  were  not  more 
favorable  than  in  former  years.  Despite  governmental  care 
in  the  matter  of  coinage,  diversity  of  coins  was  still  a  prob- 
lem. In  addition  to  the  national  moneys  there  were  regional 
pieces  and  numerous  foreign  coins.  Attempts  were  made 
to  fix  the  relation  between  them,  but  without  great  suc- 
cess. One  factor  which  was  not  appreciated  at  the  time  was 
that  of  the  cheapening  of  money  through  the  enormous 
importation  of  precious  metals  from  the  Americas,  resulting 
in  a  corresponding  advance  in  prices.  The  high  prices  were 
ascribed  to  the  exportation  of  precious  metals  from  Spain, 
and  stringent  laws  were  passed  to  prevent  it.  It  was  diffi- 
cult, however,  to  keep  the  gold  and  silver  in  the  country. 

The  national  record  of  the  House  of  Austria  in  public  Scant 
works  cannot  be  said  to  have  been  good.  The  need  for  more  attention 
and  better  roads  was  generally  recognized,  but  unless  they 
suited  military  purposes  or  were  to  be  made  use  of  in  a  royal 
progress,  or  journey,  the  state  would  rarely  build  them. 
Municipalities  and  groups  of  merchants  (especially  the 
consulados)  did  something,  but  were  hampered  by  the 
centralizing  spirit  of  the  government.  A  license  from  the 
Consejo  Real  was  required,  even  though  the  state  were  not 
to  pay.  There  were  too  few  roads,  and  existing  highways 
were  as  a  general  rule  in  a  bad  state  of  repair.  Many 
bridges  were  constructed  by  the  government  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  but  only  a  few  in  the  century  following. 
Plans  were  also  discussed  for  deepening  the  channels  of 


to  pubUo 
works. 


332 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Foreigners 
in  Spain 
and  legis- 
lation con- 
cerning 
them. 


Spain's  great  rivers,  but  that  of  the  Tagus  alone  received 
attention,  and  the  work  to  that  end  by  Philip  II  was  de- 
stroyed by  the  negligence  of  his  successors.  In  like  manner 
irrigation  on  a  large  scale  was  planned,  but  scarcely  anything 
was  accomplished.  On  the  other  hand  this  period  marked 
the  beginning  of  a  mail  service  as  an  auxiliary  of  economic 
life;  it  was  due  to  the  state  only  in  that  the  government 
granted  a  monopoly  of  the  privilege  to  a  private  individual. 
Between  1580  and  1G85  the  extension  of  the  service  to 
foreign  countries  was  brought  about.  Naturally  the  whole 
system  was  as  yet  defective  from  the  modern  standpoint. 
The  government  did  expend  moneys,  however,  for  military 
objects  and  state  buildings.  Forts  were  built  the  length 
and  breadth  of  the  Spanish  world,  although  many  of  them 
were  allowed  to  decay  in  the  seventeenth  century.  Royal 
palaces  and  houses  of  recreation  and  several  splendid  churches 
for  royal  use,  all  of  which  added  to  the  glamor  of  monarchy, 
were  built  at  state  expense.  The  municipalities  also  erected 
public  edifices,  such  as  merchants'  exchange  buildings  and 
city  halls. 

One  of  the  most  controversial  questions  of  the  era  was  that 
of  the  entry  of  foreigners  into  the  economic  life  of  the  penin- 
sula. This  had  begun  to  be  a  factor  (without  referring  now 
to  the  earlier  arrival  of  Moslem  and  Jewish  elements)  in  the 
reign  of  the  Catholic  Kings,  but  it  was  a  much  more  promi- 
nent issue  in  the  period  of  the  House  of  Austria.  It  was 
complicated  by  the  fact  that  certain  groups  of  foreigners 
might  be  welcomed  (laborers  for  example),  while  others 
(merchants  and  manufacturers  in  particular)  were  not,  but 
all  elements  would  be  both  wanted  and  opposed  by  some 
class  of  the  Spanish  people  at  any  given  time.  In  general, 
popular  opinion  whether  of  rich  or  poor  was  adverse  to 
foreigners.  At  times  the  kings  yielded  to  the  complaints 
of  the  people  and  passed  restrictive  laws,  but  at  other  times, 
urged  on  by  financial  needs  and  political  aims,  they  took  the 
contrary  course.  Dependent  as  they  were  upon  foreign 
money-lenders  the  kings  could  not  refuse  to  grant  the  privi- 
leges and  monopolies  which  their  creditors  exacted  as  se- 
curity.    It  would  seem,  however,  that  by  far  the  greater 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS,    1516-1700 


333 


number  of  the  foreigners  were  engaged  in  the  less  remuner- 
ative occupations.  A  writer  of  the  seventeenth  century 
says  that  there  were  120,000  foreigners  in  domestic  service, 
and  goes  on  to  say  that  they  also  engaged  in  such  occupations 
as  street  hawking,  the  keeping  of  retail  shops  of  all  varieties 
(sellers  of  meat,  wine,  cakes,  etc.),  and  the  mechanical  trades, 
including  even  those  of  porter  and  vendor  of  water.  In 
1680  the  French  ambassador  estimated  that  there  were  77,000 
of  his  countrymen  in  Spain,  many  of  whom  were  farm  labor- 
ers, but  there  were  considerable  numbers  in  various  other 
occupations,  ranging  from  the  wealthy  merchant  down  to 
the  lowly  shepherd  or  peddler.  Other  nationalities  were 
also  prominent.  Laws  were  passed  limiting  the  number  of 
trades  in  which  foreigners  could  engage,  but  they  seem  to 
have  been  without  avail,  for  both  the  complaints  and  the 
legislation  were  often  repeated.  The  victory  of  the  foreign 
element  began  to  be  more  apparent  by  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  Philip  IV  enacted  laws  to  encourage 
immigration,  because  of  the  scarcity  of  labor,  and  per- 
mitted a  foreigner  who  had  lived  for  many  years  in  Spain 
and  married  a  Spanish  woman  to  enjoy  privileges  little 
short  of  those  of  a  native.  Similar  laws  were  made  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  II. 

The  economic  status  of  Spain  in  this  era  could  be  more  Statistics 
clearly  set  forth  if  it  were  possible  to  have  fairly  reliable  data  of  popu- 
as  to  population.     In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  l^t^on. 
there  may  have  been  about  six  and  three  quarter  millions 
of  people  in  Spain.     By  the  end  of  the  century  some  esti- 
mates hold  that  the  numbers  had  increased  to  perhaps  eight 
and  a  half  millions,  but  there  is  ground  for  doubting  these 
assertions.     Figures  for  the  seventeenth  century  are  even 
more  uncertain,  but  there  is  a  general  agreement  that  the 
population  declined.     One  estimate  makes  the  population 
of  Spain  5,700,000  at  the  end  of  the  era.     Misery,  idleness.   Prevalence 
and  vagabondage  were  characteristic  of  Spanish  life  in  the   ofvaga- 
late  sixteenth  and  throughout  the  seventeenth  century;  it   bondage, 
has  been  estimated  that  there  were  150,000  vagabonds  at 
the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  whose  principal  occupa- 
tions were  begging,  thieving,  and  prostitution.     It  is  true 


334 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Causes  of 
vaga- 
bondage. 


that  a  like  state  of  affairs  existed  in  other  countries,  and  that 
many  foreigners  were  inchided  in  this  element  in  the  penin- 
sula, but  conditions  were  probably  worse  in  Spain  than  else- 
where in  western  Europe. 

Much  has  been  written  about  the  causes  of  vagabondage 
in  Spain.  The  principal  causes  undoubtedly  were  economic. 
Foreign  writers  have  charged  it  to  Spanish  })ride  and  scorn 
of  manual  labor  as  well  as  to  a  certain  native  laziness.  These 
allegations  are  true  to  some  extent,  flowing  naturally  from 
the  circumstances  of  the  history  of  Spain.  Slavery  had  been 
perhaps  more  general  and  long-continuing  in  the  peninsula 
than  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  and  the  slaves  had  usually 
been  Moslem  in  faith;  thus  Spaniards  might  naturally  be 
disinclined  to  do  the  work  of  slaves  and  infidels,  and  the  same 
spirit  would  be  present  on  its  religious  side  to  make  them 
object  to  working  in  company  with  the  questionably  orthodox 
Moriscos.  The  general  desire  of  Spaniards  to  be  regarded  as 
of  noble  blood  also  tended  to  make  manual  labor  unpopular, 
since  there  was  a  strong  class  prejudice  that  nobles  should 
not  engage  in  such  work.  Finally,  the  ease  of  entry  into 
religious  orders  had  rendered  escape  from  toil  possible  for  a 
great  number,  and  had  increased  the  sentiment  against 
laboring  with  one's  hands.  The  only  way  out  for  a  great 
many  was  the  life  of  a  vagabond.  The  sudden  wealth 
acquired  by  individuals  in  the  Americas  reacted  psychologi- 
cally to  make  the  necessarily  slow  accretions  of  property  in 
Spain  an  irksome  prospect.  The  exaltation  of  military 
glory  had  the  same  general  effect,  but  as  the  Spanish  armies 
were  small  this  occupation  was  not  open  to  everybody,  and 
its  perils  and  irregularities  in  pay  made  not  a  few  hesitate 
to  enter  it.  Furthermore,  there  were  many  contemporary 
writers,  Cervantes  among  them,  who  pointed  out  that  the 
life  of  a  vagabond  had  a  certain  appeal  for  many  Spaniards ; 
young  men  of  good  family  not  infrequently  joined  bands  of 
gypsies. 

The  poverty  of  Spain  was  general  by  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  the  state  of  the  country  got 
steadily  worse  thereafter.  Bread  riots  frequently  served  as 
a  reminder  to  the  authorities,  who  indeed  made  many  attempts 


ECONOMIC  FACTORS,    1516-1700 


335 


to  remedy  the  situation.  Their  measures  to  attack  the  root 
of  the  evil  were  worse  than  useless,  however,  being  based  on 
economic  misconceptions  or  being  discontinued  (when  they 
might  have  proved  beneficial)  if  they  ran  counter  to  govern- 
mental policies.  Direct  legislation  against  vagabondage 
was  frequent,  but  was  evaded  as  often  as  enacted.  When 
people  were  forbidden  to  remain  in  the  country  without 
working,  the  vagabonds  made  a  showing  of  becoming  porters 
or  of  engaging  in  other  like  occupations,  under  the  guise  of 
which  they  continued  their  loose  practices.  When  these 
occupations  were  limited  they  were  to  be  found  as  theo- 
retically in  the  service  of  the  noble  or  wealthy,  whom  social 
pride  induced  to  have  as  many  in  their  following  as  possible. 
W^hen  this  custom  was  attacked  direct  evasion  of  the  laws 
was  rendered  possible  through  charitable  institutions, 
especially  through  the  free  soup-kitchens  of  the  religious 
orders.  On  the  benevolent  side  the  problem  was  also 
approached  through  the  founding  of  poor-houses,  although 
this  method  was  not  yet  greatly  developed,  and  through  the 
conversion  of  the  former  public  granaries  {positos),  in  which 
stores  of  grain  were  kept  to  guard  against  the  possibility  of 
famine,  into  pious  institutions  for  the  gift  or  loan  of  food 
supplies  to  the  poor. 

The  fact  of  Spain's  economic  decline  has  perhaps  been 
pointed  out  with  sufficient  clearness.  It  is  now  pertinent  to 
sum  up  the  causes  which  had  produced  it.  According  to 
Altamira  there  was  "a  great  variety  of  causes,  accumulated 
upon  a  country  which  entered  the  modern  age  with  weak  and 
incipient  economic  energies,  a  country  whose  governments 
let  themselves  be  dragged  into  an  imperialistic  policy  (in 
great  part  forced  upon  them  by  problems  traceable  to 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic  and  the  fatal  inheritance  of  Charles 
I),  neglecting,  more  for  lack  of  means  than  intentionally, 
those  measures  which  could  best  contribute  to  better  the 
productive  power  and  well-being  of  the  country."  This  is 
an  epitome  not  only  of  the  causes  for  Spain's  economic 
decline  in  this  period  but  also  of  modern  Spanish  history. 
It  places  the  fault  where  it  belongs,  on  Spanish  imperialism 
with  its  train  of  costly  wars,  a  policy  which  Spain  might  have 


Inability 
of  the  gov- 
ernment 
to  cope 
with  the 
situation. 


Contem- 
porary 
opinions  as 
to  the 
causes  of 
Spain's 
economic 
decline. 


336  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

followed  so  far  as  the  Americas  were  concerned,  but  which 
proved  an  impossible  strain  on  her  resources  when  carried 
beyond  the  Spanish  peninsula  into  Europe.  This  was  one 
of  the  principal  causes  assigned  at  the  time.  Some  others 
may  also  be  enumerated.  The  increase  in  the  alcabala  and 
in  other  taxes  was  often  mentioned  as  a  principal  cause, 
although  it  is  easy  to  see  how  this  might  have  been  a  result 
of  the  warfare.  In  like  manner  another  group  of  causes  set 
forth  at  that  time  might  well  have  been  results  of  the  eco- 
nomic decline,  such  as  the  following  :  emigration  to  the  colo- 
nies ;  the  lack  of  government  aid  to  industries ;  the  invasion 
of  foreign  goods  and  foreigners  into  Spain ;  and  the  decline 
in  population.  Other  causes  alleged  by  contemporaries  and 
deserving  of  prominent  mention,  though  less  important  than 
that  of  the  European  wars,  were  these :  the  repugnance  of 
Spaniards  for  manual  labor ;  bad  financial  administration 
by  the  government ;  the  prodigality  of  the  kings  in  granting 
favors  and  exemptions ;  the  governmental  practice  of  fixing 
the  prices  of  agricultural  products ;  the  evil  of  absentee 
landlordism,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  latifundia,  which 
were  not  developed  to  the  extent  of  their  resources ;  waste 
of  the  means  of  production  in  luxury ;  the  great  number  of 
convents  and  monasteries;  and  the  exemptions  enjoyed  by 
a  vast  number  of  individuals. 
Causes  Later  writers  have  put  emphasis  on  other  matters.     Some 

assigned  present-day  historians  assign  the  expulsion  of  the  Moriscos  as 
by  later  the  principal  cause  of  the  economic  decline.  It  did  leave 
wnters.  many  trades  without  hands,  and  temporarily  depopulated 
whole  districts,  but  it  seems  hardly  accurate  to  regard  it 
as  anything  more  than  one  of  many  contributory  causes. 
Writers  of  the  seventeenth  century  were  impressed  by  its 
religious  and  political  advantages,  and  do  not  seem  to  have 
regarded  it  as  of  serious  economic  import.  The  economic 
effects  of  the  conquest  of  the  Americas  have  also  been  set 
forth  to  account  for  Spain's  decline.  That  conquest  in- 
duced the  already-mentioned  get-rich-quick  spirit  among 
Spaniards,  and  encouraged  the  false  economic  idea  that 
precious  metals  are  the  basic  form  of  wealth,  leading  to  the 
assignment  of  an  undue  importance  to  them.     More  serious, 


ECONOMIC  FACTORS,  1516-1700  337 

perhaps,  was  the  fact  that  the  Americas  drained  Spain  of 
some  of  her  best  and  most  virile  blood.  The  number  of 
Spaniards  who  went  to  America,  however,  was  not  excessive, 
—  little  more  than  the  number  of  Englishmen  who  crossed 
the  seas  in  the  seventeenth  century.  Furthermore,  Spain 
most  certainly  secured  a  vast  financial  profit  out  of  the 
Americas,  not  only  from  precious  metals,  but  also  from 
commerce  and  the  employment  which  thousands  obtained 
both  in  Spain  and  in  the  colonies.  Spanish  soil  was  indeed 
not  fertile  enough  to  support  a  policy  of  European  imperial- 
ism, and  that  argument  has  been  put  forward,  but  the  fault 
was  less  in  the  land  itself,  which  in  other  days  had  produced 
more  richly,  than  in  the  methods  (or  lack  of  them)  employed 
to  develop  its  capacities.  Foreign  commercial  vicissitudes, 
which  are  also  alleged  to  account  for  Spain's  economic  fall, 
did  indeed  help  to  bring  it  about,  —  such,  for  example,  as 
the  disastrous  consequences  of  the  silting  in  of  the  port  of 
Bruges,  which  city  had  been  one  of  the  best  purchasers  of 
Spain's  raw  materials.  While  it  is  indeed  impossible  to 
assign  any  single  event  or  condition  of  affairs  as  the  sine  qua 
non  of  Spain's  decadence,  one  factor  stands  out  from  the  rest, 
however,  as  the  most  important,  —  that  of  the  oft-mentioned 
policy  of  Spanish  imperialism  in  Europe. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

THE  GOLDEN   AGE:     EDUCATION,   PHILOSOPHY,    HISTORY,    AND 

SCIENCE,  1516-1700 


Causes  of 
Spain's  in- 
tellectual 
greatness 
in  this  era. 


The  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  represent  the 
highest  point  in  the  history  of  Spanish  intellectual  achieve- 
ment in  science,  literature,  and  art.  Two  manifestations 
characterized  the  era :  an  abundant  productivity  which  was 
as  high  in  quality  as  it  was  great  in  amount ;  and  the  diffu- 
sion of  Spanish  learning  in  the  other  countries  of  the  civilized 
world,  so  that  for  the  first  time  (except  for  the  transmission 
of  Moslem  culture)  Christian  Spain  became  a  vital  factor 
in  European  thought,  whereas  in  former  years  she  had  merely 
received  the  instruction  of  others.  The  reasons  for  this  in- 
tellectual outbiu*st  were  various.  For  one  thing  the  natural 
evolution  from  the  past  seemed  to  render  inevitable  a  high 
degree  of  attainment.  For  another,  the  general  effects  of 
the  Renaissance  in  Eiu-ope  made  themselves  felt  in  Spain. 
In  the  third  place,  this  seems  to  have  been  the  era  of  the  ripe 
matm-ity  of  the  Spanish  people,  when  they  were  at  the  height 
of  their  capacity  in  every  walk  of  life.  Finally,  as  has  hap- 
pened so  many  times  in  the  history  of  other  nations,  the  very 
fact  of  the  establishment  of  a  great  empire  was  bound  to 
react  both  materially  and  psychologically  to  produce  an 
unwonted  expansion  intellectually.  Spanish  imperialism 
in  Europe  undoubtedly  contributed  much  to  the  civilization 
of  the  peninsula,  but  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  great- 
est influence  came  from  Spain's  conquests  in  the  new  world. 
These  operated  directly  to  make  Spain  an  innovator  in  scien- 
tific thought,  and  provided  the  first  noteworthy  material 
for  mental  stimulus  in  the  era.     If  the  better  known  mani- 

338 


THE   GOLDEN   AGE  :      EDUCATION   AND    SCIENCE 


339 


festations  of  polite  literature  and  painting  were  not  directly 
traceable  to  the  attainment  of  a  colonial  empire,  other  achieve- 
ments were,  and  the  indirect  effect  of  the  overseas  conquests 
should  not  be  left  out  of  consideration  even  in  the  case  of 
those  factors  which  acknowledged  Italy  as  their  principal 
source  of  inspiration. 

There  were  many  social  manifestations  of  Spanish  intel- 
lectuality, such  as  the  eagerness  with  which  men  sought  an 
education,  the  honors  paid  to  men  of  letters  in  an  age  when 
military  glory  might  tend  to  absorb  attention,  the  encyclo- 
pedic knowledge  demonstrated  by  scholars  who  were  at  one 
and  the  same  time  proficient  in  widely  divergent  fields,  the 
circumstance  that  women  won  marked  distinction  (together 
with  the  fact  that  their  achievements  were  well  received), 
and  the  fondness  of  the  upper  classes  for  social  functions  of 
a  literary  character,  —  not  a  few  of  which  developed  from  a 
simple  gathering  at  some  noble's  house  into  the  formation 
of  clubs  or  academies  of  an  intellectual  character.  This 
flourishing  state  of  affairs  endured  a  much  shorter  time  than 
might  have  been  expected  from  the  force  of  its  initial  momen- 
tijin;  in  a  broad  sense  the  intellectual  decadence  of  the 
country  accompanied,  or  perhaps  resulted  from,  the  political 
and  economic  decline,  but  just  as  in  the  case  of  these  factors 
it  was  not  equal  in  celerity  or  in  completeness  in  all  of  the 
many-sided  aspects  of  Spanish  intellectual  life.  Further- 
more, the  fall  was  so  rapid  in  some  respects,  and  from  such 
a  high  point  in  all,  that  the  ultimate  degradation,  though 
deep  enough,  seemed  by  comparison  to  be  worse  than  it  was. 
At  any  rate,  the  state  of  intellectuality  at  its  best  was  suf- 
ficiently great  to  deserve  the  title  which  has  been  applied 
to  the  period  of  its  expression,  that  of  the  siglo  de  oro  (golden 
century)  in  Spanish  science,  literature,  and  art. 

A  question  arises  as  to  the  application  of  the  term  and  the 
duration  of  the  period  of  the  siglo  de  oro.  The  seventeenth 
century  has  usually  been  regarded  as  the  golden  age,  for  it 
was  then  that  the  greatest  names  in  polite  literature  and 
painting  appeared.  In  fact,  however,  the  era  of  intellectual 
brilliance  dates  from  an  early  point  in  the  sixteenth  century 
in  the  reign  of  Charles  I,  lasting  for  about  a  century  and  a 


Social 

manifes- 
tations of 
Spanish 
intellec- 
tuality 
and  its 
duration 
in  time. 


Applica- 
tion and 
duration 
of  the 
siglo  de 
oro. 


340  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

half,  past  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The 
general  desire  for  knowledge,  which  was  so  marked  in  the 
first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  had  already  ebbed  away 
by  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Philip  II.  The  greatest  achieve- 
ments in  didactic  and  scientific  literature  belong  to  the 
sixteenth  century,  and,  indeed,  most  of  the  great  writers 
and  painters  who  won  fame  in  the  reigns  of  Philip  III  and 
Philip  IV  got  their  start,  or  at  least  were  born,  in  the  time 
of  Philip  II.  Great  results  were  obtained  in  both  periods, 
but  the  stimulus  came  for  the  most  part  in  the  sixteenth 
century. 
Theuni-  The  aristocratic  character  of  intellectual  attainments  in 

versities.  the  siglo  de  oro  was  reflected  in  that  of  the  institutions  of 
learning  which  were  founded.  In  addition  to  the  eight  uni- 
versities existing  in  1516,  twenty-one  were  added  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  and  five  in  the  seventeenth,  making  a  total 
of  thirty-four  in  all.  Salamanca  and  Alcala  stood  forth  as 
the  leading  universities,  although  outranked  in  legal  studies 
by  Valladolid.  Salamanca  had  the  more  ample  curriculum, 
with  some  sixty  professorships,  but  Alcala,  with  forty-two 
professorial  chairs,  was  distinguished  for  the  scientific  labors 
of  its  faculty.  Salamanca  was  more  largely  attended,  hav- 
ing 6778  students  in  1584,  a  number  which  had  declined  to 
1955  in  1682,  whUe  Alcala  had  1949  in  1547,  2061  in  1650, 
and  1637  in  1700.  The  medieval  type  of  internal  manage- 
ment remained  as  the  essential  basis  of  university  adminis- 
tration, characterized  by  the  close  connection  between  the 
university  and  the  civil  authorities  (to  which  latter  the  former 
were  in  a  measure  subjected),  by  an  intimate  relationship  with 
the  cathedral  or  other  local  churches,  and  by  the  ecclesias- 
tical origin  of  many  of  the  university  rents.  The  universi- 
ties did  not  become  religious  establishments,  however,  even 
though  churchmen  founded  the  greater  number  of  them.  As 
time  went  on,  the  kings  displayed  a  tendency  to  intervene 
in  university  life,  as  by  the  sending  of  visitadores,  or  by  im- 
posing their  candidates  for  professorships  upon  the  univer- 
sities, but  they  did  not  go  so  far  as  to  deprive  the  univer- 
sities of  their  economic,  legal,  and  scientific  independence. 
There  were  also  various  other  institutions  of  higher  educa- 


THE   GOLDEN  AGE  :      EDUCATION  AND   SCIENCE 


341 


tion.  One  of  them,  the  Estudios  Reales  de  San  Isidro  of 
Madrid,  founded  early  in  the  reign  of  Philip  IV  for  the  edu- 
cation of  the  sons  of  the  greater  nobility,  ranked  with  the 
universities.  Jesuit  teachers  were  installed.  This  was  not 
the  first  instance  of  Jesuit  instruction  in  the  peninsula.  By 
their  vows  the  Jesuits  were  obliged  to  found  "colleges,"  but 
this  term  meant  houses  for  study,  only  in  that  the  members 
of  the  order  living  in  these  institutions  pursued  investiga- 
tions there.  Gradually,  outside  pupils  began  to  be  accepted 
by  the  Jesuits,  who  soon  won  a  great  reputation  for  their 
efficiency  as  teachers.  Their  teaching  was  markedly  in- 
fluenced by  Renaissance  ideals,  for  the  study  of  classical 
authors  formed  one  of  the  principal  elements  in  their  curric- 
ulum. They  devoted  themselves  to  the  education  of  the 
wealthy  classes,  leaving  the  field  of  vocational  preparation 
to  the  universities.  Apart  from  the  Jesuit  colleges  there 
were  various  schools,  both  religious  and  secular,  primarily 
for  the  study  of  Latin.  They  were  in  essence  schools  of 
literature,  at  which  students  were  given  practice  in  the  writ- 
ing of  poetry  and  the  reciting  of  verses,  both  Latin  and  Cas- 
tilian.  It  is  said  that  there  were  more  than  four  thousand 
of  these  institutions  in  1619,  although  their  numbers  declined 
greatly  with  the  advance  of  the  century.  In  addition  there 
were  many  schools  of  a  purely  professional  character,  such 
as  those  for  the  study  of  religion,  war,  medicine,  and  nautical 
science.  The  school  of  nautical  science  of  the  Casa  de  Con- 
tratacion  of  Seville  merits  special  attention.  Among  the 
manifold  functions  of  the  Casa  in  its  relation  to  the  Americas 
was  that  of  the  pursuit  of  scientific  studies  to  facilitate  over- 
seas communication,  and  this  was  carried  out  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  Casa  was  a  veritable  maritime  university. 
Mathematics,  cosmography,  geography,  cartography,  navi- 
gation, the  construction  and  use  of  nautical  instruments, 
and  military  science  (in  so  far  as  it  related  to  artillery)  were 
taught  at  the  Casa,  and  in  nearly  all  of  these  respects  that 
institution  not  only  outranked  the  others  in  Spain  but  was 
able  also  to  add  materially  to  the  sum  total  of  world  knowl- 
edge. Primary  education  continued  to  be  neglected.  The 
current  belief  was  that  it  was  unnecessary  unless  one  intended 


Jesuit 
colleges. 


Other 
schools  of 
higher 
education. 


The  Casa 
de  Contra- 
tacidn  as  a 
maritime 
university. 


342 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Neglect  of 

primary 

education. 


Great  age 
of  print- 
ing. 

Begin- 
nings of 
public 
archives. 


Luis  Vives 
and 

Spanish 
originality 
in  philo- 
sophical 
studies. 


to  pursue  a  professional  career.  The  education  of  the  masses 
for  the  sake  of  raising  the  general  level  of  culture,  or  even 
for  technical  advancement,  was  a  problem  which  was  not  as 
yet  comprehended.  Such  j)rimary  schools  as  there  were, 
were  usually  ecclesiastical  or  private  foundations.  Read- 
ing, writing,  arithmetic,  and  Christian  doctrine  were  the 
subjects  taught.  Taken  as  a  whole  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
number  of  teaching  establishments  had  vastly  increased 
over  that  of  the  preceding  eras.  An  understanding  of  the 
superior  facilities  available  for  the  upper  classes  would  not 
be  complete  without  a  reference  to  the  extraordinary  diffu- 
sion of  printing  in  this  era.  Although  the  publication  of 
works  was  subject  to  various  conditions,  printed  books  fairly 
came  into  their  own,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
peninsula.  A  number  of  great  libraries  were  formed.  It  is 
worthy  of  mention,  too,  that  it  was  at  this  time  that  care 
began  to  be  taken  in  the  accumulation  of  public  documents 
in  archives.  In  1558  Philip  II  founded  an  archive  at  Rome, 
and  in  1563  made  a  beginning  of  the  famous  state  archive 
at  Simancas. 

The  revival  of  classical  studies,  which  made  available  the 
writings  of  many  Greek  philosophers  whose  works  had  been 
unknown  to  the  medieval  scholars,  and  the  complex  move- 
ment of  ideas  engendered  by  the  Protestant  Reformation 
and  the  Catholic  Reaction  were  the  fundamental  causes  of 
the  flourishing  state  of  theological  and  philosophical  studies 
in  this  period,  especially  in  the  sixteenth  century.  While 
this  was  by  no  means  confined  to  Spain,  the  peninsula  fur- 
nished its  quota  to  the  great  names  of  the  period.  The  phi- 
losopher Luis  Vives  (1492-1540)  may  be  mentioned  by  way 
of  illustration.  Vives,  who  spent  most  of  his  life  in  Flanders 
and  in  England,  —  in  which  latter  country  he  was  the 
teacher  of  Mary  Tudor,  the  later  queen  of  England,  —  was 
regarded  by  contemporaries  as  a  philosopher  of  the  first  rank, 
on  a  plane  with  Erasmus.  Nearly  a  century  before  Francis 
Bacon  (1561-1626)  suggested  the  necessity  for  the  observa- 
tion of  nature  as  the  basis  of  knowledge  rather  than  the 
blind  following  of  classical  texts,  Vives  had  pronounced  the 
same  idea.     Of  importance,  too,  were  his  pedagogical  doc- 


THE    GOLDEN   AGE  :      EDUCATION   AND    SCIENCE 


343 


trines,  which  profoundly  influenced  Comenlus.  The  case 
of  Vives  was  not  unique,  for  the  ideas  which  were  later  to 
be  made  famous  by  Reid,  Descartes,  ]\Iontaigne,  Charron, 
and  others  had  already  been  expressed  by  Spaniards  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  The  common  note  in  all  their  works  was 
that  of  great  liberty  of  thought  in  all  things  other  than  the 
Catholic  faith,  and  in  particular  that  of  a  reaction  against 
submission  to  consecrated  authority,  which  brought  them  into 
opposition  to  the  slavish  acceptance  of  classical  writings  so 
much  in  vogue  among  the  Humanists.  In  so  doing,  the  Span- 
ish philosophers  were  only  expressing  their  national  traits, 
for  the  Spaniards  have  always  been  able  to  reconcile  their 
support  of  absolutism  in  government  and  of  the  principle  of 
authority  in  religion  with  a  degree  of  individualism  that 
cannot  be  found  in  lands  whose  political  and  religious  ideas 
have  been  more  democratic.  Partly  on  this  account  Spanish 
thought  has  not  received  due  credit,  for,  though  there  were 
Spanish  philosophers,  there  was  no  school  of  Spanish  phi- 
losophy. Furthermore,  sweeping  originality  of  thought  on 
a  universal  basis  was  precluded  by  the  necessity  of  subor- 
dinating all  ideas  to  Catholic  doctrine,  while  the  philosophers 
w^ho  have  attained  to  the  greatest  fame  in  modern  times  ex- 
pressed themselves  w^ith  independence  in  that  respect,  or  at 
least  without  the  preoccupation  of  not  departing  from  it. 
That  Spaniards  were  capable  of  originality  within  the  field 
of  religion  itself  was  proved  by  the  development  of  Spanish 
mysticism,  already  alluded  to. 

In  jurisprudence  and  politics  Spanish  writers  gained  an 
indisputable  title  to  originality  of  thought,  of  positive  in- 
fluence on  the  civilization  of  other  countries.  This  was  due 
in  part  to  the  continuous  warfare,  the  grave  religious  prob- 
lems, and  the  many  questions  arising  out  of  the  conquest, 
colonization,  and  retention  of  the  Americas,  but  it  was  also 
a  result  of  a  natural  tendency  in  Spanish  character  to  occupy 
itself  with  the  practical  aspects  of  affairs,  directing  phil- 
osophical thought  toward  its  applications  in  actual  life,  — 
for  example,  in  the  case  of  matters  to  which  the  above-men- 
tioned events  gave  rise.  Spanish  jurists  achieved  renown 
in  various  phases  of  jurisprudence,  such  as  in  international. 


Important 
character 
of  Spanish 
writings 
on  juris- 
prudence, 
politios, 
and 
economics. 


344 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


P^z  de 

Castro 
and  the 
new  sense 
of  his- 
torical 
content. 


political,  penal,  and  canonical  law,  in  the  civil  law  of  Rome 
and  of  the  Spanish  peninsula,  and  in  legal  procedure.  Not 
Grotius  (1583-1645),  but  his  Spanish  predecessors  of  the 
sixteenth  century  laid  the  foundations  for  international  law, 
and  the  great  Dutch  jurist  more  than  once  acknowledged 
his  indebtedness  to  Spaniards,  who,  like  Vitoria  and  Vazquez, 
had  provided  him  with  rich  materials  for  the  thesis  he  set 
forth.  Among  the  writers  on  political  law  may  be  mentioned 
Solorzano,  whose  Politica  indiana,  or  Government  of  the 
Indies  (1629-1639),  was  a  noteworthy  exposition  and  de- 
fence of  the  Spanish  colonial  system.  In  economics,  too, 
the  Spaniards  were  necessarily  outstanding  figures  in  their 
day,  since  the  Spanish  empire  was  the  greatest  and  for  a 
time  the  most  powerful  of  the  period.  National  resources, 
the  income  and  expenditures  of  the  state,  and  the  method  of 
the  enjojinent  of  landed  property  were  the  three  principal 
questions  to  engage  the  attention  of  the  Spanish  economists. 
When  Martinez  de  la  Mata  declared  that  labor  was  the 
only  true  source  of  wealth,  he  was  in  so  much  the  precursor 
of  Adam  Smith  (1723-1790).  Some  economists  expressed 
ideas  which  sound  strangely  like  those  set  forth  by  Spencer, 
Wallace,  Tolstoy,  and  others  in  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth 
centuries,  such  as  the  following :  that  immovable  property 
should  be  taken  away  from  the  private  individuals  possess- 
ing it,  and  be  redistributed  under  the  control  of  the  state ; 
and  that  society  should  be  considered  as  having  legal  title  to 
lands,  giving  only  the  user  to  individuals.  Luis  Vives  was 
one  of  the  representatives  of  these  ideas.  The  principles  of 
these  economists  found  little  support  in  practice,  and  cannot 
be  said  to  have  attained  general  acceptance  among  the 
Spanish  writers  on  these  subjects. 

The  advance  of  historical  studies  in  this  period,  especially 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  was  nothing  short  of  remarkable. 
For  the  first  time  history  won  a  right  to  be  considered  apart 
from  polite  literature.  Two  novelties  marked  the  era,  one 
of  them  relative  to  the  content  of  history,  and  the  other 
concerning  the  methods  of  investigation,  and  composition. 
Formerly  history  had  reduced  itself  to  little  more  than  the 
external  political  narrative,  dealing  with  wars,  kings,  and 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE:      EDUCATION  AND  SCIENCE 


345 


heroes,  being  more  rhetorical  in  form  than  scientific.  The 
new  sense  of  content  was  represented  principally  by  the 
philosopher  Luis  Vives  and  by  the  historian  Paez  de  Castro, 
one-time  chronicler  of  Charles  I.  Vives  gave  his  opinion 
that  history  should  deal  with  all  the  manifestations  of  social 
life.  Paez  de  Castro  stands  forth,  however,  as  the  man  who 
most  clearly  expressed  the  new  ideas.  According  to  him 
the  history  of  a  land  should  include  the  study  of  its  geography, 
of  the  languages  of  its  peoples,  of  the  dress,  laws,  religions, 
social  institutions,  general  customs,  literature,  arts,  sciences, 
and  even  the  aspects  of  nature  of  the  land  in  so  far  as  these 
things  affected  the  actions  of  men.  Paez  de  Castro  was  also 
a  follower  of  Perez  de  Guzman  and  Hernando  del  Pulgar  in 
his  appreciation  of  the  psychological  element  in  history. 
The  most  exacting  methodologists  of  the  present  day  do  not 
require  more  than  did  Paez  de  Castro  nearly  four  centuries 
ago.  Incidentally,  it  becomes  clear  that  the  credit  ordinarily 
assigned  to  Voltaire  (1694-1778)  and  Hume  (1711-1776) 
as  innovators  in  this  respect  belongs  rather  to  Spaniards  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  Vives  and  Paez  de  Castro  were  not 
alone  in  their  concept  of  history.  On  the  other  hand  they 
were  not  able  to  put  their  ideas  into  practice,  and  were  not 
followed  by  the  majority  of  the  writers  on  methodology. 
Nevertheless,  all  were  agreed  that  the  education  of  the  his- 
torian should  be  encyclopedic  in  character,  —  an  ideal  which 
necessarily  involved  a  measurable  attainment  of  the  plan  of 
Paez  de  Castro. 

If  these  concepts  as  to  historical  content  were  not  fully 
realized,  those  with  regard  to  the  methods  of  investigation 
and  criticism  found  a  worthy  representation  in  the  majority 
of  the  historians  of  the  era.  To  be  sure,  some  of  the  great 
writers,  like  Florian  de  Ocampo  and  Mariana,  displayed  too 
much  credulity  or  a  disposition  to  imagine  events  for  which 
they  lacked  documentary  proof.  Furthermore,  this  was  a 
thriving  period  of  forgeries,  when  writers  invented  classical 
authors,  chronicles,  letters,  and  inscriptions  with  which  to 
support  their  narratives.  Still,  the  evil  brought  about  the 
remedy;  the  necessity  for  criticism  was  so  great  that  its 
application  became  customary.     In  addition,  men  sought 


Zurita 
and 

Morales 
and  the 
advance 
in  his- 
torical 
investiga- 
tion and 
criticism. 


346  A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

documents,  if  only  to  disprove  the  forgeries,  with  the  result 
that  the  employment  of  source  material  and  the  use  of  the 
sciences  auxiliary  to  history  were  a  factor  in  the  works  of 
the  numerous  great  historians  of  the  time.  The  highest 
representatives  of  the  new  sense  of  historical  analysis  were 
the  official  chroniclers  of  Charles  I  and  Philip  II.  First  in 
point  of  time  was  Florian  de  Ocampo,  whose  Cronica  general 
(General  chronicle)  was  published  in  1543.  While  giving 
too  free  rein  to  the  imagination,  his  Cronica  had  a  fairly  com- 
plete documental  basis  in  some  of  its  parts.  Far  superior 
was  the  Anales  de  Aragon,  or  Annals  of  Aragon  (1562-1580), 
of  Jeronimo  ^urita,  or  Zurita,  which  in  its  use  of  archive 
material  was  the  greatest  historical  work  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  Of  equal  rank  with  Zurita  was  Ambrosio  de 
Morales,  the  continuer  of  Ocampo,  whose  Cronica  was  pub- 
lished in  1574-1575.  Morales,  who  was  a  distinguished 
palaeographist  and  archaeologist,  made  a  notable  use  of 
inscriptions,  coins,  manuscripts,  ancient  books,  and  other 
ancient  evidences.  While  the  influence  of  Gibbon  (1737- 
1794)  on  historiography  in  these  respects  is  not  to  be  denied, 
it  is  only  fair  to  point  out  the  merits  of  his  predecessors  of 
the  Spanish  siglo  de  oro  in  precisely  those  qualities  for  which 
the  great  Englishman  has  won  such  signal  fame. 
The  his-  The  historian  of  this  era  who  attained  the  greatest  reputa- 

torian  tion,  though  far  from  equalling  Vives  and  Paez  de  Castro 

Mariana,  ^j^  ^j^g  one  hand  or  Zurita  and  Morales  on  the  other,  was 
the  Jesuit  Mariana.  In  1592-1595  he  published  his  history 
of  Spain  in  Latin  {Historia  de  rebus  Hispanice),  which  he 
brought  out  in  Castilian  in  1601  under  the  title  Historia 
general  de  Espana  (General  history  of  Spain).  This  work, 
which  is  still  one  of  the  most  widely  read  of  all  Spanish 
histories,  was  remarkable  for  its  composition  and  style,  in 
which  respects  it  was  superior  to  others  of  the  period,  though 
otherwise  inferior  to  the  best  works  of  the  time.  It  was 
intended  to  be  popular,  however,  on  which  account  it  should 
not  be  judged  too  critically  from  the  standpoint  of  technique. 
Mariana's  history  was  an  external  political  narrative,  from 
the  Castilian  point  of  view,  of  the  events  which  had  developed 
the  national  unity  of  Spain.     His  own  bias,  politically  and 


THE   GOLDEN   AGE  :      EDUCATION   AND   SCIENCE 


347 


otherwise,  was  only  too  apparent,  besides  which  he  displayed 
the  faults  of  credulity  and  imagination  already  alluded  to. 
Nevertheless,  Mariana  made  use  of  manuscripts  and  the 
evidence  of  inscriptions  and  coins,  though  not  to  the  same 
degree  as  Zurita,  Morales,  and  others.  His  style  was  tinged 
with  the  Humanistic  ideals  of  the  period,  being  strongly  in- 
fluenced by  Livy.  Many  other  students  of  history  or  of  the 
sciences  auxiliary  to  history  are  deserving  of  recognition, 
and  at  least  one  of  them  demands  mention,  Nicolas  Antonio, 
the  greatest  bibliographer  of  his  time.  In  1672  he  pub- 
lished his  Bihiiotheca  hispana  (republished  in  1788  as  the 
Bibliotheca  hispana  nova,  or  Catalogue  of  new  Spanish  works) 
of  all  Spanish  works  since  1500,  and  in  1696  completed  his 
Bibliotheca  hispana  wins,  or  Catalogue  of  old  Spanish  works 
(published  in  1788),  of  Spanish  books,  manuscript  and 
printed,  prior  to  the  sixteenth  century.  Deserving  of  special 
notice  was  a  remarkable  group  of  historians  of  the  Americas, 
such  as  Fernando  Colon  (Ferdinand  Columbus),  Fernandez 
de  Oviedo,  Lopez  de  Gomara,  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo, 
Bernabe  Cobos,  Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  Juan  de  Castella- 
nos,  Acosta,  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  Herrera,  Cieza  de  Leon, 
Zarate,  Jerez,  Dorantes  de  Carranza,  Gongora,  Hevia,  Leon 
Pinelo,  Mendieta,  Pizarro,  Sahagun,  Suarez  de  Peralta, 
Alvarado,  Torquemada,  Solis,  Cortes,  Las  Casas,  Cervantes 
de  Salazar,  Lopez  de  Velasco,  the  already  cited  Solorzano, 
Perez  de  Ribas,  Tello,  Florencia,  Vetancurt,  and  many 
others.  The  works  of  some  of  these  men  were  written  in 
Spain  as  official  chronicles  of  the  Indies,  while  those  of  others 
were  prepared  independently  in  the  Americas.  Religious 
history  was  abundantly  produced,  as  also  were  books  of 
travel,  especially  those  based  on  the  expeditions  and  dis- 
coveries in  the  Indies.  In  all  of  the  historical  production 
of  the  era,  not  merely  in  the  work  of  Mariana,  the  influence 
of  classical  models  was  marked. 

If  the  output  of  Spaniards  in  the  domain  of  the  natural 
sciences  was  not  so  great  as  in  the  realm  of  philosophy,  juris- 
prudence, and  history,  it  was  nevertheless  distinctively 
original  in  character,  —  necessarily  so,  since  the  discovery 
of  new  lands  and  new  routes,  to  say  nothing  of  the  effects  of 


The  bib- 
liographer 
Nieolds 
Antonio. 


Historians 
of  the 
Americas. 


348 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  con- 
quest of 
the  Amer- 
icas and 
resultant 
Spanish 
achieve- 
ments in 
natural 
science, 
geography, 
and  cartog- 
raphy. 


continuous  warring,  not  only  invited  investigation,  but  also 
made  it  imperati\'e,  in  order  to  overcome  hitherto  unknown 
difficulties.  In  dealing  with  the  Americas  a  practice  was 
made  of  gathering  geographical  data  which  for  its  com- 
pleteness has  scarcely  ever  been  surpassed.  Explorers  wear 
required  by  law  to  make  the  most  detailed  observations  as 
to  distances,  general  geographical  features,  character  of  the 
soil,  products,  animals,  and  peoples,  with  a  view  to  the  col- 
lection and  the  study  of  their  reports  at  the  Casa  de  Con- 
tmtacion,  for  which  purpose  the  post  of  cosmographical 
chronicler  of  the  Indies  was  created.  Equal  amplitude  of 
data  was  also  to  be  found  in  books  of  travel.  To  enumerate 
the  contributors  to  geographical  knowledge  it  would  be 
necessary  to  name  the  hundreds  of  Spanish  voyages  and  ex- 
plorations in  the  new  world  of  which  accounts  were  written 
by  their  leaders  or  by  friars  accompanying  the  expeditions. 
A  noteworthy  compendium  of  these  reports  has  recently 
been  published,  although  it  was  compiled  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  the  Geografia  y  descripcion  universal  de  las  Indias 
(Geography  and  general  description  of  the  Indies)  for  the 
years  1571  to  1574  by  Juan  Lopez  de  Velasco.  Something 
of  a  like  nature  was  achieved  for  the  peninsula  itself  in  the 
reign  of  Philip  II.  As  was  inevitable,  Spaniards  were  prom- 
inent in  cartography.  Aside  from  the  men  who  accompanied 
the  expeditions  in  the  new  world,  the  most  famous  cartog- 
raphers of  the  time  were  those  of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion, 
many  of  whom  made  contributions  to  cartographical  science, 
as  well  as  additions  to  the  mapping  of  the  world.  One  in- 
teresting instance  was  the  use  of  maps  with  equi-distant 
polar  projections  years  before  JNIercator  in  1569  first  employed 
this  method,  which  was  henceforth  to  bear  his  name.  Span- 
ish innovators  have  not  received  the  credit  they  deserve, 
principally  because  their  results  were  in  many  cases  delib- 
erately kept  secret  by  the  Spanish  government,  which  wished 
to  retain  a  monopoly  of  the  information,  as  well  as  of  the 
trade,  of  the  new  world.  Spanish  achievements,  it  will  be 
observed,  were  designed  to  meet  practical  ends,  rather  than 
to  promote  universal  knowledge,  —  unfortunately  for  the 
fame  of  the  individuals  engaged  in  scientific  production. 


THE   GOLDEN  AGE:      EDUCATION   AND   SCIENCE 


349 


Naturally,  these  accomplishments  in  geography  and  cartog- 
raphy necessitated  a  solid  foundation  in  the  mathematical 
and  physical  sciences,  and  such  a  basis  in  fact  existed.  The 
leading  scholars,  especially  those  of  the  Casa,  who  always 
stood  out  from  the  rest,  displayed  a  remarkable  conjunction 
of  theory  and  practice.  At  the  same  time  that  they  were 
writing  doctrinal  treatises  about  cosmography,  astronomy, 
and  mathematics,  they  were  able  to  make  maps  and  nautical 
instruments  with  their  own  hands,  and  not  infrequently  to 
invent  useful  appliances.  Problems  in  connection  with  the 
variations  of  the  magnetic  needle,  the  exact  calculation  of 
longitude,  the  observation  of  eclipses,  and  the  perfection 
of  the  astrolabe  were  among  those  which  preoccupied  stu- 
dents of  that  day.  The  advancement  of  Spaniards  is  evi- 
denced by  the  facility  with  which  the  theory  of  Copernicus 
(that  the  sun,  and  not  the  earth,  is  the  centre  of  the  solar 
system)  was  accepted  in  Spain,  when  it  was  rejected  else- 
where. It  is  noteworthy,  too,  that  when  Pope  Gregory  XIII 
proposed  to  correct  the  calendar,  he  sought  information  of 
Spanish  scholars,  whose  suggestions  were  followed.  In  the 
same  year  (1582)  that  the  Gregorian  calendar  went  into 
effect  in  Rome,  it  was  adopted  also  in  Spain.  In  nautical 
science,  as  might  have  been  expected  from  the  practical 
character  of  Spanish  studies,  Spaniards  were  preeminent. 
Among  the  more  important  names  was  that  of  Alarcon, 
better  known  for  his  voyage  of  1540  in  the  Gulf  of  California 
and  along  the  western  coast  of  the  California  peninsula. 
Advance  in  naval  construction  accompanied  that  of  navi- 
gation proper.  The  new  world  provided  Spaniards  with 
an  opportunity,  of  which  they  did  not  fail  to  avail  them- 
selves, for  progress  in  the  sciences  of  physics  and  chem- 
istry, always  with  practical  ideals  in  mind.  Theories  were 
set  forth  as  to  such  matters  as  cyclones,  terrestrial  mag- 
netism, atmospheric  pressure,  and  even  telegraphy,  while 
mechanical  inventions  were  made,  because  these  things 
were  related  to  specific  problems.  The  most  remarkable 
example  of  the  heights  to  which  Spaniards  attained  in  physics 
and  chemistry  was  in  the  application  of  these  sciences  to 
metallurgy.    When  the  mines  of  the  Americas  were  first 


Similarly, 
Spanish 
achieve- 
ments in 
the  mathe- 
matical 
and 

physical 
sciences. 


350 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Progress 

in 

medicine. 


exploited,  it  was  necessary  to  resort  to  German  methods, 
but  it  was  not  long  before  Spaniards  easily  took  first  rank 
in  the  world.  A  work  by  Alonso  Barba,  for  example,  pub- 
lished in  1640,  was  translated  into  all  of  the  leading  Euro- 
pean languages,  and  served  as  the  principal  guide  of  metal- 
lurgists for  more  than  a  century.  As  engineers  Spaniards 
lagged  behind  other  European  peoples;  engineering  works 
were  not  greatly  involved  in  the  colonization  of  the  Americas. 
It  is  interesting,  however,  to  note  the  numerous  studies  of 
projects  by  Spaniards  of  the  sixteenth  century,  —  among 
them,  Cortes,  Saavedra,  Galvan,  Lopez  de  Gomara,  Gil 
Gonzalez  Davila,  Salcedo,  Esquivel,  and  Mercado,  —  with 
a  view  to  the  construction  of  a  canal  at  the  Isthmus  of  Pana- 
ma to  facilitate  communication  with  the  Pacific. 

Finally,  the  science  of  medicine,  which  had  already  en- 
tered upon  an  experimental  stage  in  the  reign  of  the  Catholic 
Kings,  advanced  to  a  point  which  enabled  it  to  compare,  not 
unfavorably,  with  the  achievements  in  other  branches  of 
precise  knowledge.  Medicine,  too,  had  the  Americas  to 
thank  for  much  of  its  progress,  owing  to  discoveries  of  botan- 
ical and  mineralogical  specimens  of  a  medicinal  character. 
The  universities  of  Salamanca,  Valencia,  and  Barcelona  took 
the  lead  in  medical  studies,  and  furnished  most  of  the  great 
names  of  the  era.  In  the  seventeenth  century  medical  science 
experienced  a  marked  decline,  due  among  other  things  to  a 
return  to  an  imitation  of  classical  methods.  Hippocrates 
and  other  Greek  writers  were  regarded  as  incapable  of  mis- 
take, wherefore  investigation  and  experiment  ceased  to  hold 
the  place  they  had  won  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Some  men 
endeavored  to  continue  the  experimental  tradition,  but,  as 
indeed  elsewhere  in  Europe,  they  were  despised  by  the  classi- 
cal element,  who  arrogated  to  themselves  the  honor  of  pos- 
sessing the  only  real  medical  knowledge,  charging  their  op- 
ponents, usually  with  truth,  with  employing  experimentation 
because  they  were  unable  to  read  the  accounts  of  classical 
remedies  set  forth  in  Greek  and  Latin.  Nevertheless,  it 
was  to  experimental  methods,  principally  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  that  the  discovery  of  many  hitherto  unknown  cures 
was  due. 


CHAPTER  XXX 


THE   GOLDEN  AGE:     LITERATURE   AND   ART,  1516-1700 


The  general  conditions  affecting  literature  and  art  in  the 
siglo  de  oro  have  already  been  alluded  to  in  the  preceding 
chapter.  The  influence  of  Humanism  and  the  impulse  of 
the  Renaissance  were  more  directly  felt  in  polite  literature 
than  in  didactic  and  scientific  works.  Furthermore,  this 
type  of  literature  was  more  easily  understood  by  people  at 
large  than  the  more  special  studies,  and  it  is  not  surprising 
that  Spain's  intellectual  greatness  should  have  been  appre- 
ciated by  the  majority  of  the  educated  classes  in  terms  of 
poetry,  the  novel,  and  the  drama,  together  with  the  mani- 
festations of  the  age  in  the  fine  arts.  The  very  men  who 
contributed  works  of  a  scientific  character  could  not  resist 
the  appeal  of  belles  Icttres,  and  wrote  books  which  not  infre- 
quently demonstrated  their  double  right  to  homage.  Knowl- 
edge of  Latin,  Greek,  and  various  modern  languages,  es- 
pecially Italian  and  French,  was  more  or  less  general  among 
the  educated  classes,  giving  an  opportunity  for  the  satis- 
faction of  one's  wishes  to  delve  into  a  varied  literature,  and 
opening  the  way  to  foreign  influences  upon  Castilian  work. 
The  day  of  French  influence  seemed  for  a  time  to  have  passed, 
however  (although  it  returned  with  the  decline  in  the  later 
seventeenth  century) ;  rather,  a  current  against  it  had  set 
in.  The  effect  of  the  other  three  languages  was  so  great, 
however,  that  Castilian  temporarily  lost  some  of  its  prestige, 
which  passed  over  especially  to  Latin  and  Italian.  Most 
works  of  an  erudite  character  now  appeared  in  Latin,  and 
that  language  was  the  official  tongue  of  most  of  the  courses 
in  the  universities.     The  church,  too,  lent  its  weight  to  Latin. 

351 


Victory  of 
Castilian 
over 
foreign 
tongues  in 
polite 
literature 
and  re- 
markable 
outburst 
of  produc- 
tivity. 


352 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Spanish 
contribu- 
tions to 
philology. 


Nevertheless,  Castilian  was  at  no  time  in  real  danger.  Any- 
thing intended  for  popular  consumption  found  its  way  into 
Castilian,  and  not  a  few  notable  scientific  works  employed 
that  language.  Save  for  a  few  inefficacious  attempts  of  the 
Humanists  to  use  Latin,  the  field  of  polite  literature  was 
captured  wholly  by  the  native  tongue.  This  victory  for 
national  sentiment  carried  with  it  an  exuberant  outburst 
of  productivity  which  affected  all  classes.  Prior  to  this 
time  the  clergy  had  provided  almost  the  only  representatives 
to  win  fame  in  belles  lettres;  now,  they  were  joined  and 
rivalled,  even  outdone,  by  laymen,  both  soldiers  and  civil- 
ians. The  noble  families  caught  the  enthusiasm  and  made 
their  houses  centres  for  gatherings,  and  the  kings  themselves 
were  carried  along  in  the  current.  Charles  I  was  exception- 
ally fond  of  the  novels  of  chivalry,  which  he  used  to  have 
read  aloud  to  him ;  Philip  II,  himself  little  affected,  toler- 
ated the  tastes  of  his  daughters  which  led  them  to  make 
poetry  form  a  part  of  the  palace  distractions;  but  it  was 
imder  Philip  IV  that  the  royal  love  and  patronage  of  liter- 
ature attained  to  its  highest  point.  Philip  IV  himself  wrote 
comedies,  and  filled  the  palace  with  poets,  dramatists,  and 
writers  of  prose.  Meanwhile,  the  general  public  got  its  first 
real  opportunity  to  attend  the  theatre,  and  bought  meri- 
torious books  (which  printing  now  rendered  available), 
while  men  discussed  their  favorite  authors  with  the  same 
ardor  that  they  might  their  favorite  bull-fighters. 

One  of  the  principal  studies  of  the  Humanists  was  that  of 
grammar,  Latin  and  Greek  chiefly.  The  classical  authors 
and  the  patristic  writings  of  the  medieval  period  occupied 
their  attention,  together  with  allied  works  in  other  languages, 
such  as  ancient  Hebrew  or  modern  Italian.  The  Spanish 
Humanists  held  a  noteworthy  place  in  the  development  of 
this  movement  in  Europe.  While  many  individuals  might 
be  named,  Arias  Montano  was  perhaps  the  greatest  of  Spain's 
representatives.  Interest  in  language  study  carried  Span- 
iards far  afield  among  contemporary  tongues,  and  in  one 
respect  led  to  a  remarkable  contribution  to  knowledge.  As 
conquerors  and  as  missionaries  Spaniards  came  in  contact 
with  a  variety  of  peoples  hitherto  unknown,  or  little  known. 


THE  GOLDEN  AGE  :  LITERATURE  AND  ART 


353 


to  the  world,  from  the  numerous  tribes  of  the  Indians  in  the 
Americas  to  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  of  the  Far  East. 
Many  valuable  data  were  accumulated  in  Spanish  about  these 
peoples  and  their  customs,  and  their  languages  were  studied 
and  in  many  cases  written  down  by  Spaniards,  who  system- 
atized them  for  the  first  time.  Much  of  this  material  has 
only  recently  become  available,  but  it  ranks  as  an  achieve- 
ment of  the  siglo  de  oro;  perhaps  the  more  valuable  parts 
were  prepared  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Meanwhile,  the 
process  of  purifying  Castilian  grammar  was  constantly  going 
on,  and  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  strong  nationalistic  ten- 
dency in  favor  of  a  phonetic  spelling  as  opposed  to  the  ex- 
pression of  the  etymological  form.  Rhetoric  was  regarded 
as  a  part  of  grammar,  and  it  is  easy  to  understand  that  in 
an  age  of  Humanism  the  question  of  style  should  be  a  favor- 
ite topic. 

It  was  in  this  period  that  the  national  theatre  developed, 
and  Spaniards  displayed  such  originality  and  forcefulness  as 
to  make  a  profound  impression  on  the  dramatic  literature 
of  the  world.  At  the  outset  of  the  reign  of  Charles  I,  Gil 
Vicente  and  Torres  Naharro  were  continuing  the  tradition 
of  Juan  del  Enzina  with  crude  farces  and  allegorical  religious 
plays.  Despite  the  fact  that  these  were  generally  acted  in 
convents,  they  were  so  frequently  of  a  licentious  character 
that  in  1548  their  publication  was  forbidden.  Meanwhile, 
classical  plays  and  compositions  written  in  imitation  of  the 
Latin  and  Greek  masters  were  proving  difficult  competitors 
to  the  weakly  groping  Spanish  stage.  The  regeneration  of 
the  national  theatre  was  due  to  Lope  de  Rueda  of  Seville, 
whose  name  first  appears  in  1554.  The  greatness  of  Rueda 
was  due  primarily  to  his  own  acting,  which  gave  him  an  op- 
portunity to  re-introduce  Spanish  plays  and  make  a  success 
of  them.  While  staging  translations  of  Latin  and  Italian 
works,  Rueda  wrote  and  played  short  acts  of  a  dramatic  and 
episodical  character.  Others  carried  on  the  task  begun  by 
Rueda  until  the  machinery  for  the  Spanish  theatre  was 
fairly  well  prepared  for  the  works  of  the  great  masters,  — 
for  example,  the  three-act  comedy  had  developed,  first  em- 
ployed by  Francisco  de  Avendano.  Cervantes  wrote  a  num- 
2a 


Lope  de 
Rueda  and 
the  de- 
velopment 
of  the 
national 
theatre. 


354 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  great 
masters  of 
the 

Spanish 
theatre. 


ber  of  plays,  between  1583  and  1587,  but  while  they  were 
not  without  merit  they  were  completely  overshadowed  by 
those  of  the  great  writers  of  dramatic  literature. 

First  of  the  great  masters,  chronologically,  was  Lope  de 
Vega  (1562-1635),  who  was  also  one  of  the  most  prolific 
writers  of  all  time.  It  is  said  that  he  wrote  1800  comedies 
and  400  religious,  allegorical  plays  (one  of  the  leading  types 
of  the  era),  besides  many  shorter  dialogues,  of  which  number 
470  of  the  comedies  and  50  of  the  plays  have  sur\ived.  His 
writings  were  not  less  admirable  than  numerous,  and  marked 
a  complete  break  with  the  past.  An  inventive  exuberance, 
well-sustained  agreeability  and  charm,  skill  in  the  manage- 
ment of  fable  and  in  the  depiction  of  character,  the  eleva- 
tion of  women  to  a  leading  place  in  the  dramatical  plot  (a 
feature  without  precedent),  an  instinct  for  theatrical  effects, 
intensity  of  emotional  expression,  wit,  naturalness  and  nobil- 
ity of  dialogue,  and  realism  were  the  most  noteworthy  traits 
of  his  compositions,  together  with  a  variety  in  subject-matter 
which  ventured  into  every  phase  of  the  history  and  contem- 
porary customs  of  Spain.  His  defects  were  traceable  mainly 
to  his  facility  in  production,  such  as  a  lack  of  plan  and  or- 
ganization as  a  whole,  wherefore  it  has  been  said  that  he 
wrote  scenes  and  not  complete  plays,  although  his  best 
works  are  not  open  to  this  charge.  In  the  meantime,  the 
paraphernalia  of  theatrical  presentation  had  been  perfected. 
In  1579  the  first  permanent  theatre  was  built  in  ^Madrid,  fol- 
lowed quickly  by  the  erection  of  others  there  and  in  the  other 
large  cities.  Travelling  companies  staged  plays  in  all  parts 
of  Spain,  until  the  theatre  became  popular.  If  Lope  de  Vega 
profited  from  this  situation,  so  also  did  the  stage  from  him, 
for  he  provided  it  with  a  vehicle  which  fixed  it  in  public  favor 
at  a  time  when  the  balance  might  have  swung  either  way. 
The  fame  of  Lope  de  Vega  eclipsed  that  of  his  contemporaries, 
many  of  whom  were  deserving  of  high  rank.  In  recent  years 
one  name  has  emerged  from  the  crowd,  that  of  Friar  Gabriel 
Tellez,  better  known  by  his  pseudonym,  Tirso  de  INIolina 
(1571-1658).  In  realism,  depiction  of  character,  profundity 
of  ideas,  emotion,  and  a  sense  of  the  dramatic  he  was  the 
equal  and  at  times  the  superior  of  Lope  de  Vega.     The  sue- 


THE    GOLDEN    AGE  :     LITERATURE   AND    ART  355 

cesser  In  fame  and  popularity  of  Lope  de  Vega,  however, 
was  Pedro  Calderon  de  la  Barca  (1600-1681),  whose  com- 
positions faithfully  represented  the  devout  Catholicism  and 
chivalric  ideals  (exaggerating  the  fact)  of  his  contemporaries. 
Calderon  was  above  all  a  writer  of  religious,  allegorical  plays. 
In  the  domain  of  the  profane  his  plays  were  too  grave  and 
rigid  to  adapt  themselves  to  the  comic,  and  they  were  char- 
acterized by  a  certain  monotony  and  artifice,  a  substitution 
of  allegory  for  realism,  and  an  excess  of  brilliance  and  lyrical 
qualities,  often  tinged  with  rhetoric  and  obscure  classical 
allusions.  Not  only  were  these  three  masters  and  a  number 
of  others  great  In  Spain,  but  also  they  clearly  Influenced  the 
dramatic  literature  of  the  world ;  It  would  be  necessary  to 
include  most  of  the  famous  European  playwrights  of  the 
seventeenth  century  and  some  of  later  times  if  a  list  were 
to  be  made  of  those  who  drew  Inspiration  from  the  Spanish 
theatre  of  the  siglo  de  oro. 

The  history  of  the  Spanish  novel  in  this  era  reduces  Itself  The  three 
to  a  discussion  of  three  leading  types,  those  of  chivalry,  love,   types  of 
and  social  customs,  the  last-named  an  outgrowth  from  the  !^  ®^^^" 
picaresque  novel,  and  more  often  so-called.     The  novel  of  century 
chivalry,  descendant  of  Amadis  de  Gaida,  was  by  far  the  most  novel, 
popular  In  the  sixteenth  century,  having  almost  a  monopoly 
of  the  field.     Like  the  reprehensible  "dime  novel"  of  recent 
American  life  Its  popularity  became  almost  a  disease,  result- 
ing occasionally  in  a  derangement  of  the  mental  faculties 
of  some  of  Its  more  assiduous  readers.     The  extravagant 
achievements  of  the  wandering  knights  ended  by  proving 
a  bore  to  Spanish  taste,  and  the  chivalric  novel  was  already 
dead  when  Cervantes  attacked  It  In  Don  Quixote.    Meanwhile, 
the  amatory  novel  had  been  affected  by  the  Introduction 
from  Italy  of  a  pastoral  basis  for  the  story,  which  first  ap- 
peared In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  endured 
for  about  a  hundred  years.     This  novel  was  based  on  an 
Impossible  situation,  that  of  country  shepherds  and  shep- 
herdesses who  talked  like  people  of  education  and  refine- 
ment.    Only  the  high  qualities  of  the  writers  were  able  to 
give  it  life,  which  was  achieved  by  the  excellence  of  the  de- 
scriptions, the  l>Tical  quality  of  the  verse,  and  the  beauty 


356 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Cervantes 
and  Don 
Quixote. 


of  the  prose  style.  The  true  Spanish  novel  was  to  develop 
out  of  the  picaresque  type,  which  looked  back  to  the  popular 
La  Celestina  of  1499.  About  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century  and  again  just  at  its  close  there  appeared  two  other 
works,  frankly  picaresque,  for  they  dealt  with  the  life  of 
rogues  (picaros)  and  vagabonds.  The  name  "picaresque" 
was  henceforth  employed  for  works  which  did  not  come  within 
the  exact  field  of  these  earlier  volumes,  except  that  they  were 
realistic  portrayals  of  contemporary  life.  Such  was  the 
state  of  affairs  when  Cervantes  appeared. 

Miguel  de  Cervantes  y  Saavedra  (1547-1616)  had  a  long 
and  varied  career  before  his  publication  of  the  book  which 
was  to  place  him  at  a  bound  in  the  front  rank  of  the  literary 
men  of  all  time.  He  was  a  pupil  of  the  Humanist  Hoyos 
in  1568;  a  chamberlain  of  Cardinal  Acquaviva  at  Rome  in 
1569;  a  soldier  from  1570  to  1575,  taking  part  in  the  battle 
of  Lepanto ;  and  a  captive  in  Algiers  from  1575  to  1580.  A 
devotee  of  belles  lettres  from  youth,  he  produced  many  works 
between  1583  and  1602  in  poetry,  the  drama,  and  the  pastoral 
novel,  in  none  of  w^hich  did  he  attain  to  real  eminence,  though 
a  WTiter  of  note.  In  1603  he  wrote  the  first  part  of  the 
Quixote,  and  published  it  in  1605.  The  book  leaped  into 
immediate  favor,  ran  through  a  number  of  editions,  and  was 
almost  at  once  translated,  at  least  in  part,  into  all  the  lan- 
guages of  western  Europe.  It  is  easy  to  point  out  the  re- 
lationship of  Bon  Quixote  to  the  many  types  of  literature 
which  had  preceded  it.  There  was  the  influence  of  Lucian 
in  its  audacious  criticism,  piquancy,  and  jovial  and  inde- 
pendent humor,  in  its  satire,  in  fine ;  of  Rojas'  La  Celestina 
or  of  Rueda  in  dialogue ;  of  Boccaccio  in  style,  variety,  free- 
dom, and  artistic  devices;  of  the  Italian  story-writers  and 
poets  of  the  era;  even  of  Homer's  Odyssey;  and  especially 
of  the  novels  of  chivalry.  Nevertheless,  Cervantes  took  all 
this  and  moulded  it  in  his  own  w^ay  into  something  new.  The 
case  of  the  novel  of  chivalry  may  be  taken  for  purposes  of 
illustration.  While  pretending  to  annihilate  that  type  of 
work,  which  was  already  dead,  Cervantes  in  fact  caught  the 
epic  spirit  of  idealism  which  the  novelists  had  wished  to  rep- 
resent but  had  drowned  in  a  flood  of  extravagances  and  im- 


THE   GOLDEN  AGE  :     LITERATURE   AND   ART 


357 


possible  happenings,  raising  it  in  the  Quixote  to  a  point  of 
subHmity  which  revealed  the  eternal  significance  in  human 
psychology  of  the  knightly  ideal,  —  and  all  in  the  genial 
reflection  of  chimerical  undertakings  amid  the  real  problems 
of  life.  On  this  account  some  have  said  that  the  Quixote 
was  the  last  and  the  best,  the  perfected  novel  of  chivalry. 
Withal,  it  was  set  forth  in  prose  of  inexpressible  beauty, 
superior  to  any  of  its  models  in  its  depth  and  spontaneity, 
its  rich  abundance,  its  irresistibly  comic  force,  and  its  han- 
dling of  conversation.  The  surprise  occasioned  by  this  totally 
unlooked  for  kind  of  book  can  in  part  be  understood  when 
one  recalls  that  in  the  domain  of  the  real  and  human,  the 
public  had  had  only  the  three  picaresque  novels  already 
alluded  to,  before  the  appearance  of  Don  Quixote.  In  his 
few  remaining  years  of  life  Cervantes  added  yet  other  works 
in  his  inimitable  style,  of  which  the  two  most  notable  were 
the  second  part  of  the  Quixote  (1615),  said  by  many  to  be 
superior  to  the  first,  and  the  Novelas  exemplares,  or  Model 
tales  (1612-1613),  a  series  of  short  stories  bearing  a  close 
relationship  to  the  picaresque  novels  in  their  dealings  with 
the  lives  of  rogues,  vagabonds,  and  profligates,  but  as  demon- 
strably different  from  them  as  the  Quixote  was  from  the 
novels  of  chivalry,  especially  in  that  Cervantes  was  not 
satirizing,  or  idealizing,  or  even  drawing  a  moral  concerning 
the  life  he  depicted,  but  merely  telling  his  tale,  as  an  artist 
and  a  poet.  Well  might  he  say  that  he  was  the  first  to  write 
novels  in  Castilian.  There  were  many  writers  of  fiction 
after  him  in  the  era,  but  since  the  novel  had  reached  its  cul- 
minating point  in  its  first  issue,  it  is  natural  that  the  art  did 
not  progress,  —  for  it  could  not ! 

While  the  Spanish  theatre  and  the  Spanish  novel  were  of   Lyric  and 
world-wide    significance,  furnishing  models  which  affected   ^Pi'' 
the  literature  of  other  peoples,  Spanish  lyric  poetry  had  only  P°®''^y- 
a  national  importance,  but  it  has  a  special  interest  at  this 
time  in  that  it  was  the  most  noteworthy  representative  of 
the  vices  which  were  to  contribute  to  destroy  Spain's  literary 
preeminence.     In  the  first  place,  lyric  poetry  was  an   im- 
portation,  for  the  Italian  lyrics  overwhelmed  the  native 
product  and  even  imposed  their  form  in  Castilian  verse. 


The 
Novelas 
exem- 
plares. 


358 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Achieve- 
ments in 
satire, 
pane- 
gyrics, 
and 

periodical 
literature. 


Much  excellent  work  was  done,  however,  notably  by  Gar- 
cilaso  de  la  Vega  (1503-1530).  Eminent  on  another  account 
was  Luis  de  x^rgotc  y  Gongora  (1561-1627),  commonly  re- 
ferred to  by  the  name  of  his  mother,  Gongora.  Gongora 
affected  to  despise  popularity,  declaring  that  he  wished  to 
write  only  for  the  cultiv^ated  classes.  To  attain  this  end  he 
adopted  the  method  of  complicating  the  expression  of  his 
ideas,  making  violent  departures  from  the  usual  order  of 
employing  words  (hyperbaton),  and  indulging  in  artificial 
symbolism.  This  practice,  called  euphuism  in  English,  for 
it  was  not  peculiar  to  Spain  but  became  general  in  Europe, 
won  undying  fame  of  a  doubtfully  desirable  character  for 
Gongora,  in  that  it  has  ever  since  been  termed  gongorismo 
in  Spanish,  although  the  word  culteranismo  has  also  been 
applied.  Similar  to  it  was  conceptism,  which  aimed  to  in- 
troduce subtleties,  symbols,  and  obscurities  into  the  ideas 
themselves.  It  is  natural  that  the  lyric  poetry  of  the  later 
seventeenth  century  should  have  reached  a  state  of  utter 
decline.  Epic  poetry  did  not  prosper  in  this  era ;  its  function 
was  supplied  by  romance. 

In  addition  to  the  various  forms  of  prose  writing  already 
discussed,  there  were  many  others,  and  great  distinction  was 
achieved  in  them  by  the  Spaniards  of  the  siglo  de  oro.  Among 
the  many  who  might  be  mentioned  was  Francisco  de  Quevedo, 
especially  famous  as  a  satirist  and  humorist.  One  interest- 
ing type  of  literature  was  that  of  the  panegyrics  of  Spain  in 
answer  to  the  Hispanophobe  works  of  foreigners,  who  based 
their  characterizations  of  Spaniards  in  no  small  degree, 
though  not  wholly,  on  the  exaggerated  condemnation  of 
Spain's  dealings  with  the  American  Indians  by  Bartolome 
de  Las  Casas,  himself  a  Spanish  Dominican.  The  Politica 
indiana  of  Solorzano  belongs  in  this  class  of  literature,  as  a 
refutation,  though  a  reasoned  one,  of  the  indictment  of  Las 
Casas  and  others.  In  addition  to  the  already-mentioned 
"relations  of  events,"  forerunner  of  the  modern  newspaper, 
it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Gaccta  (Gazette),  the  official  peri- 
odical, began  to  be  published  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
With  regard  to  the  non-Castilian  parts  of  Spain  it  need  only 
be  said  that  Castilian  triumphed  as  the  literary  language, 


THE   GOLDEN  AGE  :     LITERATURE   AND   ART 


359 


although  works  in  the  vernacular  continued  to  be  published 
in  Catalonia,  Valencia,  and  Majorca. 

In  dealing  with  the  various  phases  of  the  siglo  de  oro  much 
has  already  been  said  about  the  diffusion  of  Spanish  thought 
in  Europe  and  its  influence  in  foreign  countries.  Two  fac- 
tors tended  to  bring  Spanish  intellectual  achievements  to 
the  notice  of  the  world.  In  the  first  place,  Spanish  profes- 
sors were  to  be  found  in  many  foreign  universities,  while 
Jesuit  teaching,  very  largely  Spanish,  profoundly  affected 
Catholic  Europe.  In  the  second  place,  Spanish  works  were 
widely  read  and  translated,  although  not  equally  at  all  times 
or  equally  in  all  places.  In  general,  Italy  was  the  centre 
for  the  dissemination  of  Spanish  thought  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  though  often  by  a  double  translation,  from  Spanish 
to  Italian  and  from  Italian  to  a  third  tongue,  and  France  was 
the  distributing  point  in  the  seventeenth  century.  In  addi- 
tion there  were  the  works  in  Latin,  which  were  equally  avail- 
able to  all.  Spanish  philosophical  writings  were  compar- 
atively little  read,  abroad,  but  those  concerning  theology 
and  religion  were  seized  upon  by  friend  and  foe,  while  the 
offerings  of  the  Spanish  mystics  were  also  widely  translated. 
An  even  greater  dift'usion  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  works  on  juris- 
prudence, politics,  and  international  law,  and  the  essential 
importance  of  Spanish  writings  in  geography,  cosmography, 
natural  science,  and  kindred  subjects  has  already  been  pointed 
out.  The  works  of  the  historians  crossed  the  frontiers, 
though  more  particularly  those  dealing  with  the  Americas, 
together  with  the  narratives  of  American  travel.  The  power 
of  Spanish  arms  was  sufficient  to  induce  wide  reading  of 
military  writings  emanating  from  the  peninsula.  Naturally, 
the  greatest  number  of  translations  was  in  the  field  of  polite 
literature.  Every  type  of  the  Spanish  novel  found  its  way 
to  other  countries,  and  the  novel  of  chivalry  was  almost 
more  admired,  abroad,  and  certainly  longer-lived,  than  in 
Spain.  Cervantes  became  a  veritable  cult  in  Germany  and 
England,  and  in  this  special  case  England  became  the  centre 
for  the  diffusion  of  Spanish  genius.  In  like  manner  the  great 
dramatists  were  famous  in  all  of  Europe.  While  the  mere 
knowledge  by  Europeans  of  Spanish  works  would  not  be  a 


Influence 
of  Spanish 
intellec- 
tual 

achieve- 
ments 
upon 
western 
Em-opean 
thought. 


360 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Causes  of 
the  decline 
in  Spanish 
intellec- 
tual pro- 
ductivity 


sufficient  basis  to  predicate  a  vital  Spanish  influence  beyond 
the  peninsula,  such  information  was  a  condition  precedent 
to  its  effectuation,  and  important  modifications  of  western 
European  thought  did  in  fact  follow.  It  would  be  possible 
to  trace  this  in  every  branch  of  literature  and  study  which 
has  been  discussed,  but  a  number  of  indications  have  been 
given  already,  and  the  task  is  one  which  does  not  fall  within 
the  field  of  this  volume.  To  those  who  actually  produced 
an  effect  should  be  added  the  names  of  those  who  deserved 
to  do  so,  but  who  were  prevented  by  fortuitous  circumstances 
from  so  doing ;  the  achievements  of  many  of  these  men  are 
only  now  being  brought  to  light  by  investigations  in  Spanish 
archives,  and  in  some  cases,  —  for  example,  in  that  of  the 
anthropological  group  of  writers  about  the  Americas,  — 
their  works  still  represent  contributions  to  universal  knowl- 
edge. Toward  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  Spain's 
hegemony  in  the  world  of  letters  began  to  be  supplanted 
by  the  rising  power  of  France. 

All  peoples  who  have  had  their  period  of  intellectual  great- 
ness have  sooner  or  later  fallen  from  their  high  estate,  and 
it  w^as  inevitable  that  this  should  occur  in  the  case  of  Spain. 
The  decline  in  the  peninsula  was  so  excessive  in  degree,  how- 
ever, that  historians  have  enquired  whether  there  were  not 
certain  special  causes  to  induce  it.  The  baleful  effect  of  the 
Inquisition,  exercising  a  kind  of  religious  censorship  on  all 
works,  has  usually  been  regarded  as  of  the  first  importance 
this  respect.     Yet  the   Inquisition   existed    during  the 


m 


period  of  greatness  as  well  as  in  that  of  decadence,  and  to 
assert  that  the  prohibitions  placed  upon  the  expression  of 
even  such  important  ideas  as  those  having  a  religious  bearing 
could  dry  up  the  native  independence  and  freedom  of  Spanish 
thought  is  to  confess  a  lack  of  knowledge  of  Spanish  character. 
The  Inquisition  was  one  of  a  great  many  factors  having  some 
influence  to  check  production,  but  it  was  not  responsible  to 
the  degree  that  has  been  charged.  The  same  thing  is  true 
of  the  government  censorship  independent  of  the  Inquisition. 
Another  factor  of  some  importance  was  that  the  manifesta- 
tions of  the  siglo  de  oro  had  no  solid  foundation  in  the  educa- 
tion of  the  masses,  who  remained  as  ignorant  as  in  preceding 


THE   GOLDEN  AGE:    LITERATURE  AND  ART  361 

centuries.  If  any  set  of  causes  can  be  singled  out  from  the 
rest,  it  is  probable  that  those  having  to  do  with  the  political 
and  economic  decline  of  the  country  as  a  whole  affected,  also, 
the  intellectual  output  of  the  country.  A  natural  aptitude 
in  the  Spanish  people,  together  with  the  national  expansion 
in  resources  and  power,  had  enabled  them  in  the  sixteenth 
century  to  develop  an  all-round  intellectual  productivity, 
more  especially  of  a  scientific  order,  and  when  this  phase  of 
the  Golden  Age  was  already  dead,  private  wealth,  refinement, 
and  tradition  remained  to  encourage  expression  in  the  realm 
of  polite  literature.  Even  this  prop  was  removed  by  the  end 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  the  final  decline  became  in- 
evitable. 

The  general  conditions  affecting  the  history  of  art  were  Great  era 
the  same  as  those  already  pointed  out  in  dealing  with  liter-  of  the 
ature.     Spain  produced  painters  whose  works  were  to  serve  "J^earts. 
as  among  the  greatest  models  of  all  time,  and  her  attainments 
in  other  phases  of  art,  if  less  inspiring,  were  of  a  distinguished 
order.     Spanish  architecture,   though  rarely  approved   by 
modern  critics,  was  to  become  a  force  in  the  world  through 
its  transmission  to  the  Americas.     The  so-called  "Mission 
style"  of  California  is  nothing  more  than  a  reminiscence  of 
the  art  forms  of  Spain  in  this  period  and  the  next. 

A  continuation  of  the  evolution  begun  in  the  preceding  Spanish 
era,,  from  Gothic  to  Renaissance  architecture,  resulted  in  Renais- 
the  banishment  of  the  former.     The  Renaissance  edifices  ^^^^f 
were  in  three  principal  styles,  which  did  not  succeed  one  ^^^ 
another  rigorously  in  turn,  but  which  were  mixed  together, 
or  passed  almost  imperceptibly  from  one  to  another,  although 
roughly  representing  a  certain  chronological  order.     The  first 
of  these  was  characterized  by  the  predominance  of  Renais- 
sance factors  over  those  which  were  more  properly  plater- 
esque.     The  facades  of  San  Marcos  of  Leon  and  of  the  ayiin- 
tamiento  (city  hall)  of  Seville  are  good  examples.     By  far  the  The 
most  noteworthy  style  was  that  of  the  second  of  this  period,   Herreran 
called   variously    "Greco-Roman,"    "second    Renaissance,"   ^*y^®- 
and  "Herreran"  (after  Juan  de  Herrera,  its  principal  ex- 
ponent), and  employed  most  largely  in  the  second  half  of  the 


362 


A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Baroque 
architec- 
ture. 


Vigorous 
develop- 
ment of 
sculpture 
and  the 
lesser  arts. 


sixteenth  and  the  first  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The 
edifices  of  this  group  were  noteworthy  for  the  attempt  made 
in  them  to  imitate  the  Roman  architecture  of  the  later  empire 
through  the  suppression  of  adornment  and  the  multiplica- 
tion of  flat  surfaces  and  straight  lines,  achieving  expression 
through  great  size  and  massiveness  of  structure,  together 
with  the  use  of  rich  materials.  In  the  matter  of  embellish- 
ment the  classical  orders  were  superimposed,  Doric  being 
used  in  the  lower  story,  Ionic  in  the  next,  and  finally  Corin- 
thian. The  pjTamid  capped  with  a  ball  was  the  favorite 
style  of  finial,  while  gigantic  statues  were  also  placed  in 
niches  high  up  in  the  fa9ade.  The  whole  effect  was  sombrely 
religious,  often  depressingly  so.  The  greatest  example  of 
this  type  of  art  is  the  Escorial,  the  famous  palace  of  Philip 
II,  built  by  Juan  de  Herrera,  possibly  the  most  noteworthy 
single  edifice  of  Christian  Spanish  architecture  in  existence, 
and  certainly  the  most  widely  known.  In  the  reign  of  Philip 
IV  there  was  a  pronounced  reaction  against  the  sobriety  of 
the  Herreran  style,  and  the  pendulum  swung  to  the  other 
extreme.  Adornment  and  movement  of  line  returned,  but 
were  expressed  in  a  most  extravagant  way,  as  exemplified 
by  the  excessive  emplo\Tnent  of  foliage  effects  and  by  the 
use  of  broken  or  twisted  lines  which  were  not  structurally 
necessary  and  were  not  in  harmony  with  the  rest  of  the  edi- 
fice. Variety  and  richness  of  materials  were  also  a  leading 
characteristic.  This  style,  usually  called  "baroque,"  also 
"  churrigueresque  "  (from  Churriguera,  its  leading  architect), 
has  numerous  examples,  of  which  the  facade  of  the  palace 
of  San  Telmo  in  Seville  may  be  taken  as  a  type. 

Sculpture  developed  into  a  vigorous  art,  though  still  em- 
ployed mainly  as  auxiliary  to  architecture  or  in  religious 
statuary.  Gothic  sculpture  in  both  the  pure  and  the  plat- 
eresque  form  struggled  against  Italian  influences  until  the 
middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  the  latter  triumphed. 
Berruguete,  Montanes,  and  Alonso  Cano,  the  first-named 
largely  responsible  for  the  just-mentioned  Italian  victory 
and  the  two  latter  flourishing  in  the  time  of  Philip  IV,  were 
the  leading  names  of  the  era.  A  peculiarity  of  the  Spanish 
sculptors  was  that  they  worked  in  wood,  being  especially 


THE    GOLDEN   AGE  :      LITERATURE   AND   ART  363 

noteworthy  for  the  images  (many  crucifixions  among  them) 
which  they  made.  The  reaUsm  of  the  image-makers  saved 
Spanish  sculpture  from  the  contamination  of  baroque  art, 
which  took  root  in  other  countries.  The  dechne  came, 
however,  with  the  introduction  later  in  the  seventeenth 
century  of  the  practice  of  dressing  the  images,  so  that  only 
the  head,  hands,  and  feet  were  in  fact  sculptured.  From 
this  the  sculptors  went  on  to  attach  false  hair  and  other 
false  features,  going  even  to  the  extreme  of  affixing  human 
skin  and  finger  nails.  Other  factors  combined  with  this 
lack  of  taste  to  bring  on  the  decay  of  the  art.  The  excel- 
lent work  in  this  period  of  the  artesonados,  or  ceilings  of 
carved  woodwork,  should  not  pass  unnoticed.  Meanwhile, 
work  in  gold,  silver,  iron,  and  bronze  was  cultivated  as- 
siduously, of  which  the  principal  manifestations  of  a  national 
character  were  the  shrines  and  gratings.  In  general,  the 
Renaissance  influences  triumphed  in  these  arts,  as  also  in 
the  various  allied  arts,  such  as  the  making  of  tapestry.  The 
gold  workers  enjoyed  an  expansion  of  output  springing 
naturally  from  the  surplus  wealth  in  secular  hands,  and  a 
similar  lot  fell  to  the  workers  in  silks  and  embroideries ;  both 
industries  produced  materials  of  a  high  artistic  quality. 
In  ceramic  art  Arabic  tradition  had  one  noteworthy  sur- 
vival in  the  azulejos,  or  varnished  bricks  painted  by  hand 
in  blue  and  white  and  used  as  tiles.  Renaissance  factors 
at  length  appeared  to  change  the  geometric  designs,  remi- 
niscent of  the  Moslem  past,  to  the  more  prevalent  classic 
forms.  Aside  from  azulejos  proper  other  tiles  of  many 
colors,  often  gilded,  were  employed. 

In  the  early  years  of  this  period  the  Italian  influence  on  Appear- 
Spanish  painting  held  full  sway.     The  leading  factors  were  ance  of  an 
the  Florentine  school,  headed  by  Raphael,  and  the  Vene-  ^^d^P^ii- 
tian  school,  of  which  Titian  was  the  most  prominent  rep-  Spanish 
resentative.     The  latter,  notable  for  its  brilliant    coloring  school  in 
and  effects  of  light,  was  by  all  odds  the  more  important  of  painting, 
the  two.     Spaniards  went  to  Italy  to  study,  and  not  a  few 
Italian  painters  came  to  Spain,  while  many  works  of  the 
Italian  masters,  especially  those  of  Titian,  were  procured 
by  Charles  I  and  Philip  II.     Nevertheless,  the  signs  of  a 


364 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


El  Greco, 
first  of  the 
great 
masters  in 
painting. 


Ribera. 


truly  Spanish  school  began  to  appear  about  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  and  before  the  close  of  Philip  II's 
reign  the  era  of  Spanish  independence  in  painting  and  the 
day  of  the  great  masters  were  at  hand,  to  endure  for  over 
a  century.  With  characteristic  individuality,  Spaniards 
did  not  separate  into  well-defined  local  schools,  but  dis- 
played a  great  variety,  even  within  the  same  group.  Still, 
in  a  general  way  the  Andalusians  may  be  said  to  have 
accentuated  the  use  of  light  and  a  warm  ambient,  while 
the  Castilians  followed  a  more  severe  style,  employing 
darker  tones.  All  devoted  themselves  to  the  depiction  of 
religious  subject-matter,  but  with  no  attempt  at  idealism ; 
rather,  the  mundane  sphere  of  realism,  though  in  a  religious 
cloak,  preoccupied  them,  with  attention,  too,  to  expression 
and  coloring  more  than  to  drawing  and  purity  of  form. 

The  era  of  splendor  began  with  Domenico  Theotocopuli 
(1545?-1625),  better  known  as  "El  Greco."  As  indicated 
by  his  name  this  artist  was  not  Spanish  in  origin,  but  Greek. 
The  character  of  his  works,  however,  was  so  original  and 
its  influences  were  so  powerful  in  the  formation  of  the  Spanish 
school  that  he  may  truly  be  claimed  for  Spain,  where  he 
lived  and  worked.  He  established  himself  at  Toledo  in 
1577,  which  city  is  still  the  best  repository  of  his  paintings. 
His  early  style  was  marked  by  a  strong  Venetian  manner, 
with  warm  tones,  great  richness,  firm  drawing,  and  an  in- 
tense sentiment  of  life.  Toward  1581  he  began  to  change 
to  a  use  of  cold,  gray,  shadowy  tones,  and  the  employment 
of  a  kind  of  caricature  in  his  drawing,  with  long  and  narrow 
heads  and  bodies.  By  this  method,  however,  he  was  able 
to  attain  wonderful  results  in  portraiture.  Aside  from  his 
own  merits  no  painter  so  profoundly  influenced  the  greatest 
of  the  masters,  Velazquez.  Chronologically  next  of  the 
great  painters  was  Ribera  (1588-1656),  called  "Espagno- 
letto"  in  Italy,  where  he  did  most  of  his  work  in  the  Spanish 
kingdom  of  Naples.  Naturalism,  perfect  technique,  and 
the  remarkable  bodily  energy  of  the  figures  he  depicted  were 
the  leading  qualities  of  his  work.  The  diffusion  of  his  paint- 
ings in  Spain  tended  to  make  him  influential  in  the  Spanish 
school,   to  which  his   individuality,   as  well  as  his  birth, 


THE   GOLDEN   AGE  :      LITERATURE   AND   ART  365 

entitled  him  to  belong.  Zurbaran  (1598-1663)  was  the  most  ZurbarSji 
rigorous  of  the  realists,  including  all  the  accessories  in  his 
paintings,  even  to  the  minute  details  of  a  person's  dress. 
Less  vigorous  than  Ribera  he  was  best  in  his  portrayal  of 
monks,  in  which  subject-matter  his  sombrely  passive, 
exceedingly  religious  atmosphere  found  a  suitable  vehicle. 
He  was  nevertheless  a  brilliant  colorist.  Next  in  point  of  Velazquez, 
time  came  Diego  Velazquez  de  Silva  (1599-1660),  greatest  greatest 
of  Spanish  masters  and  possibly  the  greatest  of  all  painters.  ^  ^  ^ 
Velazquez  had  various  periods  and  various  styles,  in  all  of 
which  he  produced  admirable  works.  Unlike  his  prede- 
cessors and  those  who  succeeded  him  as  well,  he  was  as  diverse 
in  subject-matter  as  it  was  possible  to  be,  within  the  law, 
and  was  far  less  notable  for  his  religious  works  than  for  his 
many  others.  He  depicted  for  all  time  the  court  life  of  Philip 
ni  and  Philip  IV,  including  the  portraits  of  those  kings  and 
the  other  leading  figures  of  the  court.  Some  of  his  greatest 
work  appeared  in  these  portraits,  which  he  knew  how  to 
fit  into  a  setting  of  landscape,  making  the  central  figure 
stand  out  in  a  way  that  no  other  painter  has  surpassed  or 
perhaps  equalled.  He  also  painted  common  people  (as  in 
his  Los  borrachos,  or  Intoxicated  men)  and  queer  people  (as 
in  his  paintings  of  dwarfs),  and  drew  upon  mythology  (as 
in  his  composition  entitled  "the  forge  of  Vulcan")  and  upon 
contemporary  wars  (as  witness  the  famous  "surrender  of 
Breda").  Once  only,  during  a  lapse  of  the  prohibitory  law, 
did  he  paint  a  nude,  —  the  celebrated  Venus  of  the  mirror, 
now  in  London,  one  of  the  greatest  works  of  its  kind.  In 
many  of  his  paintings  he  revealed  himself  as  a  wonderful 
landscape  painter.  His  landscapes  were  characterized  by 
the  use  of  a  pale,  yet  rich,  pervading  blue,  and  by  effects 
of  distance  and  atmosphere.  No  painter  is  more  inade- 
quately set  forth  by  photography.  To  know  Velazquez, 
one  must  see  his  works.^  After  Velazquez  came  Murillo  Murillo. 
(1618-1682),  an  Andalusian,  who  well  represented  the 
traits  of  southern  Spain.  His  leading  characteristics  were 
a   precise,   energetic   drawing,   fresh,   harmonious   coloring, 

1  The  best  place  to  see  them  is  in  the  Velazquez  room  of  the 
Prado  at  Madrid. 


366 


A    HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Coello. 


Other 

notable 

painters. 


Note- 
worthy 
character 
of  Spanish 
music. 


and  a  religious  sentiment  which  was  a  remarkable  com- 
bination of  imaginative  idealism,  or  even  supernaturalism, 
of  conception  with  realism  of  figures  and  scenes.  His  biblical 
characters  were  represented  by  the  common  people  of  the 
streets  of  Seville.  Few  painters  have  more  indelibly  stamped 
their  works  with  their  own  individuality.  Last  of  the 
masters  was  Coello  (1623  ?-1694),  who  maintained  the 
traditions  of  the  Spanish  school,  though  under  strong  Vene- 
tian influence,  amidst  a  flood  of  baroque  paintings  which 
had  already  begun  to  corrupt  public  taste.  Other  names 
might  well  be  included  in  the  list  of  great  Spanish  painters 
in  this  era,  such  as  Pacheco,  Roelas,  Herrera,  and  especially 
Valdes  Leal  and  Alonso  Cano.  Indeed,  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  overestimate  the  importance  of  the  Spanish  school. 
It  is  not  unthinkable  that  a  list  of  the  ten  greatest  painters 
in  the  history  of  the  world  would  include  the  names  of 
Velazquez,  El  Greco,  and  Murillo,  with  a  place  reserved 
for  Goya  (of  the  eighteenth  century),  and  with  the  claims 
of  Ribera  deserving  consideration. 

Spanish  music,  though  not  so  important  in  the  history 
of  the  world  as  that  of  Italy  or  Germany,  had  a  notable 
development  in  this  period,  and  displayed  an  individuality 
which  distinguished  it  from  that  of  other  lands.  For  the 
first  time  it  came  into  a  place  of  its  own,  apart  from  recita- 
tion or  the  merely  technical  presentation  of  medieval 
church  ceremonial,  and  was  characterized  by  a  certain  ex- 
pressiveness, approaching  sentimentality  and  having  a 
flavor  which  has  led  many  to  assert  that  its  roots  were  to  be 
found  in  the  song  and  dance  of  Spanish  Moslems.  To  be 
sure,  the  influence  of  Italy  was  greatest  at  this  time.  The 
siglo  de  oro  in  Spanish  music  was  the  sixteenth  century,  in 
the  time  of  the  four  great  composers  of  the  era,  Morales, 
Guerrero,  Cabezon,  and  Victoria.  The  greatest  works 
were  in  the  field  of  religious  music,  in  which  various  parts 
were  sung  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  organ.  Music  of 
the  court  occupied  a  half-way  post  between  church  and 
popular  music,  displaying  a  combination  of  both  elements, 
with  song  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  viola,  which  filled 
the  role  of  the  modern  piano.    At  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 


The  golden  age  :    literature  and  art  367 

century  the  viola  was  replaced  by  the  guitar,  which  became 
the  national  instrument  of  Spain.  Popular  music  found 
its  fullest  expression  in  the  theatre.  It  got  to  be  the  fashion 
for  the  entire  company  to  sing  as  a  preliminary  to  the  play, 
to  the  music  of  the  viola,  the  harp,  or  the  violin.  This 
song  had  no  necessary  connection  with  the  play,  but  song 
in  dialogue  soon  began  to  be  employed  as  an  integral  part 
of  one-act  pieces  of  what  might  be  termed  a  vaudeville 
type.  In  the  seventeenth  century,  song  invaded  the  legiti- 
mate stage,  and  some  operas  were  sung  in  which  the  dialogue 
was  entirely  in  music  or  else  alternated  with  recitation.  The 
last-named  type,  the  zarzuela,  became  particularly  popular. 
Unfortunately,  none  of  the  examples  of  this  music  which 
would  have  been  most  interesting,  such  as  that  employed 
in  the  zarzuelas  of  Lope  de  Vega  and  the  other  masters, 
has  survived.  Its  true  character  therefore  remains  un- 
known, although  its  use  in  theatrical  representation  is  an 
important  fact  in  the  history  of  the  art. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 


THE  EARLY  BOURBONS,   1700-1759 


Basis  and 
conse- 
quences of 
Spanish 
reforms  of 
the  eigh- 
teenth 
century. 


The  eighteenth  century  in  Spain  was  of  intense  import 
as  affecting  the  ultimate  interests  of  the  Americas.  It  was 
an  era  of  regeneration,  of  a  somewhat  remarkable  recovery 
from  the  decadent  state  which  Spain  had  reached  by  the  time 
of  the  reign  of  the  last  Hapsburg  monarch.  It  was  accom- 
panied, however,  by  Spain's  engaging  in  a  series  of  wars, 
due  in  some  cases  to  unwise  ambitions  of  an  imperialistic 
character  in  European  affairs  and  in  others  to  unavoidable 
necessity  as  a  result  of  the  aggressions  of  foreign  powers. 
It  was  a  period  when  international  morality  with  its  attendant 
diplomatic  intrigue  and  unprovoked  attacks  was  in  a  low 
state,  and  Spain  was  often  a  sufferer  thereby ;  indeed,  many 
interesting  parallels  might  be  drawn  between  European 
diplomatic  practices  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  those  of 
William  II  of  Germany  in  the  twentieth.  England,  Austria, 
and  France  were  at  various  times  the  opponents  of  Spain, 
but  the  first-named  gradually  emerged  as  the  most  persistent, 
aggressive,  and  dangerous  of  her  enemies.  If  the  prospects 
of  wars  were  the  principal  motive  force  which  induced  the 
life-giving  reforms,  — so  that  Spain  might  acquire  wealth 
and  efficiency  which  could  be  converted  into  military  strength, 
—  the  wars  themselves  tended  to  increase  the  needs  of  the 
state.  Thus  in  the  case  of  the  Americas  the  very  improve- 
ments which  were  introduced  were  to  contribute  to  bring 
about  the  eventual  separation  of  Spain  from  her  colonies, 
in  the  first  place  because  they  occasioned  a  development 
in  resources  and  capacity  which  gave  prospects  of  success 
when  the  revolts  should  come,  and  in  the  second  because 

368 


THE   EARLY  BOURBONS,    1700-1759 


369 


the 

Spanish 
Succes- 
sion. 


Spain  drew  too  heavily  upon  the  colonies  in  promoting 
European  objects  without  giving  an  adequate  return, 
wherefore  discontent  was  fostered.  Nevertheless,  her  efforts 
were  at  least  to  have  the  merit  of  saving  those  colonies  to 
themselves,  thus  conserving  the  influence  of  Spanish-speak- 
ing peoples  in  the  world,  with  indirect  effects  on  the  history 
of  the  United  States. 

With  the  exception  of  Austria,  whose  candidate  for  the  Causes  of 
Spanish  throne,  the  Archduke  Charles,  was  unwilling  to  the  War  of 
recognize  the  validity  of  the  document  which  had  chosen 
the  grandson  of  Louis  XIV,  the  European  nations  were 
disposed  to  view  the  accession  of  Philip  V  (1700-1746)  with 
favor,  especially  since  the  French  monarch  consented  to  the 
conditions  imposed  in  the  will  of  Charles  II  that  the  crowns 
of  France  and  Spain  should  be  independent  and  never  be 
united  in  a  single  person.  This  seemed  to  insure  a  main- 
tenance of  the  equilibrium  in  Europe  almost  more  certainly 
than  the  crowning  of  the  Archduke  Charles  would  have  done, 
wherefore  most  of  the  powers  recognized  Philip  V.  It  was 
at  this  time  that  the  autocratic  Louis  XIV,  whose  many 
victorious  wars  had  given  him  an  undue  confidence,  made 
one  of  the  serious  mistakes  of  his  life.  In  certain  formal  let- 
ters he  recognized  in  Philip  V  such  rights  of  succession  to 
the  French  throne  as  he  would  ordinarily  have  had  but  for 
the  terms  of  his  acquisition  of  Spain,  and  caused  these  docu- 
ments to  be  recorded  before  the  Parlement  of  Paris.  Other 
events  also  tended  to  show  that  Louis  XIV  meant  to  dispose 
of  Spain  as  if  that  country  belonged  to  him.  When  he 
presented  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  Versailles  to  Philip  V 
the  Castilian  envoy  exclaimed :  "  God  be  praised !  The 
Pyrenees  have  disappeared!  Now  we  are  all  one!"  This 
remark  was  indicative  of  the  opinions  which  by  that  time 
had  become  current.  This  new  element  in  the  situation, 
together  with  certain  other  impolitic  acts  of  the  French 
king  against  the  interests  of  England  and  the  Protestant 
Netherlands,  caused  the  countries  just  named  to  join  with 
Austria  and  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  in  1701  in  an  alliance 
for  a  war  against  Louis  XIV  and  Philip  V.  Austria  wished 
to  acquire  the  crown  of  Spain  for  the  archduke,  while  the 
2b 


370 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  war  in 

Spain. 


The 

Catalan 
espousal 
of  the 
arch- 
duke's 


English  and  the  Dutch  were  primarily  desirous  of  avoiding 
a  Franco-Spanish  union,  wherefore  they  insisted  on  the 
dethronement  of  Philip  V,  accepting  the  pretensions  of 
Charles.  England  was  particularly  inspired  by  a  fear  that 
her  commerce  and  expansion  in  the  new  world  would  be 
prejudiced,  or  even  crushed,  by  the  joint  power  of  France 
and  Spain.  Furthermore,  the  profits  of  contraband  trade 
with  the  Spanish  colonies  were  likely  to  be  cut  off  under  the 
energetic  rule  of  the  king  of  France,  then  the  most  powerful 
monarch  in  Europe,  and  direct  indications  to  that  effect 
occurred  in  1701,  when  the  a^iento  (contract),  or  right  to 
introduce  negro  slaves  into  America,  was  granted  to  a  French 
company  and  several  South  American  ports  were  occupied 
by  French  ships. 

The  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  as  the  great  conflict 
beginning  actively  in  1702  has  been  called,  had  Spain  as  one 
of  its  principal  battle-grounds,  since  both  Philip  V  and  the 
archduke  were  there.  The  struggle  was  one  of  great  vicissi- 
tudes, as  evidenced  by  the  number  of  times  Madrid  itself 
changed  hands.  Most  of  the  people  in  the  peninsula  favored 
Philip  V,  but  the  Catalans  early  displayed  a  tendency 
toward  the  other  side.  Their  resentment  over  the  injuries 
received  at  the  hands  of  their  French  allies  in  the  revolt  of 
1640  had  not  yet  cooled,  and  they  especially  objected  to 
being  governed  by  a  king  who  represented  the  absolutist 
ideals  of  the  French  Bourbons,  for  it  was  logical  to  expect 
that  it  might  mean  a  danger  to  their  much  cherished  fueros, 
or  charters.  Certain  conflicts  with  royal  officials  seemed 
to  indicate  that  the  government  of  Philip  V  intended  to 
insist  on  the  omnipotence  of  its  authority,  thus  increasing 
the  discontent,  to  which  was  added  the  encouragement  to 
revolt  arising  from  the  greatness  of  the  forces  aligned 
against  the  Bourbons,  for  in  addition  to  the  powers  already 
mentioned  Savoy  and  Portugal  had  cast  in  their  lot  in  1703 
and  1704.  An  allied  attempt  of  1704  to  land  in  Catalonia 
having  proved  a  failure  the  Bourbon  officers  employed  rigo- 
rous measures  to  punish  those  Catalans  who  had  aided  in 
the  movement.  The  principal  effect  was  to  rouse  indigna- 
tion to  such  a  point  that  in  1705  a  determined  outbreak  took 


THE    EARLY   BOURBONS,    1700-1759 


371 


place.  Henceforth,  Catalonia  could  be  counted  on  the  side 
of  the  allies.  In  the  same  year  an  alliance  was  contracted 
with  the  English,  who  made  promises  to  the  Catalans  which 
they  were  going  to  be  far  from  fulfilling.  Meanwhile,  the 
allied  failure  to  get  a  foothold  in  Catalonia  in  1704  had  been 
compensated  by  an  incident  of  that  campaign  which  was  to 
be  one  of  the  most  important  events  of  the  war.  On  its 
way  south  from  Catalonia  in  that  year  the  English  squadron, 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  Rooke,  seized  Gibraltar, 
which  happened  to  be  poorly  defended  at  the  time.  Nu- 
merous attempts  were  made  to  recover  it,  but  neither  then 
nor  since  were  the  Spaniards  able  to  wrest  this  guardian  of 
the  strait  from  English  hands.  In  1708  the  island  of  Minorca 
was  captured,  to  remain  in  the  possession  of  England  for 
nearly  a  century.  In  1711  the  Holy  Roman  Emperor  died, 
as  a  result  of  which  the  archduke  ascended  the  imperial 
throne  as  the  Emperor  Charles  VI.  This  event  proved  to 
be  decisive  as  affecting  the  war,  for  it  made  the  candidacy 
of  Charles  for  the  Spanish  crown  almost  as  unwelcome  as 
had  been  the  earlier  prospect  of  a  Franco-Spanish  union. 
Other  factors  contributed  to  make  the  former  archduke's 
allies  desirous  of  peace,  chief  of  which  was  that  Louis  XIV 
had  been  so  thoroughly  beaten  that  there  was  no  longer  any 
danger  of  his  insisting  on  the  rights  of  Philip  V  to  the  crown 
of  France. 

England  (in  which  country  a  new  government  representing 
the  mercantile  classes  and  the  party  of  peace  had  just  come 
into  power)  took  the  lead  among  the  allies  in  peace  negotia- 
tions, and  was  soon  followed  by  all  the  parties  engaged, 
except  Charles  VI  and  a  few  of  the  German  princes.  Be- 
tween 1711  and  1714  a  series  of  treaties  was  arranged,  of 
which  the  principal  one  was  that  of  Utrecht  in  1713.  As 
concerned  Spain  the  most  noteworthy  provisions  w^ere : 
Philip  V's  renunciation  for  himself  and  his  heirs  of  any  claim 
to  the  French  throne ;  the  cession  of  Gibraltar  and  Minorca 
to  England ;  the  grant  of  the  negro  slave-trade  asiento  in  the 
Americas  to  the  English,  together  with  accompanying  rights 
which  made  this  phase  of  the  treaties  a  veritable  entering 
wedge  for  English  commerce  in  the  Spanish  colonies;    and 


The  cap- 
ture of 
Gibraltar 
by  the 
English. 


Events 
leading 
to  peace. 


The  peaM 
of  Utrecht. 


372  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

the  surrender  of  the  CathoHc  Netherlands,  Milan,  Naples, 
and  Sardinia  to  Austria,  and  of  Sicily  to  Savoy.  In  1720 
Austria  and  Savoy  exchanged  the  two  islands  which  had 
fallen  to  their  lot,  and  the  latter  took  on  the  official  title  of 
the  kingdom  of  Sardinia.  On  the  above-named  conditions 
Philip  V  was  allowed  to  retain  the  Spanish  dominions  of  the 
peninsula  and  of  the  Americas.  If  Spain  could  have  but 
known  it,  the  treaties  were  altogether  favorable  to  her,  but 
Abandon-  ambition  was  to  undo  their  beneficial  effects.  One  trouble- 
ment  of  some  point  in  the  various  peace  conferences  was  the  so-called 
theCata-  ^r^gg  ^f  ^]^g  Catalans.  It  had  been  generally  believed  that 
th^^  ir  England  in  accordance  with  her  earlier  treaty  with  the  Cata- 
lans would  insist  on  the  preservation  of  the  much  mooted 
fueros  and  that  Philip  V  would  make  the  concession,  as  had 
Philip  IV  before  him.  Philip  V  showed  himself  to  be  ob- 
stinate on  this  point,  for,  not  once,  but  several  times,  he 
positively  refused  to  yield.  Furthermore,  the  English 
government,  desirous  of  peace,  the  prospective  advantages 
of  which  for  England  were  already  clear,  repeatedly  charged 
its  ambassadors  not  to  hold  out  for  the  Catalan  fueros. 
Some  attempts  to  secure  them  were  made,  but  when  they 
failed  to  overcome  the  persistent  objections  of  Philip  V 
provision  was  made  for  a  general  amnesty  to  the  Catalans, 
who  were  to  enjoy  the  same  rights  as  the  inhabitants  of 
Castile.  The  rights  of  Castilians,  however,  together  with 
the  duties  which  were  implied,  were  precisely  what  the 
Catalans  did  not  want.  The  conduct  of  Charles  VI  was 
equally  unmoral.  He  did,  indeed,  make  repeated  attempts 
to  save  the  fueros,  and  declared  that  he  would  never  abandon 
the  Catalans.  Yet  he  signed  a  convention  withdrawing 
his  troops  from  Catalonia,  and  left  the  people  of  that  land 
to  their  fate.  The  latter  were  not  disposed  to  yield  without 
a  struggle,  and  sustained  a  war  against  Philip  V  for  more 
than  a  year.  The  fall  of  Barcelona  in  1714  put  an  end  to 
the  unequal  conflict. 

One  of  the  interesting  factors  of  the  era  of  the  war  was 
that  of  the  French  influence  in  Spain,  which  was  to  have  a 
pronounced  effect  on  the  internal  development  of  the  coun- 
try, and,  by  extension,  on  that  of  the  colonies.     Philip  V 


THE   EARLY   BOURBONS,    1700-1759 


373 


was  seventeen  years  of  age  when  he  ascended  the  throne, 
but,  though  he  many  times  proved  his  valor  in  battle,  he 
was  in  other  respects  a  weak  and  irresolute  character,  with- 
out striking  virtues  or  defects,  fond  of  hunting,  and  ex- 
ceedingly devout,  —  in  fine,  of  a  type  such  that  he  was 
inevitably  bound  to  be  led  by  others.  These  traits  fitted 
in  with  the  policies  of  Louis  XIV,  who  fully  intended  to 
direct  the  affairs  of  Spain  in  his  own  interest.  He  charged 
Philip  V  never  to  forget  that  he  was  a  Frenchman,  and, 
indeed,  with  the  exceptions  presently  to  be  noted,  Philip 
was  quite  ready  to  submit  to  the  will  of  his  grandfather. 
From  the  first,  Louis  XIV  surrounded  the  Spanish  king 
with  French  councillors,  some  of  whom  occupied  honorary 
positions  only,  while  others  filled  important  posts  in  the 
government  of  Spain,  and  still  others,  notably  the  French 
ambassadors  and  French  generals,  exercised  actual  authority 
without  having  any  official  connection  with  the  country. 
One  of  the  most  important  of  all  was  Madame  des  Ursins, 
maid  of  honor  to  the  queen,  sent  to  Spain  by  Louis  XIV 
because  as  the  widow  of  the  Duke  of  Braciano,  a  Spanish 
grandee,  she  w^as  familiar  with  the  customs  of  the  country. 
This  lady  won  the  complete  confidence  of  the  queen,  who  in 
turn  was  able  to  dominate  her  husband.  It  may  be  said 
for  Madame  des  Ursins  that  she  was  faithful  to  the  interests 
of  the  Spanish  monarchs,  though  promoting  the  entry  of 
French  influences,  at  that  time  much  to  be  desired  in  Spain. 
Indeed,  she  not  infrequently  sided  with  Philip  V  against 
the  wishes  of  Louis  XIV,  which  on  one  occasion  led  to  her 
recall  by  the  French  monarch.  Finding,  however,  that  he 
could  not  control  Spanish  affairs  without  her  aid,  Louis 
allowed  her  to  return  to  Spain.  Despite  the  enormous 
pressure  exercised  against  him  in  favor  of  France,  Philip  V 
occasionally  rebelled.  One  instance  of  his  obstinacy  has 
already  been  cited  respecting  the  case  of  the  Catalan  fueros. 
A  more  important  issue  arose  out  of  the  presumptions  of 
Louis  XIV  to  dispose  of  Philip's  crown,  as  an  avenue  of 
escape  for  himself.  In  every  year  from  1706  to  1712 
Louis  XIV  endeavored  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  Spain  or 
of  Philip  V  in  order  to  propitiate  the  allies  into  a  grant  of 


The 
French 
influence 
in  Spain 
during  the 
War  of  the 
Spanish 
Succes- 


Madame 

des 

Ursins. 


Instances 
of  re- 
sistance by 
Philip  V 
to  domina- 
tion by 
Louis 
XIV. 


374 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


The 

popular 

young 

queen, 

Maria 

Luisa 

of  Savoy. 


peace.  In  particular  he  was  desirous  of  procuring  the  resig- 
nation of  Philip  from  the  throne  of  Spain  in  favor  of  the 
House  of  Austria,  saving  to  Philip  the  Spanish  dominions 
in  Italy.  Philip  was  obdurate  when  suggestions  were  made 
of  his  abandoning  Spain,  and  more  than  once,  even  when 
the  situation  looked  hopeless,  declared  his  intention  of  dying 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  rather  than  abdicate  the  throne 
to  which  he  felt  divinely  entitled.  Louis  XIV  was  even 
disposed  to  compel  him  by  force  of  arms  to  acquiesce,  and 
several  times  withdrew  his  military  support,  but  the  Spanish 
king  would  not  yield.  Fortunately  for  Philip  the  allies 
played  into  his  hands  by  demanding  too  much,  with  the 
result  that  Louis  XIV  on  such  occasions  would  renew  his 
support  of  Philip.  Nevertheless,  it  was  the  urgings  of 
Louis  XIV  which  prevailed  upon  Philip  to  surrender  the 
Spanish  dominions  in  Italy  and  the  Low  Countries  as  well 
as  to  renounce  his  claim  to  the  throne  of  France.  In  all  of 
these  tribulations  of  the  Spanish  king  credit  should  be  given 
to  Maria  Luisa  of  Savoy,  the  spirited  young  queen  of  Spain. 
Not  yet  fourteen  at  the  time  of  her  marriage,  in  1701,  she 
at  all  times  displayed  a  courage  and  ability  which  endeared 
her  to  the  Spanish  people.  Though  her  father,  the  Duke 
of  Savoy,  joined  the  allies  against  France  and  Spain,  she 
did  not  waver  in  her  attachment  to  the  land  of  her  adoption. 
Inspired  by  her  the  Spanish  people  (except  the  Catalans) 
displayed  an  ardent  spirit  of  nationalism  for  the  first  time 
in  history,  and  were  loyally  devoted  to  the  king  and  queen. 
Nevertheless,  despite  Spanish  patriotism  and  Philip's  ob- 
durate resistance  to  Louis  XIV's  plans  concerning  the 
peninsula,  there  was  the  underlying  truth  of  a  profound 
French  influence  over  Spain.  This  was  best  represented 
by  men  who,  like  Orry  and  Amelot,  were  responsible  for 
far-reaching  reforms,  the  effects  of  which  will  be  discussed 
in  the  chapters  on  institutions. 

Unfortunately  for  Philip  and  for  Spain  the  queen  died,  early 
in  the  year  1714.  A  young  Italian  abbot  named  Alberoni 
happened  to  be  at  court  in  that  year  and  he  suggested  to 
Madame  des  Ursins  that  a  certain  Isabel  Farnesio  (Elizabeth 
Farnese)  of  Parma  would  make  a  suitable  wife  for  Philip  V. 


THE   EARLY  BOURBONS,    1700-1759 


375 


According  to  him  the  sweet  gentleness  of  her  character  would 
enable  Madame  des  Ursins  to  maintain  her  power  at  the 
Spanish  court.  In  December  of  the  same  year  the  wedding 
took  place.  Thus  did  the  lady  who  has  received  the  so- 
briquet, the  "Termagant  of  Spain,"  become  the  wife  of 
Philip  V.  On  her  first  meeting  with  Madame  des  Ursins 
she  dismissed  her,  and  proceeded  to  become  herself  the  domi- 
nant influence  near  the  crown.  Isabel  Farnesio  was  in  fact 
a  woman  of  extraordinary  energy  and  force  of  character, 
besides  being  so  attractive  as  to  be  irresistible  to  the  weak 
king,  who  was  so  violently  and  capriciously  attached  to  her 
that  he  even  chastised  her  with  blows,  at  times,  in  a  kind 
of  jealous  fury.  Nevertheless,  she  submitted  to  anything, 
provided  she  could  retain  a  hold  on  her  husband,  for  she  was 
ambitious  for  her  children  and  for  Italy,  and  meant  to  utilize 
Spanish  power  in  furtherance  of  her  aims.  Early  in  1715 
she  procured  the  elevation  of  Alberoni  (soon  to  become  a 
cardinal)  to  the  direction  of  affairs  in  the  Spanish  state,  as 
the  instrument  to  procm-e  her  objects.  The  chief  tenets  in 
her  policy  were  the  breaking  of  the  intimate  relation  with 
France  and  the  recovery  of  the  Italian  possessions,  based 
on  the  twofold  desire  of  throwing  the  Austrians  out  of  Italy 
(a  patriotic  Italian  wish,  possibly  more  attributable  to  Al- 
beroni than  to  the  queen)  and  of  creating  principalities  for 
the  children  of  her  own  marriage  with  Philip.  These  aims 
were  furthered  by  playing  upon  the  washes  of  Philip  to  re- 
cover his  rights  to  the  French  throne.  Philip  V  had  not 
willingly  renounced  his  claim  at  the  time  Louis  XIV  had 
persuaded  him  to  do  so,  and  many  of  the  events  for  the  next 
few  years  are  explained  by  his  aspirations  to  obtain  that 
crown  for  himself  or  for  one  of  his  sons.  The  Italian  am- 
bitions of  Isabel  Farnesio,  however,  were  the  enduring 
keynote  of  Spanish  policy  for  some  thirty  years. 

The  break  with  France  was  not  long  in  coming.  In  1715 
Louis  XIV  died,  and,  contrary  to  the  expectations  of  Philip, 
not  Philip  V,  but  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  whom  the  Spanish 
king  regarded  as  a  personal  opponent,  was  named  as  regent 
for  the  sickly  Louis  XV,  who  was  not  expected  to  live  very 
long,  —  though  in  fact  he  was  to  reign  for  fifty-nine  years. 


Isabel 
Farnesio 
and  the 
resump- 
tion of  a 
poUey  of 
imperial- 
ism in 
Italy, 


376 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Diplo- 
matic 
intrigue 
and  war 
in  the 
first  period 
of  the 
Italian 
preten- 
sions of 
Isabel 
Farnesio. 


The  breach  was  widened  by  a  series  of  treaties  between  Eng- 
land, the  Protestant  Netherlands,  and  France  in  the  next 
two  years  with  a  view  to  the  execution  of  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht.  To  assiu-e  the  peace  of  Europe  it  was  necessary 
to  procure  the  adhesion  of  Philip  V  and  Charles  VI,  who 
alone  of  the  parties  to  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession 
had  not  made  peace  with  each  other,  although  no  hostilities 
had  taken  place  for  some  time.  Such  a  peace  did  not  fit  in, 
however,  with  the  plans  of  Isabel  Farnesio,  and  when  the 
emperor  furnished  a  pretext  in  1717  for  the  renewal  of 
hostilities  a  Spanish  army  was  suddenly  dispatched  to  Sar- 
dinia which  overran  that  island.  England  as  guarantor  of 
the  neutrality  of  Italy  protested,  and  endeavored  to  effect 
a  peace  between  the  two  contestants  by  an  offer  to  Philip 
of  Charles'  renunciation  of  his  claims  to  the  Spanish  crown, 
together  with  a  promise  of  the  duchies  of  Parma  and  Tuscany 
and  a  vague  suggestion  of  England's  willingness  to  restore 
Gibraltar  and  Minorca.  The  English  proposal  was  rejected, 
and  in  1718  an  expedition  was  sent  into  Sicily  (then  in  the 
possession  of  Savoy,  although  the  already  mentioned  ex- 
change with  Austria  had  been  discussed).  The  Spaniards 
were  received  with  enthusiasm,  and  soon  had  a  mastery  of 
the  island.  Meanwhile,  Austria  entered  the  triple  alliance, 
which  thereby  became  quadruple,  on  the  basis  of  the  em- 
peror's offers  to  renounce  his  pretensions  to  the  throne 
of  Spain  and  to  consent  to  the  succession  of  Charles,  son  of 
Isabel  Farnesio  and  Philip  V,  to  the  duchies  of  Parma, 
Plasencia,  and  Tuscany  in  exchange  for  Philip's  return  of 
Sicily  and  Sardinia  and  his  renunciation  of  all  dominion  in 
Italy  and  the  Low  Countries.  These  terms  were  offered  to 
Philip,  who  refused  them,  despite  the  English  ambassador's 
insinuation  of  his  country's  willingness  to  return  Gibraltar 
and  Minorca  If  Philip  would  accept.  While  the  British 
government  was  thus  negotiating  for  peace  through  diplo- 
matic channels  it  also  took  steps  In  another  way  to  insure 
Spanish  acquiescence  In  the  allied  proposals.  An  English 
fleet  under  Admiral  Byng  was  ordered  to  attack  the  Spanish 
fleet  without  previous  announcement  of  a  warlike  intent, 
managing  the  affair,  if  possible,  so  as  to  cast  the  blame  on 


THE   EARLY   BOURBONS,    1700-1759 


377 


the  Spanish  commander.  Byng  found  the  Spanish  fleet  in 
Sicilian  waters,  destroyed  it,  and  landed  Austrian  troops 
in  Sicily.  Several  months  later,  in  December,  1718,  England 
declared  war  on  Spain,  which  was  followed  in  January,  1719, 
by  a  declaration  of  war  against  Philip  V  on  the  part  of 
France.  Hopelessly  outnumbered,  Spain  nevertheless  dis- 
played a  surprising  capacity  for  resistance.  Defeat  was  in- 
evitable, however,  and  late  in  1719  Alberoni,  whose  extraor- 
dinary web  of  intrigues  was  deemed  responsible  for  the 
existing  situation,  was  dismissed  from  power,  a  condition 
exacted  by  the  allies,  and  in  1720  peace  was  made  on  the 
basis  of  the  earlier  proposals  of  the  quadruple  alliance. 
Philip  was  ready  to  comply  with  these  terms,  but  the  em- 
peror was  now  unwilling  to  grant  what  had  been  required 
of  him.  The  result  was  a  new  alliance  in  1721  of  England, 
France,  and  Spain,  of  which  the  most  noteworthy  terms 
were  England's  definite  promise  to  restore  Gibraltar  to  Spain 
and  an  agreement  for  a  double  matrimonial  alliance  between 
the  French  and  Spanish  courts;  a  Spanish  princess  aged 
three  was  betrothed  to  Louis  XV,  then  eleven  years  old, 
while  a  French  princess  was  to  marry  Philip's  eldest  son, 
Luis.  In  addition  the  rights  of  Isabel's  son  Charles  to  the 
Italian  duchies  were  reaffirmed.  The  marriage  of  Luis  and 
the  French  princess  was  duly  celebrated  in  1722,  and  the 
Spanish  princess  was  sent  to  the  French  court  to  be  educated. 
For  several  years  Philip  had  been  expressing  a  desire  to 
abdicate.  In  January,  1724,  he  carried  his  previously  an- 
nounced Intention  Into  effect,  declaring  that  he  proposed 
to  consecrate  the  remainder  of  his  life  to  the  service  of  God 
and  the  important  work  of  maintaining  his  own  health. 
There  has  been  much  speculation  as  to  whether  these  were 
his  real  designs,  —  all  the  more  so,  since  the  ambitious 
queen  at  no  time  protested  against  this  step.  Although 
there  is  no  direct  evidence  to  that  effect,  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  Philip  and  Isabel  wanted  to  be  ready  to  take 
advantage  of  the  situation  which  might  arise  if  Louis  XV 
should  die,  as  was  expected.  At  any  rate  Philip's  eldest 
son  was  proclaimed  king,  as  Luis  I,  but  the  reign  was  of 
brief  duration.    In  the  same  year   1724  Luis  contracted 


Abdica^ 

tion  of 

PhiUpV 

and 

reasons 

therefor. 


Brief  reign 
of  Luis  I 
and 

PhiUp's  re- 
sumption 
of  the 
throne. 


378 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Ripperd^ 
and  the 
Austrian 
alliance. 


smallpox  and  died.  As  there  was  a  general  disinclination 
to  the  succession  of  Philip's  second  son,  Ferdinand,  then  a 
minor,  the  former  king  was  asked  to  accept  the  crown  again, 
and  despite  certain  compunctions  he  felt  in  the  matter  he 
at  length  agreed  to  do  so. 

The  second  reign  of  Philip  V  was  dominated  as  before  by 
the  Italian  ambitions  of  Isabel  Farnesio,  with  the  French 
aspirations  of  the  king  remaining  a  factor.  By  this  time  the 
Baron  of  Ripperda,  an  adventurer  who  had  previously  been 
the  Dutch  representative  at  the  Spanish  court,  had  become 
the  agent  through  whom  Isabel  hoped  to  achieve  her  ends. 
Few  more  unconscionable  liars  and  intriguers  are  recorded 
in  history  than  this  audacious  courtier,  who  was  able  to 
deceive  even  Isabel  Farnesio.  It  occurred  to  the  queen  that 
the  vexed  question  of  the  Italian  duchies  might  be  settled 
through  an  embassy  to  Vienna.  Accordingly,  Ripperda 
was  sent,  with  the  principal  object  of  procuring  the  betrothal 
of  two  Austrian  archduchesses  to  Isabel's  sons,  Charles 
and  Philip.  Ripperda  found  Charles  VI  disinclined  to 
consent  to  the  betrothals,  but  lied  both  to  the  emperor  and 
to  Philip,  telling  each  that  the  other  accepted  his  petitions. 
His  deceptions  would  certainly  have  been  unmasked,  had 
it  not  been  for  an  unexpected  turn  in  events.  In  1725  the 
French  regent,  fearful  lest  Louis  XV  might  die  without  issue, 
sent  back  the  Spanish  princess  who  had  been  betrothed  to 
him,  because  she  was  still  too  young  to  marry.  The  natural 
consequence  was  a  rupture  between  France  and  Spain, 
facilitating  a  treaty  between  Charles  VI  and  Philip  V.  The 
matter  of  the  marriage  was  now  secondary  to  the  political 
need  of  support.  Charles  and  Philip  agreed  to  the  terms 
proposed  to  the  latter  in  1718  by  the  quadruple  alliance. 
In  addition  Philip  guaranteed  the  Pragmatic  Sanction, 
whereby  the  succession  of  Charles  VI's  eldest  daughter  to 
his  Austrian  estates  was  to  be  secured,  and  gave  extensive 
commercial  privileges  to  Austria,  particularly  to  the  Ostend 
Company  of  the  Catholic,  or  Austrian,  Netherlands,  enabling 
that  company  to  secure  trading  rights  in  Spain  and  the 
Americas.  A  defensive  alliance  was  arranged,  one  feature 
of  which  was  the  emperor's  agreement  to  use  his  good  oflBces 


THE    EARLY   BOURBONS,    1700-1759 


379 


to  cause  England  to  fulfil  her  promised  restoration  of  Gi- 
braltar and  Minorca  to  Spain.  Finally,  Charles  VI  definitely 
abandoned  his  oft-repeated  demand  for  the  recognition  of 
the  Catalan  fueros.  For  his  triumphs  of  1725  Ripperda 
was  made  a  grandee  of  Spain,  owing  his  promotion,  in  part 
at  least,  to  his  assurance  that  the  marriage  alliances  were 
practically  secure.  He  became  first  minister  at  the  Spanish 
court,  a  post  which  he  asked  for,  falsely  asserting  that 
Charles  VI  desired  it.  Such  a  tissue  of  lies  could  not  be 
sustained  indefinitely.  His  duplicity  having  been  dis- 
covered he  lost  his  position  in  1726,  and  was  imprisoned 
when  he  seemed  to  confess  guilt  by  taking  refuge  in  the 
English  embassy.  Escaping  in  1728  he  went  to  northern 
Africa,  where  he  passed  the  remaining  nine  years  of  his  life. 

The  Austrian  treaties  of  1725  were  to  have  important  con-  Theac- 
sequences.     England,  France,  the  Protestant  Netherlands,  quisition 
Prussia,    Sweden,    and    Denmark   immediately   formed   an  ^'Naples 
alliance,  and  war  seemed  imminent.     Spain  desired  it,  but  jgabel's 
Austria  declined  to  engage,  much  to  the  resentment  of  the  son 
Spanish  court.     Spain  made  a  fruitless  attempt  to  recapture  Charles. 
Gibraltar,  however,  in  1727,  but  consented  to  peace  in  the 
same  year  without  attaining  her  ends,  although  the  definitive 
treaty  was  not  signed  until  1729.     One  factor  in  the  agree- 
ment was  the  desire  of  Isabel  Farnesio  to  avenge  herself  on 
Charles  VI,  not  only  for  his  failure  to  join  in  the  recent  war, 
but  also  to  requite  his  refusal  to  accept  the  marriage  projects 
she  had  proposed.     Even  when  the  emperor  consented  to 
the  attainment  in  1731   of  Isabel's  ambitions  for  her  son 
concerning  the  three  duchies  of  northern  Italy,  she  did  not 
put  aside  her  vengeful  plans.     Charles  of  Bourbon  in  fact 
landed  in  Italy  in  that  year  to  take  possession  of  the  duchies. 
A  fresh  step  in  the  plans  of  Isabel  was  the  treaty  of  1733 
with  France,  often  called  by  analogy  with  the  later  treaty 
of   1761-1762   the   "first  Family   Compact."     The   oppor- 
tunity to  strike  at  Austria,  which  both  France  and  Spain 
desired,  was  now  at  hand,  for  Austria  was  in  the  meshes  of 
a  war  over  the  Polish  succession.     Spain  declared  war  on 
Austria  late  in  1733,  and  in  the  next  year  overran  Naples 
and  Sicily.     In  1734,  too,  Prince  Charles  was  brought  from 


380  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

his  duchies  to  be  crowned  king  of  Naples,  or  the  Two  Sicilies. 
Thus  had  Isabel  Farnesio  restored  the  questionably  desirable 
Italian  inheritance  to  Spain,  but  the  duchies  were  lost. 
France  was  ready  to  make  peace  in  1735;  so  she  calmly 
offered  Charles  VI  the  three  duchies  in  exchange  for  a  recog- 
nition of  Spanish  Charles  as  king  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  Spain 
protested,  but  could  do  nothing  more  than  submit.  These 
terms  were  accepted  in  1735,  although  peace  was  not  signed 
until  three  years  later.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the 
Catalans  had  not  yet  given  uj)  hope  of  their  fueros.  A  body 
of  Catalan  patriots  visited  England  in  1736  to  ask  for  the 
fulfilment  of  the  earlier  English  promise  to  maintain  the 
fuero.f,  but  the  British  government  paid  no  attention  to  the 
petition. 
The  War  War  was  not  long  in  making  its  reappearance  on  the 

of  Jen-  Spanish  horizon.  For  a  long  time  there  had  been  various 
'*•  causes  of  dispute  with  England,  the  most  important  of  which 
arose  out  of  the  English  contraband  trade  in  the  Spanish 
colonies.  The  asiento  treaty  had  been  used  by  English  mer- 
chants as  the  entering  wedge  for  British  commerce,  and  their 
violations  of  the  law  had  met  with  reprisals  at  times,  es- 
pecially when  English  smugglers  were  caught  by  the  more 
faithful  of  the  Spanish  officials  in  the  colonies.  One  English- 
man, named  Jenkins,  brought  home  his  ear  preserved  in 
alcohol,  claiming  that  the  Spaniards  had  cut  it  off.  Such 
acts  as  this,  whether  of  actual  occurrence  or  not,  fitted  in 
with  English  conceptions  of  Spanish  cruelty,  and  furnished 
a  pretext  for  war  to  the  rising  party  of  British  imperialists, 
headed  by  William  Pitt.  Indemnities  were  demanded  by 
England  and  agreed  to  by  Spain,  but  when  the  latter  put  in 
a  counter-claim  the  British  government  threatened  war, 
which  was  soon  declared,  late  in  1739.  This  conflict,  called 
in  English  histories  the  War  of  Jenkins'  Ear,  demonstrated 
that  the  internal  reforms  in  Spain  had  not  been  without 
effect.  The  West  Indies  were  the  principal  field  of  the 
struggle,  but  Spain  was  able  to  defend  herself,  —  as  witness 
the  successful  defence  of  Cartagena,  which  Admiral  Vernon 
was  so  sure  he  was  going  to  capture  that  he  had  commemo- 
rative medals  struck  off  in  advance.     In  Europe  the  most 


THE  EARLY  BOURBONS,   1700-1759 


381 


noteworthy  events  were  the  Spanish  attempts  to  capture 
Gibraltar  and  Port  Mahon,  Minorca,  both  of  which  ended 
in  failure.  France  soon  came  into  the  war  on  Spain's  side, 
and  the  conflict  became  European  when  it  merged  into  the 
great  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession  (1740-1748). 

The  various  princes  of  Europe  had  guaranteed  Charles  VI's 
Pragmatic  Sanction  one  or  more  times,  but  when  the  emperor 
died,  in  1740,  each  of  them  proceeded  along  the  line  of 
political  interest.  Urged  on  by  Isabel  Farnesio,  Philip  V 
renewed  his  pretensions  to  the  duchies  in  northern  Italy  and 
to  other  Italian  territories  in  Austrian  hands  which  had 
formerly  belonged  to  Spain.  France,  Prussia,  and  other 
states  of  lesser  importance  also  made  certain  claims.  Eng- 
land's interest  lay  with  the  opponent  of  France  and  Spain, 
wherefore  she  joined  with  Austria.  In  a  military  way  the 
war  was  very  nearly  indecisive,  and  there  was  a  general 
desire  for  peace  by  the  year  1746.  This  attitude  received 
a  fresh  impulse  by  the  accession  of  Ferdinand  VI  to  the 
Spanish  throne  in  that  year,  for  he  was  a  determined  partisan 
of  peace.  The  treaty  of  1748  was  entirely  favorable  to 
Isabel  Farnesio  in  that  she  obtained  the  duchies  of  Parma, 
Plasencia,  and  Guastalla  for  her  son  Philip;  Tuscany  was 
no  longer  available,  having  been  in  other  hands  since  the 
agreement  of  1735.  The  dispute  with  England  was  settled 
by  a  recognition  of  commercial  advantages  in  favor  of  that 
country,  especially  those  growing  out  of  the  asiento;  two 
years  later  the  asiento  was  annulled  in  exchange  for  a  heavy 
payment  by  Spain.  Meanwhile,  the  voyage  of  Anson 
around  the  world,  1739-1742,  had  in  fact  dealt  a  blow  to 
Spain  in  America,  revealing  the  Spanish  secrets  of  the  Pacific. 
The  peace  of  1748  marked  the  culminating  point  in  the 
aspirations  of  Isabel  Farnesio.  After  more  than  thirty  years 
of  effort  she  had  almost  completely  attained  her  ends.  Spain 
had  paid  the  bills,  with  little  to  compensate  her  except  glory 
and  at  the  cost  of  losses  in  the  colonies,  which  though  not 
translated  into  cessions  of  territory  were  to  have  ultimate 
effects  to  the  disadvantage  of  Spain. 

The  reign  of  Ferdinand  VI  (1746-1759)  looms  little  in 
external  narrative,  because  it  was  an  era  of  peace,  but  on 


The  War 
of  the 
Austrian 
Succes- 
sion and 
the  acqui- 
sition of 
the  North 
Italian 
duchies 
for  Isa- 
bel's son 
Philip. 


382 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Impor- 
tance of 
the  peace- 
ful reign  of 
Ferdinand 
VI. 


that  very  account  it  was  important  in  institutions.  The 
achievements  of  Charles  III  were  made  possible  by  the 
policies  of  economic  regeneration  which  were  so  strongly  to 
the  fore  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  VI.  Ferdinand,  who  may 
have  been  deficient  enough  in  some  respects,  who  took  very 
little  part  himself  in  affairs  of  government,  and  who  displayed 
tendencies  to  melancholia  and  even  insanity,  was  firmly  of 
the  opinion  that  Spain  needed  peace,  and  at  a  time  when 
Europe  was  engaging  in  another  great  conflict,  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  he  declined  the  overtures  of  both  France  and 
England,  the  leading  opponents  in  the  struggle,  even  when 
accompanied  by  such  tempting  bait  as  the  latter 's  offer  of 
the  restitution  of  much-desired  Gibraltar  and  Minorca. 
In  1759  he  died  without  issue,  and  his  half-brother,  Charles, 
son  of  Isabel  Farnesio,  came  to  the  throne  of  Spain,  after  a 
long  experience  as  a  ruler  in  Italy.  Thus  did  the  "  Termagant 
of  Spain"  achieve  yet  a  new  victory  to  reward  her  maternal 
ambition,  —  and  meanwhile  the  Two  Sicilies  were  not  lost 
to  her  line,  for  that  kingdom  passed  to  her  grandson  Fer- 
dinand, the  third  son  of  Charles. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 


CHARLES  III   AND   ENGLAND,    1759-1788 


Under  Charles  III,  Spain  reached  the  highest  point  she  has 
attained  since  the  sixteenth  century.  In  many  respects  the 
internal  situation  was  better  at  this  time  than  in  the  great 
days  of  the  siglo  de  oro,  but  Spain's  relative  authority  in 
Europe  was  less,  because  of  the  striking  advances  which  had 
been  made  by  the  other  powers.  One  of  them,  England, 
was  particularly  dangerous,  and  it  will  be  found  that  Spain's 
foreign  policy  in  this  reign  was  directed  primarily  toward 
meeting  the  possibility  of  war  with  that  country.  Other 
difficulties,  such  as  those  with  Portugal  and  Morocco, 
particularly  with  the  former,  were  cogent  factors  because  of 
the  relations  which  England  bore,  or  was  believed  to  bear,  to 
them.  Contrary  to  the  impression  usually  to  be  derived 
from  the  histories  of  the  American  Revolution,  Spain  was 
intensely  hostile  to  England  throughout  this  reign.  To 
oppose  that  country  the  Family  Compact  with  France  was 
formed,  and  continued  to  be  the  basis  of  Spain's  foreign 
policy,  although  it  early  became  manifest  that  France  would 
honor  the  treaty  only  when  it  suited  her  purposes.  In  the 
end  the  policies  of  Charles  III  were  crowned  with  success, 
—  not  so  great  as  Spain  could  have  wished,  but  sufficiently 
so  to  make  this  reign  the  most  pleasingly  satisfactory  to 
Spaniards  of  any  since  the  days  of  Isabella,  next  to  whom 
Charles  III  has  some  claim  to  rank  as  the  greatest  Spanish 
monarch  of  modern  times.  This  becomes  the  more  worthy 
of  belief  when  one  investigates  the  sweeping  character  of 
and  the  success  attained  in  the  social,  political,  and  economic 
reforms  of  the  period.    These  were  at  the  basis  of  Spain's 

383 


Greatness 
of  the 
reign  of 
Charles 
III  and 
principal 
factors 
therein. 


384 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Causes  of 
Charles 
Ill's 
policy  of 
opposition 
to  Eng- 
land. 


victories  in  European  councils,  for  they  provided  the  sinews 
of  war.  Nevertheless  there  was  one  drawback.  The  re- 
forms in  the  Americas,  following  the  precedent  of  nearly 
three  centuries,  were  undertaken  more  with  a  view  to  the 
production  of  revenues  for  Spain  than  for  the  contented 
development  of  the  colonies  themselves.  Spain  also  ran 
counter  to  a  new  force  in  world  history,  which  she  herself 
was  obliged  by  circumstances  to  assist  in  establishing  itself. 
The  spirit  of  world  democracy  was  born  with  the  American 
Revolution,  and  appeared  in  France  soon  afterward.  This 
meant  that  the  autocratic  basis  of  Spanish  greatness  was 
presently  to  be  destroyed.  The  success  of  the  American 
Revolution  was  to  be  related  in  no  small  degree  to  the  loss  of 
Spain's  colonial  empire.  The  failure  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion was  to  produce  a  powerful  despot  who  was  to  bring 
Spain,  under  Charles  IV,  to  the  lowest  point  she  had  reached 
since  the  days  of  Charles  II.  Nevertheless,  the  reign  of 
Charles  III  is  to  be  considered  as  something  more  than  a 
brilliant  moment  in  history  without  ultimate  effect.  The 
internal  reforms  were  of  permanent  benefit  to  Spain  and 
even  to  the  Americas,  capable  of  utilization  under  the  more 
democratic  systems  of  the  future.  Finally,  the  part  played 
by  Spain  in  the  successful  issue  of  the  American  Revolution 
deserves  to  bulk  large,  even  though  she  could  not  look  with 
sympathy  upon  a  movement  which,  she  clearly  saw,  might 
bring  about  her  own  ruin. 

Many  writers  have  ascribed  Charles  Ill's  policy  of  oppo- 
sition to  England  to  his  hatred  of  that  country,  growing  out 
of  certain  humiliations  forced  upon  him  by  an  English  fleet 
while  he  was  king  in  Naples.  There  is  no  reason  to  believe, 
however,  that  this  feeling,  if  indeed  it  did  exist  in  unusual 
degree,  dominated  his  political  action,  and  in  fact  Charles 
was  always  a  partisan  of  peace ;  far  from  plunging  into  war 
he  had  rather  to  be  convinced  of  its  necessity.  There  were 
reasons  in  plenty  to  induce  him  to  such  a  course,  irrespective 
of  any  personal  spite  he  might  have  felt.  Prior  to  the  reign 
of  Charles,  Spain  had  alreadv  engaged  in  four  wars  with 
England  (1702-1713,  1718-1720,  1727-1729,  1739-1748)  in 
the  course  of  half  a  century,  and  at  no  time  in  the  Bourbon 


CHARLES   III  AJNTD   ENGLAJSTD,    1759-1788  385 

era  had  the  two  countries  been  on  nearly  cordial  terms.  The 
gist  of  the  trouble  lay  in  the  British  ambition  to  possess  the 
greatest  colonial  empire  and  the  richest  commerce  in  the 
world.  For  the  realization  of  these  aims  it  seemed  necessary 
to  destroy  the  colonial  importance  of  France  and  Spain,  and 
any  advances  in  wealth  or  military  power  on  the  part  of 
either  of  those  countries  was  regarded  as  detrimental  to  the 
imperialistic  designs  of  England.  With  respect  to  Spain, 
British  contraband  trade  in  the  Americas  under  the  cover 
of  the  as  lento  treaty  had  tended  to  break  down  the  Spanish 
commercial  monopoly,  and  the  annulment  of  the  asiento  had 
not  put  an  end  to  the  smuggling.  While  no  territories  in  the 
Americas  had  been  wrested  from  Spain  under  the  Bourbons, 
the  previous  centm-y  had  recorded  many  conquests  by  Eng- 
land in  the  Caribbean  area,  principal  of  which  was  that  of 
Jamaica,  and  along  the  Atlantic  coast  strip  of  North  America, 
the  southern  part  of  which  had  been  not  only  claimed  but 
also  occupied  by  Spain  in  earlier  days.  Meanwhile,  the 
losses  of  France  and  the  aggressive  character  of  English 
foreign  policy  under  Pitt  made  it  appear  that  Spain  might 
expect  to  be  deprived  of  her  colonies  whenever  the  oppor- 
tunity to  secure  them  should  seem  ripe  to  England. 

From  the  outset  of  the  reign  of  Charles  III  there  occurred  Continu- 
many  incidents  to  heighten  Spain's  suspicion  or  anger  with  anceof 
respect  to  England.     The  exigencies  of  the  w^ar  with  France  ~?^^^'^"^'^ 
led  the  English  to  adopt  many  arbitrary  measures  against  gpg^j^ 
the  as  yet  neutral  power  of  Spain.     English  vessels  stopped 
Spanish  ships  on  the  high  seas,  claiming  a  right  of  search,  and 
seized  many  of  them,  often  without  justification  in  interna- 
tional law ;  the  English  government  occupied  a  bit  of  Spanish 
territory,  and  did  not  abandon  it  with  a  good  grace;  and 
there  were  instances  when  Spanish  merchants  in  England 
were  treated  badly.     Meanwhile,  British  acts  of  aggression 
and  smuggling  in  the  Americas  continued  to  take  place ;  the 
English  placed  difficulties  in  the  way  of  Spanish  fishing  off 
the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  though  beyond  the  territorial 
waters  of  the  British  domain ;  they  founded  establishments 
in  Honduras  without  authorization  from  Spain,  and  began 
to  cut  the  valuable  dyewoods  there;  and  Gibraltar  and 
2c 


386 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


The 

Family 

Compact 

and 

Spain's 

entry  into 

the  Seven 

Years' 

War. 

Spanish 
losses  in 
the  Seven 
Years' 
War. 


Minorca  still  remained  in  English  hands,  a  standing  affront 
to  Spanish  pride  and  a  danger  to  the  peninsula.  Neverthe- 
less, the  underlying  factor  which  influenced  Spain  was  the 
imperialism  of  England,  backed  up  as  it  was  by  her  vast 
resources  and  her  almost  invincible  navy.  Charles  did  not 
wish  to  bring  Spain  into  the  war,  but  it  was  clear  that  an 
overwhelming  defeat  for  France  would  be  almost  equally 
disadvantageous  to  Spain,  who  might  expect  to  receive  the 
next  shock  from  the  English  arms.  France  had  gotten  much 
the  worst  of  it  in  the  Seven  Years'  War  when  Charles  III 
ascended  the  Spanish  throne,  wherefore  Charles  endeavored 
to  mediate  between  that  power  and  England.  The  British 
government's  arrogant  rejection  of  his  proffer  tended  only  to 
make  him  the  more  disposed  to  consider  an  alliance  with 
France.  When,  therefore,  the  French  authorities  approached 
him  with  the  proposal  for  an  alliance  he  resoh'ed  to  join  with 
them  if  England  should  refuse  to  meet  Spain's  demands 
relative  to  the  release  of  captured  Spanish  ships,  the  free  use 
of  the  New^foundland  fisheries,  and  the  abandonment  of  the 
English  settlements  in  Honduras.  England  not  only  refused 
to  give  satisfaction,  but  also  asked  for  an  explanation  of  the 
naval  preparations  Spain  was  making.  Thereupon,  Charles 
prepared  for  war.  Two  treaties,  called  jointly  the  Family 
Compact,  were  made  with  the  Bourbon  king  of  France.  The 
first  of  these,  signed  in  August,  1761,  was  a  defensive  alliance 
against  such  powers  as  should  attack  either  of  the  two 
crowns.  The  second,  dated  in  February,  1762,  was  an 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance  directed  specifically  against 
England.  W^ar,  meanwhile,  had  already  been  declared  in 
January. 

In  the  ensuing  campaign  France  and  Spain  were  badly 
beaten.  ^Manila  and  Havana  were  taken  by  the  English, 
although  Spain  w^on  a  notable  success  in  the  capture  of 
Sacramento,  a  Portuguese  colony  on  the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  — 
for  Portugal  had  entered  the  war  on  the  side  of  England. 
Twenty-seven  richly  laden  English  boats  were  taken  at 
Sacramento,  —  significant  of  the  profits  which  the  English 
merchants  w^ere  making  in  contraband  trade,  using  Sacra- 
mento as  a  base.     In  1763  a  peace  which  was  in  many  re- 


CHARLES  III  AND  ENGLAND,    1759-1788  387 

spects  humiliating  to  Spain  was  signed  at  Paris.  England 
restored  Manila  and  Havana,  but  required  the  cession  of 
Florida  and  all  other  Spanish  territories  east  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi ;  Sacramento  was  returned  to  Portugal ;  Spain  gave 
up  all  rights  of  her  subjects  to  fish  in  Newfoundland  waters ; 
questions  arising  out  of  the  English  captures  of  Spanish 
ships  prior  to  Spain's  entry  into  the  war  were  to  be  decided 
by  the  British  courts  of  admiralty;  and  the  English  right 
to  cut  dyewoods  in  Honduras  was  acknowledged,  although 
England  agreed  to  the  demolition  of  all  the  fortifications 
which  British  subjects  might  have  constructed  there.  France, 
who  had  lost  practically  all  her  other  colonies  to  England, 
now  gave  the  scantily  settled,  ill-defined  region  of  French 
influence  west  of  the  Mississippi,  all  that  remained  of 
French  Louisiana,  to  Spain.  According  to  the  terms 
of  the  grant  it  was  to  compensate  Spain  for  her  loss  of 
Florida,  but  in  fact  it  was  in  order  to  ensure  the  continued 
alliance  of  Spain  with  France. 

The  peace  of  1763  was  looked  upon  by  France  and  Spain  Prepara- 
as  a  truce,  for  if  England  had  been  dangerous  before,  she  was   tions  for 

doubly  so  now.     France  wished  revenge  and  the  restoration  a  renewal 
PI  J         •  uM     c      •    '         •      •      1         i-  of  the  war. 

or  her  overseas  domams,  while  bpam  s  prmcipal  motive  was 

a  desire  to  save  her  colonies  from  conquest  by  England. 
Both  countries  therefore  bent  their  energies  to  preparations 
for  another  war ;  in  Spain  the  next  decade  and  a  half  was  a 
period  of  remarkable  economic  reforms  tending  to  the  re- 
generation of  the  peninsula  as  the  basis  for  an  army  and 
navy.  Meanwhile,  steps  were  taken  to  avoid  the  possi- 
bility of  an  English  descent  upon  the  Spanish  West  Indies, 
which  were  regarded  as  the  principal  danger-point,  both 
because  of  the  strength  of  England's  position  in  the  Caribbean 
area,  and  because  that  region  was  the  key  to  the  Spanish 
mainland  colonies  of  the  two  Americas.  Pretexts  for  pretexts 
trouble  were  not  lacking.  The  English  dyewood  cutters  for  war. 
of  Honduras  did  not  observe  the  restrictions  placed  upon 
them  by  the  treaty  of  Paris,  and  the  British  government 
neglected  to  satisfy  Spain's  complaints  in  that  regard;  the 
French  settlers  of  Louisiana  refused  to  acknowledge  their 
transfer  to  the  Spanish  crown,  wherefore  it  was  necessary 


388 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


The 

Falkland 

Islands 

affair. 


to  employ  force  against  them,  and  it  was  believed  that 
English  agents  had  instigated  them  to  resist ;  on  the  other 
hand  England  repeatedly  demanded  the  payment  of  a  ransom 
which  the  English  conquerors  of  Manila  had  exacted  from 
that  city,  but  Spain  refused  to  pay  the  claim.  The  principal 
diplomatic  interest  down  to  1771,  however,  was  the  so-called 
question  of  the  Falkland  Islands  (called  Malouines  by  the 
French,  and  Maluinas  by  Spaniards).  This  group,  lying 
some  250  miles  east  of  the  Strait  of  Magellan,  seems  to  have 
been  discovered  by  Spanish  navigators  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  for  a  description  of  the  islands  was  in  the  possession 
of  the  Spanish  authorities  at  an  early  time.  The  first 
English  voyage  to  this  group  was  that  of  Captain  Cowley, 
as  late  as  1686,  but  no  claim  could  be  made  on  this  basis,  for 
in  1748  England  formally  recognized  the  rights  of  Spain. 
Not  much  attention  was  paid  to  the  Falklands  until  after 
the  Seven  Years'  War,  although  various  navigattjrs  visited 
them,  but  in  1763  a  Spanish  pilot,  ^Nlathei,  made  the  first  of 
a  series  of  voyages  to  these  islands.  In  1764  a  French  ex- 
pedition under  Bougainville  landed  at  one  of  them,  and 
formed  a  settlement,  and  in  the  next  year  the  English  cap- 
tain, Biron,  touched  at  a  place  called  Port  Egmont  by  him, 
took  formal  possession  for  England,  applying  the  name 
Falkland  to  the  group,  and  proceeded  on  his  way  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean  and  around  the  world.  Not  long  afterward 
an  English  settlement  was  made  at  Port  Egmont,  and  the 
governor  no  sooner  heard  of  the  presence  of  the  French  than 
he  ordered  their  withdrawal.  INIeanwhile,  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment had  lodged  a  complaint  at  the  French  court  against 
the  occupation  of  the  islands  by  France,  and  an  agreement 
was  reached,  whereby  the  PVench  should  abandon  the  group 
and  a  Spanish  settlement  there  should  be  formed.  This 
was  done,  and  the  English  and  Spanish  governors  began 
mutually  to  demand  each  other's  withdrawal,  the  English- 
man setting  a  time  limit  of  six  months.  The  Spanish  gov- 
ernment directed  the  captain-general  of  Buenos  Aires  to 
expel  the  English  settlers,  and  accordingly,  though  not 
until  June,  1770,  these  orders  were  carried  out.  When  the 
news  reached  England  the  British  Parliament  voted  funds 


CHARLES   III   AND   ENGLAND,    1759-17^ 


389 


in  preparation  for  war,  and  made  excessive  demands  for 
reparation  for  what  was  considered  an  insult  to  England  as 
well  as  for  the  restitution  of  the  colony.  Spain,  in  reliance 
upon  the  Family  Compact,  was  not  inclined  to  avoid  the 
issue,  and  matters  even  went  so  far  as  the  retirement  of  the 
Spanish  and  English  ambassadors,  when  an  unforeseen  event 
occurred,  changing  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs.  This  was 
the  fall  of  Choiseul,  the  French  minister  who  had  negotiated 
the  Family  Compact  and  who  was  believed  by  Spain  to  be 
ready  to  bring  France  into  the  war.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Louis  XV  is  reported  to  have  said  "My  minister  wanted 
war,  but  I  do  not,"  thus  calmly  disregarding  the  treaty  with 
Spain.  Consequently,  Spain  had  to  yield,  and  in  1771  the 
Spanish  ambassador  to  London  signed  a  declaration  dis- 
approving the  removal  of  the  English  colonists  and  promising 
to  restore  Port  Egmont,  although  without  prejudice  to 
Spain's  claim  to  the  islands,^ 

Spain  might  justly  have  abandoned  the  Family  Compact 
after  the  Falkland  incident,  and  for  a  time  that  treaty  did 
suffer  a  partial  eclipse.  Charles  III  felt  that  in  future  he 
could  count  only  on  his  own  forces,  but  he  continued  to 
increase  and  equip  them,  for  the  danger  from  England  was 
as  great  as  ever.  Self-interest  inevitably  brought  Spain  and 
France  together,  and  with  the  appearance  of  the  warlike 
Aranda  in  France,  late  in  the  year  1773,  as  Spanish  ambas- 
sador to  that  court,  plans  with  a  view  to  meeting  the  common 
enemy  were  again  discussed.  The  death  of  Louis  XV,  in 
May,  1774,  brought  matters  still  more  to  a  head,  for  it 
resulted  in  a  change  of  ministry  in  France,  whereby  Ver- 
gennes,  believed  to  be  an  enthusiastic  partisan  of  the  Family 
Compact,  became  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  Vergennes 
was  in  fact  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  Franco-Spanish 
alliance,  although  his  enthusiasm  was  tempered  in  moments 
of  crisis  by  a  clear  view  of  what  most  favored  France,  and  he 
did  not  fail  to  see  that  he  might  employ  it  as  the  basis  for 

1  The  British  settlement  was  abandoned  in  1774,  after  which 
the  Spaniards  returned.  Following  the  establishment  of  Argen- 
tine independence  that  country  occupied  the  Falklands,  and  stiU 
claims  them.  Since  1833,  however,  they  have  been  in  the  possession 
of  England. 


Revival  of 
the  Family 
Compact 
as  a  force 
in  Euro- 
pean 
pohtics. 


390 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Relations 
with  the 
Moslem 
states  of 
the  Bar- 
bary 
Coast. 


trade  concessions  from  Spain,  the  better  to  build  up  the 
resources  of  France.  Nevertheless,  the  opinion  was  general 
that  Vergennes  intended  to  adhere  to  the  Family  Compact, 
and  consequently  England  planned  to  occupy  Spain  with 
other  affairs,  so  as  to  separate  her  from  France,  or  at  least 
divert  her  from  pursuing  a  common  policy  with  the  last- 
named  country  against  England.  Two  matters  were  at 
hand,  of  which  they  might  avail  themselves :  Spain's  dis- 
putes with  the  sultan  of  Morocco ;  and  her  quarrels  with 
Portugal  over  boundaries  in  South  America. 

The  never-ending  wars  with  the  Moslems  of  northern 
Africa  were  inherited  from  the  preceding  era,  and  continued 
to  occupy  Spanish  troops  and  fleets  down  to  the  reign  of 
Charles  III.  In  1767  satisfactory  relations  between  Spain 
and  Morocco  seemed  to  have  been  reached  when  the  latter 
agreed  to  abandon  piracy  and  recognized  Spain's  title  to  her 
establishments  on  the  North  African  coast.  Late  in  1774, 
however,  the  sultan  announced  that  he  would  no  longer 
tolerate  Christian  posts  in  his  empire,  and  commenced  a 
siege  of  Melilla.  The  attack  was  beaten  off,  and  it  was 
decided  to  strike  what  was  hoped  might  be  a  decisive  blow 
against  the  dey  of  Algiers,  the  ally  of  the  Moroccan  sultan. 
An  expedition  of  some  18,000  men  was  prepared,  and  placed 
under  the  command  of  General  O'Reilly,  reformer  of  the 
Spanish  army  and  a  man  of  tremendous  reputation,  but  in 
the  ensuing  operations  before  Algiers  O'Reilly  was  crushingly 
defeated  with  a  loss  of  several  thousand  men.  Rightly  or 
wrongly,  England  was  believed  to  have  instigated  the 
Moslem  rulers  to  attack  Spain.  Years  later,  Charles  came 
to  an  understanding  with  the  jNIoslem  states  of  the  Barbary 
Coast.  Between  1782  and  1786  treaties  were  made,  whereby 
the  rulers  of  those  lands  agreed  once  again  to  give  up  piracy 
and  also  the  institution  of  slavery,  besides  granting  certain 
religious  and  commercial  privileges  to  Spaniards  in  their 
lands.  This  was  not  the  last  of  piracy  and  warfare  in  North 
Africa,  however ;  the  former  endured  for  another  generation, 
and  the  end  of  the  latter,  even  in  the  restricted  Spanish 
area,  is  not  yet. 

There  was  a  much  stronger  case  against  England  with 


CHAKLES  III   AND   ENGLAND,    1759-1788  391 

regard  to  Portugal,  whose  exaggerated  claims  were  supported  Disputes 
by  the  British  government.     The  boundaries  between  the  ^th  Por- 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies  in  South  America  had  been   tugal  oyer 

•  •  •  hoTinrifi  T*i  PS 

an  unending  source  of  dispute,  ever  smce  the  treaty  of  j^  gou^h 
Tordesillas  in  1494,  and  the  question  was  complicated  by  America, 
that  of  British  and  Portuguese  smuggling  into  Spain's 
colonies.  The  principal  scene  of  conflict  was  the  Portuguese 
post  of  Sacramento,  founded  in  1679  on  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Rio  de  la  Plata.  The  Spanish-owned  region  of  Paraguay 
was  also  a  field  for  Portuguese  aggressions.  Domestic 
animals  to  the  number  of  hundreds  of  thousands  were  driven 
off  from  the  Spanish  settlements,  while  thousands  of  Indian 
families  were  captured  and  sold  into  slavery.  Ferdinand  VI 
endeavored  to  solve  these  problems  through  a  treaty  which 
he  made  with  Portugal,  in  1750,  according  to  which  Spain 
acquired  Sacramento  in  exchange  for  territories  in  the 
Paraguayan  region.  The  treaty  met  with  the  spirited 
opposition  of  leading  Spanish  ministers,  and  with  that  of 
the  Jesuit  missionaries,  the  Indians,  and  the  Spanish  settlers 
in  the  regions  afi^ected,  and  after  many  vicissitudes,  including 
a  war  in  Paraguay,  it  was  annulled  in  1761,  but  the  troubles 
on  the  border  continued.  One  of  the  underlying  difficulties 
was  the  ambition  of  Portugal.  Under  the  direction  of  the 
Marquis  of  Pombal,  Portuguese  minister  of  state,  she  was 
desirous  of  making  conquests  in  South  America,  for  which 
purpose  Pombal  was  willing  to  go  to  any  length  in  bad  faith 
to  achieve  his  end,  relying  upon  the  support  of  England  in 
case  Spain  should  declare  war.  Pombal  secretly  directed 
the  Portuguese  oflficials  in  the  Sacramento  region  to  seize 
desirable  Spanish  territories,  and  when  reports  of  these 
captures  came  to  Europe  pretended  that  they  were  false,  or 
that  they  were  nothing  more  than  inconsequential  affrays 
between  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  soldiery.  He  promised 
to  order  his  troops  to  desist  from  such  actions,  and  asked 
Charles  III  to  do  the  same.  The  Spanish  king  complied  with 
his  wishes,  while  Pombal  on  the  contrary  continued  to  give 
orders  for  hostilities  and  to  send  reinforcements,  hoping  that 
the  Portuguese  might  secure  posts  from  which  it  would  be 
impossible  to  dislodge  them  by  the  time  his  duplicity  should 


392 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Disputes 
of  England 
with  her 
American 
colonies  as 
a  factor  in 
Spain's 
foreign 
policy. 


be  found  out.  Not  only  did  he  deceive  Charles  III  for  a 
while,  but  he  also  misled  the  English  ministers,  pretending 
that  Portugal  was  a  victim  of  Spanish  ambition  when  the 
facts  were  quite  the  contrary.  England  supported  Pombal 
with  vigorous  diplomatic  action.     By  the  close  of  the  year 

1775,  however,  England  was  so  busily  engaged  in  the  dis- 
putes with  her  own  colonies  that  she  was  far  from  desiring  a 
war  in  Europe.  The  British  Cabinet  announced  that  it 
would  take  no  part  in  the  quarrel  between  Spain  and  Portu- 
gal, provided  Charles  III  should  make  no  attempts  on  the 
territorial  integrity  of  Portugal  and  Brazil.  Pombal  now 
made  peaceful  overtures  to  Charles  III,  hoping  to  delay  the 
sending  of  Spanish  troops  to  South  America,  but  the  proofs 
of  Pombal's  perfidy  were  by  this  time  so  clear  that  the  king 
of  Spain  would  not  trust  him.  In  fact,  a  Portuguese  fleet 
in  South  America  attacked  the  Spanish  fleet,  in  February, 

1776,  and  shortly  afterward  the  Portuguese  captured  the 
Spanish  post  of  Santa  Tecla.  In  November  a  Spanish 
expedition  left  Cadiz,  and  on  arrival  in  South  America  put  a 
check  to  the  Portuguese  aggressions,  and  captured  Sacra- 
mento. Fortune  played  into  Spain's  hands  in  another 
respect  when  Maria  Victoria,  sister  of  Charles  III,  became 
regent  of  Portugal  on  the  death  of  the  king  in  1777.  This 
occasioned  the  dismissal  of  Pombal,  and  in  October  of  that 
year  a  treaty  was  arranged  between  Spain  and  Portugal 
entirely  favorable  to  the  former.  The  much-disputed 
Sacramento  colony  was  awarded  to  Spain,  while  Paraguay 
was  retained.  This  treaty,  supplemented  by  another  in 
1778,  put  an  end,  after  nearly  three  centuries,  to  the  disputes 
between  Spain  and  Portugal  with  regard  to  their  American 
boundaries. 

In  the  midst  of  Spain's  preparations  for  a  war  against 
England  there  loomed  up  a  new  factor,  the  troubles  between 
England  and  her  American  colonies.  Down  to  1774  Spain 
had  proceeded  without  reference  to  these  disputes,  ardently 
desirous  of  war  whenever  France  should  be  ready,  although 
Charles  III  himself  was  conservative  with  regard  to  a  decla- 
ration. Until  late  in  the  year  1774  France  and  Spain, 
together  with  most  Englishmen,  believed  that  the  colonial 


CHARLES  III   AND   ENGLAND,    1759-1788  393 

situation  was  merely  a  Whig  device  against  the  Tories.  The 
first  inkling  of  the  seriousness  of  the  situation  seems  to  have 
come  in  a  report  of  the  French  ambassador,  in  June,  1774, 
quoting  a  remark  of  the  British  minister.  Lord  Rochford, 
that  the  Boston  rioters  were  descendants  of  Cromwell's 
Puritans,  implying  that  they  would  fight.  Both  France 
and  Spain  welcomed  the  news,  believing  that  it  would  keep 
England  engaged  until  the  Bourbon  powers  could  get  ready 
to  strike.  In  December,  1774,  Garnier,  the  French  charge 
d'affaires  in  London,  had  become  convinced  that  the  Ameri- 
can dispute  was  the  most  important  event  in  English  history 
since  the  revolution  of  1688,  and  he  suggested  that  France 
should  give  secret  aid  to  the  Americans.  In  January,  1775, 
he  reported  that  an  army  of  9000  men  was  being  sent  to  the 
colonies,  and  sounded  a  warning  lest  they  make  a  descent  upon 
the  French  West  Indies,  whether  in  the  flush  of  victory,  or 
in  order  to  gain  a  recompense  in  case  of  defeat.  The  Spanish 
court  was  informed  of  this  opinion,  and  in  March,  1775, 
received  a  similar  message  from  Escarano,  the  Spanish 
minister  in  London,  who  stated  that  England  had  11,736 
soldiers  in  America  (a  great  force  as  colonial  armies  went) 
and  could  easily  attack  Spain's  possessions,  both  because 
they  were  near,  and  because  the  British  had  so  many  trans- 
ports at  hand.  He  was  of  the  opinion  that  England  could 
not  defeat  America  with  her  "  three  million  souls,  guided  by 
the  enthusiasm  of  liberty,  and  accustomed  to  live  in  a  kind 
of  independence,"  a  people  "who  had  given  so  many  proofs 
of  valor."  The  danger  of  a  return  to  power  of  William 
Pitt,  the  imperialist,  now  Lord  Chatham,  was  also  alluded 
to.  Spain  at  once  consulted  with  France  whether  it  would 
not  be  advisable  to  break  with  England  immediately,  but 
Vergennes  was  not  ready.  So  the  matter  was  dropped, 
although  a  remark  attributed  to  Lord  Rochford  that  the 
Americans  could  be  won  back  to  allegiance  by  an  English 
declaration  of  w^ar  against  France  did  not  tend  to  allay 
the  Bourbon  feeling  of  insecurity. 

At  about  this  time  the  Spanish  authorities  began  to  be 
impressed  by  the  idea,  first  expressed  by  Aranda  in  July, 
1775,  that  the  American  outbreak  would  endanger  Spain's 


394  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

Disad-         colonial    empire.     According    to    Aranda    an    independent 
vantages      America  would  be  a  menace,  as  her  population  was  increas- 
to  bpain       jj^g^  ^j^^  consequently  she  needed  lands,  which  she  would  be 
tory  by       ^P^  ^°  ^^^^  ^^  ^  region  with  a  temperate  climate  like  New 
either  the     Spain,    rather   than    by   expansion   northward.     Thus   the 
United         Anglo-Americans  might  eventually  dominate  North  America, 
States  or      Qp  j^g|p  Spain's  colonies  to  become  independent.     On  the 
amf  eff    t    other  hand,  if  England  should  defeat  the  colonists,  the  latter 
on  Spain's  would  join  with  her  in  her  wars  as  in  the  past,  and  the  danger 
policy.         would  be  equally  great.     Thus  Spain  seemed  to  be  between 
two  horns  of  the  dilemma.     Up  to  this  time  she  had  been 
ready  for  a  declaration   of  war  whenever  France   should 
announce  her  willingness.     Henceforth  there  was  a  more 
conservative  note  in  Spain's  attitude,  while  France,  who  had 
everything  to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose,  threw  off  her  former 
conservatism  and  became  increasingly  enthusiastic.     Up  to 
the  close  of  the  year  1776,  however,  Spain  still  leaned  toward 
war,  and  France  remained  undecided  as  to  the  moment  to 
strike.     During  this  period  Spain  was  influenced  largely  by 
the  question  with  Portugal.     In  September,  1776,  Vergennes 
informed  Aranda  that  in  his  opinion  the  war  ought  soon  to  be 
begun,  before  England  herself  should  declare  it  and  make  an 
attack  on  France  and  Spain.     Spain's  attitude  was  expressed 
by  Grimaldi,  the  Spanish  minister  of  state,  in  a  letter  to 
Aranda  in  October.     The  war  was  inevitable,  he  said,  and  it 
would  be  an  advantage  to  begin  it  several  months  before 
England  was  ready  to  undertake  it.     Spain  would  leave  it 
to  the  decision  of  France  whether  the  declaration  should 
be  made  at  once.     Incidentally,  Spain  hoped  to   conquer 
Portugal  in  course  of  the  war.     This  frank  statement  found 
Vergennes    less    enthusiastic.     Moreover,    he    objected    to 
Spain's  designs  on  Portugal,   lest  other  European  powers 
should  be  unfavorable  to  them.     Once  again  the  matter  was 
dropped.     Some  of  the  higher  Spanish  officials  were  dis- 
appointed  over  these   continued   refusals   by  France,   but 
Charles  III  said  that  for  his  part  he  believed  the  right 
moment    had    not    come.     Meanwhile,    since    June,    1776, 
Spain  had  been  aiding  the  Americans  secretly  with  money, 
arms,  and  ammunition,  much  of  which  was  made  available 


CHARLES  III  AND  ENGLAND,    1759-1788  395 

througli  shipment  to  New  Orleans  by  way  of  Havana,'and 
thence  to  destination.  Nevertheless,  Vergennes'  refusal, 
in  November,  to  begin  the  war  marked  the  turning  point  in 
the  attitude  of  both  France  and  Spain.  The  disadvantages, 
henceforth,  loomed  larger  and  larger  in  the  eyes  of  Spain, 
while  the  successful  resistance  of  the  Americans  to  England 
made  the  way  more  and  more  easy  for  France. 

The  new  attitude  of  Spain  was  represented  by  both  Charles  Spain's 
III  and  Floridablanca,   who  succeeded  Grimaldi  early   in  divergence 
1777.     According    to    Floridablanca    the    most    immediate  ^°°^ 
advantages  which  Spain  might  hope  to  gain  from  the  war  over^*the 
were  the  recovery  of  Florida  and  the  expulsion  of  the  English  American 
from  Hondiu-as.     War  ought  not  to  be  declared,  however,   Revolu- 
until  both  France  and  Spain  should  have  considerable  forces  ^io^^- 
in  the  West  Indies.     Furthermore,  if  the  rebellious  English 
colonies  should  establish  their  independence,  Spain  ought  to 
contrive  to  keep  them  divided  in  interests,  so  that  there 
might  not  grow  up  a  formidable  power  near  Spanish  America. 
Clearly  there  was  no  enthusiasm  in  Spanish  governmental 
circles  on  behalf  of  the  Americans.     This  appears  also  from 
the  cold  reception  accorded  Arthur  Lee,  the  American  repre- 
sentative, who  at  about  this  time  arrived  in  Spain,  but  was 
not  received  by  the  Spanish  court.     The  breach  between  the 
respective  courses  of  France  and  Spain  was  still  further 
widened  as  a  result  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  to  the  Americans 
at  Saratoga.     The  British  government  began  to  make  offers 
with  a  view  to  conciliating  the  colonists.     France  acted 
quickly  to  prevent  it,  for  it  was  believed  that  a  reconciliation 
would  mean  a  loss  of  the  commercial  favors  France  hoped  to 
get  and  perhaps  a  war  with  England  in  which  the  colonies 
would  join  on  the  English  side.     In  December,  1777,  there- 
fore, France  declared  herself  ready  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of 
commerce    and   alliance   with    the   American    government, 
specifically  stating  that  her  willingness  was  due  partially  to 
a  desire  to  diminish  the  power  of  England  by  separating  her 
from  her  colonies.     In  February,  1778,  a  treaty  was  signed. 
All  of  this  was  done,  in  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  Family 
Compact,  without  any  official  notification  to  Spain.     Spain's 
opinion  of  this  procedure  was  voiced  by  Floridablanca,  who 


396 


A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN 


Failure   of 
mediation 
and 
Spain's 


recommended  to  Charles  III  that  Spain  should  continue  her 
preparations,  as  if  war  were  inevitable,  but  should  avoid  a 
declaration  as  long  as  possible,  for  under  existing  circum- 
stances, one  of  which  was  the  inconstancy  of  Spain's  allies, 
the  war  could  not  result  favorably  for  Spain.  Henceforth, 
Spain  pursued  an  independent  policy.  The  English  govern- 
ment was  informed  that  Spain's  attitude  would  depend  upon 
England ;  Spain  neither  wished  war  nor  feared  it.  France, 
meanwhile,  had  entered  the  conflict. 

Charles  III  now  began  to  attempt  the  part  of  a  mediator, 
in  hopes  that  he  might  get  Gibraltar  and  Minorca  as  the 
price  for  bringing  about  peace.  In  May,  1778,  Escarano 
entry  Into  suggested  to  Lord  Weymouth,  a  member  of  the  British 
the  war.  ministry,  that  Gibraltar  would  be  a  fair  equivalent  for  Spain's 
services,  but  was  told  that  the  price  was  too  high,  and  that 
affairs  had  probably  gone  beyond  the  point  where  mediation 
would  serve;  England  wanted  no  more  from  Spain  than 
that  she  remain  neutral.  In  making  this  reply  Lord  Wey- 
mouth rather  brusquely  thanked  Charles  III  for  the  mag- 
nanimity of  his  offer,  —  a  type  of  answer  which  was  not 
calculated  to  be  pleasing  to  the  Spanish  ear,  as  Floridablanca 
very  plainly  intimated  to  the  English  ambassador.  To  add 
to  Spain's  displeasure  England's  conduct  on  the  sea  gave 
cause  for  complaint.  Nevertheless,  Charles  still  hoped  to 
serve  as  arbitrator,  —  all  the  more  so,  when  news  came  of 
French  naval  victories  over  the  English.  He  prevailed  upon 
Louis  XVI  to  submit  the  terms  upon  which  he  would  make 
peace.  The  conditions,  which  included  an  acknowledgment 
of  American  independence  and  the  recall  of  England's  land 
and  sea  forces,  were  presented  to  Lord  Weymouth,  who 
haughtily  rejected  them.  Late  in  the  same  year,  1778, 
Spain's  proposal  of  a  twenty-five  or  thirty  year  truce  be- 
tween England  and  her  colonies  was  also  rejected.  Nothing 
could  exceed  the  patience  of  Charles  III,  who  then  offered 
Weymouth  an  indefinite  armistice,  to  be  guaranteed  by  a 
general  disarmament.  Again  the  Spanish  king's  proposals 
were  arrogantly  rejected.  To  make  matters  worse,  England 
had  delayed  her  reply  from  January  to  March,  1779,  and  her 
ships  had  continued  to  attack  those  of  Spain.     On  April  3, 


CHARLES   III   AND   ENGL.\ND,    1759-1788  397 

Charles  renewed  his  offer  of  a  suspension  of  hostilities,  this 
time  in  the  form  of  an  ultimatum.  England  did  not  an- 
swer for  nearly  two  months,  and  in  the  meantime,  seeing 
that  war  was  inevitable,  planned  attacks  on  the  Spanish 
colonies.  On  May  28  the  ultimatum  was  rejected,  and  on 
June  23  war  was  declared. 

Spain  was  well  prepared  for  the  war,  besides  which  the  The  war 
favorable  state  of  her  relations  with  Portugal,  and  indeed  '^'itli  Eng- 
with  other  countries,  was  a  source  of  strength.  France  and  ^  .  ^ 
Spain  planned  an  invasion  of  England  which  did  not  ma-  ^^^i^  jgg^^ 
terialize,  but  it  did  cause  the  retention  of  the  English  fleet  in 
British  waters  and  a  diminution  in  the  military  forces  sent 
to  America,  —  a  factor  in  the  American  war  not  to  be  over- 
looked. The  attempts  to  retake  Gibraltar  were  unsuccessful, 
but  in  1782  Minorca  fell  into  Spanish  hands.  In  America, 
Florida  was  reconquered  from  the  British,  the  establishments 
in  Honduras  were  taken,  and  the  English  were  expelled  from 
the  Bahama  Islands  of  the  West  Indies.  Meanwhile,  Eng- 
land displayed  great  eagerness  to  remove  Spain  from  the 
list  of  her  enemies.  Late  in  1779  she  offered  to  restore 
Gibraltar  for  the  price  of  Spanish  neutrality,  and  to  add 
Florida  and  the  right  to  fish  in  Newfoundland  waters  if 
Spain  would  aid  her  against  the  United  States.  Not  only 
this  time  but  also  on  two  other  occasions  when  England 
endeavored  to  treat  separately  with  Spain  her  offers  were 
rejected,  even  though  they  embodied  favorable  terms  for 
withdrawal  from  the  war.  In  an  age  when  international 
faith  was  not  very  sacred,  Spain  preferred  to  remain  true  to 
France,  with  whom  she  had  renewed  her  alliance,  although 
to  be  sure  England's  promises  never  equalled  Spain's  hopes. 
It  is  also  interesting  to  note,  not  only  that  the  Americans 
had  a  representative  in  Spain  (John  Jay),  but  also  that  there 
were  agents  of  Spain  in  the  United  States  (Miralles  and 
Rendon),  besides  which  Bernardo  de  Galvez,  the  conqueror 
of  Florida,  had  dealings  with  American  agents  at  New 
Orleans.  The  general  relations  of  the  two  governments 
cannot  be  said  to  have  been  cordial,  however,  and  at  no 
time  was  there  anything  approaching  a  veritable  alliance ; 
Bourbon  Spain  could  not  possibly  approve  of  the  democratic 


398  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

United  States.  By  the  treaty  of  1783,  which  ended  the  war, 
Spain  got  Florida  and  Minorca,  and  limited  the  dyewood 
privileges  of  the  English  in  Honduras  to  a  term  of  years.  On 
the  other  hand  Spain  restored  the  Bahamas  to  England.  An 
interesting  period  of  relations  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States,  having  to  do  primarily  with  the  regions  of  the  lower 
Mississippi  valley,  began  in  the  closing  years  of  the  reign  of 
Charles  III,  but  the  story  belongs  rather  to  the  colonial  side 
of  the  history  of  Spain. 
Death  of  In  December,  1788,  Charles  III  died.  As  will  be  made 
Charles  more  clear  in  the  chapters  dealing  with  institutions,  he  had 
brought  Spain  forward  to  the  position  of  a  first  rank  power 
again,  —  even  though  her  enjoyment  of  that  high  station 
was  to  be  of  brief  duration. 


III. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 

CHAELES  IV  AND   FRANCE,    1788-1808 


If  the  reign  of  Charles  III,  despite  the  close  union  of  the 
Bourbon  crowns,  had  been  characterized  mainly  in  its  ex- 
ternal manifestations  by  the  hostility  of  Spain  to  England, 
that  of  Charles  IV  (1788-1808)  was  dominated  by  relations 
with  France.  Unaffected  for  a  while  by  the  principles 
underlying  the  French  Revolution,  Spain  was  toppled  from 
her  position  as  a  first-rate  power  by  the  Emperor  Napoleon, 
whose  designs  for  world  power  and  whose  methods  in  seek- 
ing it  were  not  unlike  those  followed  over  a  century  later  by 
William  II  of  Germany.  Meanwhile,  the  ideas  of  the 
American  and  the  French  revolutions  were  permeating  the 
Spanish  colonies,  and  as  the  wars  with  England  continued 
during  much  of  this  reign,  shutting  off  effective  communi- 
cation between  the  colonies  and  Spain,  a  chance  was  offered 
for  putting  them  into  effect  in  the  new  world.  The  way  was 
well  prepared  in  the  reign  of  Charles  IV,  though  the  out- 
break was  postponed  until  after  his  fall.  The  blow  struck 
by  Napoleon  was  not  without  its  compensations,  which  in 
the  long  run  may  be  considered  to  have  outweighed  the  loss 
of  prestige.  Napoleon,  quite  without  intention,  gave  Spain 
an  impulse  to  national  feeling,  in  the  uprising  against  French 
domination,  which  was  greater  than  any  she  had  formerly  ex- 
perienced, and  of  sufficient  force  to  endure  to  the  present 
day.  In  the  same  roundabout  way  Napoleon  gave  the  Spain 
of  the  Bos  de  Mayo,  or  Second  of  May  (the  date  of  the  revolt 
against  Napoleon,  and  the  national  holiday  of  Spain),  her 
first  opportunity  to  imbibe  democratic  ideas. 

To  cope  with  the  great  forces  of  the  French  Revolution 

399 


Dominat- 
ing char- 
acter of 
relations 
with 
France 
and  their 
effects 
upon 
Spain. 


400 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The 
Nootka 
affair  and 
the  virtual 
repudia- 
tion of  the 
Family 
Compact. 


and  the  Napoleonic  Empire,  Spain  had  to  rely  on  the  leader- 
ship of  the  weak,  timid,  vacillating  Charles  IV.  His  pre- 
decessor had  left  him  a  legacy  of  able  ministers,  but  these 
were  not  long  sustained  by  the  king.  At  the  outset  Florida- 
blanca  still  ruled  as  first  minister  of  state.  He  was  liberal- 
minded  as  concerned  social  and  economic  institutions,  but 
was  profoundly  royalist  in  his  political  ideas  and  an  enemy 
of  anything  which  represented  a  diminution  in  the  pre- 
rogatives of  the  crown.  He  was  alarmed  by  the  ideas  which 
were  being  spread  broadcast  in  France,  and  took  steps  to 
prevent  their  introduction  into  Spain,  becoming  recognized 
as  an  opponent  of  the  French  Revolution.  In  the  midst  of 
this  situation,  there  occurred  the  Nootka  affair,  which 
obliged  him  for  a  time  to  change  his  policy.  A  Spanish 
voyage  of  1789  to  the  northwest  coast  of  North  America 
had  resulted  in  the  discovery  and  capture  of  two  English 
ships  at  Nootka,  on  the  western  shore  of  Vancouver  Island. 
Floridablanca  informed  the  English  government  of  this 
event,  in  January,  1790,  complaining  of  the  frequent  usurpa- 
tions of  Spanish  colonial  territories  by  British  subjects,  and 
asking  for  the  recognition  of  Spain's  ownership  of  Nootka, 
which  had  been  discovered  by  a  Spanish  voyage  of  1774. 
What  followed  was  very  nearly  a  duplicate  of  the  Falkland 
incident,  twenty  years  before.  England  claimed  that  the 
British  flag  had  been  insulted,  and  demanded  satisfaction, 
which  Floridablanca  refused  to  give,  as  it  involved  the 
acknow^ledgment  of  a  doubt  concerning  Spain's  ownership 
of  Nootka.  War  seemed  imminent,  and  the  French  govern- 
ment was  invoked  to  stand  by  the  Family  Compact.  The 
National  Assembly,  then  in  actual  control  in  France,  acknowl- 
edged the  obligation,  but  attached  conditions  (having  to  do 
with  the  revolution)  to  their  willingness  to  declare  war,  —  with 
the  result  that  Charles  IV  and  Floridablanca  decided  that  it 
was  better  to  avoid  a  rupture  with  England.  A  series  of 
three  treaties,  from  1790  to  1794,  arranged  for  the  payment 
of  an  indemnity  by  Spain,  and  among  other  matters  agreed 
that  the  ships  of  both  nations  should  have  a  right  to  sail  the 
waters  and  make  landings  freely  in  regions  not  already 
settled  by  either  power.     In  effect,  therefore,  the  lands  north 


CHARLES   IV  AM)   FRANCE,    1788-1808 


401 


of  the  Spanish  settlements  were  thrown  open  to  the  entry  of 
England.  These  treaties  had  a  significance  which  was 
wider  than  that  of  the  matters  directly  involved.  They 
marked  a  new  spirit  in  the  direction  of  colonial  affairs.  In 
the  early  years  of  the  conquest  Spain  had  played  an  aggres- 
sive part,  followed  soon  by  the  adoption  of  what  might  be 
termed  an  aggressive  defensive,  or  a  willingness  to  fight  for 
the  retention  of  what  she  had,  leading  also  to  further  con- 
quests in  order  to  ward  off  foreign  attack.  The  Nootka 
affair  was  the  beginning  of  a  spiritless,  waiting  kind  of 
defensive,  the  inevitable  outcome  of  which  was  disintegration. 
The  Nootka  treaties  left  Spain  free,  however,  to  stand  in 
opposition  to  the  French  Revolution.  Louis  XVI  of  France 
had  written  secretly  to  Charles  IV,  in  1789,  that  he  had  been 
compelled  to  agree  to  measures  of  which  he  did  not  approve. 
Other  European  monarchs  were  also  acquainted  with  the 
perils  of  Louis  XVI's  position,  and  in  the  general  interests 
of  kingship,  all  desired  to  save  him,  although  in  the  case  of 
Spain  there  was  the  strong  bond  of  family  ties  as  well.     In 

1790  Floridablanca  directed  a  note  to  the  French  Assembly 
requesting  greater  freedom  of  action  for  Louis  XVI,  making 
thinly  veiled  threats  in  case  of  a  refusal  to  comply.  This 
action  only  served  to  enrage  the  French  government.     In 

1791  Floridablanca  ordered  the  taking  of  a  census  of  all 
foreigners  in  Spain,  about  half  of  whom  were  Frenchmen, 
compelling  them  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  king,  the  laws, 
and  the  religion  of  the  peninsula.  A  subsequent  order 
prohibited  the  entry  of  any  literature  of  a  revolutionary 
bearing,  even  going  so  far  as  to  forbid  foreigners  to  receive 
letters.  When  Louis  XVI  accepted  the  constitution  of 
1791  Floridablanca  announced  that  Charles  IV  refused  to 
recognize  that  the  French  king  had  signed  the  document  of 
his  own  free  will,  and  asked  that  Louis  XVI  and  his  family 
be  allowed  to  go  to  a  neutral  land,  threatening  war  if  the 
French  government  should  fail  to  accede  to  Charles'  wishes. 
Here  was  a  direct  challenge  to  the  revolution,  but  instead 
of  accepting  the  gauntlet  France  sent  an  agent  to  Spain  who 
was  able  to  persuade  Charles  IV  that  Floridablanca's  policy 
was  in  fact  contributing  to  the  dangerous  position  of  Louis 

2d 


Florida- 
blanca and 
Spanish 
opposition 
to  the 
French 
Revolu- 
tion. 


402 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Brief 
ministry 
of  Aranda. 


Godoy 
and  the 
signifi- 
cance of 
his  rela- 
tions with 
the  queen. 


XVI.  Floridablanca  was  therefore  relieved  from  power 
early  in  1792,  and  Aranda  became  first  minister  in  Spain. 

Aranda,  who  sympathized  to  some  extent  with  the  revo- 
lutionary ideas,  placed  the  relations  with  France  on  a  more 
cordial  basis,  although  without  relinquishing  the  efforts 
which  were  being  made  in  company  with  other  European 
sovereigns  to  save  Louis  XVI.  When  the  news  came  of  the 
revolutionary  excesses  of  the  summer  of  1792  Aranda,  who 
had  not  expected  such  a  turn  of  affairs,  became  more  stern, 
and  began  to  consider  the  advisability  of  joint  military  action 
with  Austria,  Prussia,  and  Sardinia.  Meanwhile,  the  P'rench 
government  demanded  the  alliance  of  Spain  or  offered  the 
alternative  of  war.  Induced  in  part  by  a  doubt  with  regard 
to  the  best  policy  to  pursue  for  the  sake  of  Louis  XVI,  Spain 
hesitated,  and  suggested  a  treaty  of  neutrality.  France  im- 
posed conditions  which  it  was  impossible  for  Spain  to  accept, 
among  them  the  recognition  of  the  French  Republic,  which 
had  just  been  proclaimed.  Before  Aranda  could  meet  the 
problem  in  a  decisive  manner  he  was  dispossessed  of  his 
post  as  the  result  of  a  palace  plot  in  favor  of  Manuel  Godoy. 

At  the  time  of  his  accession  to  the  headship  of  the  Spanish 
ministry  in  1792  Godoy  was  a  mere  youth,  twenty-five  years 
of  age.  Formerly  a  soldier  of  the  royal  guard,  he  had  been 
selected  by  Charles  IV  with  the  specific  idea  of  training  him 
to  be  his  leading  minister,  for  the  king  believed  that  the 
plebeian  Godoy  would,  out  of  necessity,  be  devotedly  at- 
tached to  the  royal  interests.  The  queen,  Maria  Luisa,  was 
influential  in  the  choice  of  Godoy,  for  there  is  little  doubt 
that  she  was  already  the  mistress  of  this  upstart  youth. 
Godoy's  abilities  have  perhaps  been  condemned  too  harshly. 
He  was  a  man  of  ambition  and  some  talent,  and  had  studied 
assiduously  to  fit  himself  for  his  eventual  post.  Neverthe- 
less, his  sudden  rise  to  high  rank  in  the  nobility  (for  he  had 
been  made  Duke  of  Alcudia)  and  in  political  oflBce,  together 
with  the  notoriety  of  his  relations  with  the  queen,  caused 
an  indignation  in  Spain  which  was  to  result  in  the  forming  of 
a  party  opposed  to  him,  —  a  group  which  the  enemies  of 
Spain  were  able  to  manipulate  to  advantage. 

Godoy  continued  the  efforts  of  his  predecessors  to  save 


CHARLES   IV   AND   FRANCE,    1788-1808 


403 


Louis  XVI,  without  more  success  than  they,  and  when  he  de- 
cHned  to  accede  to  the  conditions  imposed  by  the  French 
Convention,  then  ruhng  in  France,  that  body  early  in  1793 
declared  war  on  Spain.  The  war  against  France  was  joined 
by  most  of  the  countries  of  western  Europe.  One  by  one, 
however,  the  continental  princes  fell  away,  and  urged  Spain 
to  do  the  same.  The  war  itself,  so  far  as  Spain  was  concerned, 
was  not  decisive  either  way,  although  France  had  a  little  the 
better  of  it.  In  1795  negotiations  were  undertaken  which 
resulted  in  the  treaty  of  Basle.  The  Pyrenean  boundary 
was  maintained,  but  Spain  ceded  that  portion  of  the  island 
of  Hayti,  or  Santo  Domingo,  which  still  belonged  to  her, 
thus  acknowledging  the  French  title  to  the  whole  island.^ 
The  government  of  England,  with  which  Spain  had  allied 
for  the  war  with  France,  was  exceedingly  annoyed  by  Spain's 
acceptance  of  peace,  and  very  soon  began  to  act  in  a  threaten- 
ing manner.  Even  as  an  ally  in  the  recent  war  England  had 
not  been  altogether  cordial  toward  Spain.  On  one  occasion 
a  Spanish  treasure  ship  which  had  been  captured  by  the 
French  was  retaken  by  the  English,  and  retained  as  a  prize ; 
Englishmen  had  continued  to  engage  in  contraband  trade, 
not  only  in  Spanish  America,  but  also  in  the  peninsula  itself ; 
they  had  been  responsible  for  encouraging  separatist  feelings 
in  Spanish  America,  well  knowing  that  the  independence  of 
Spain's  colonies  would  result  in  advantages  to  British  com- 
merce ;  and  England  had  refused  to  grant  Spain  a  subsidy 
for  the  1795  campaign,  —  a  factor  with  a  bearing  on  Spain's 
action,  whatever  the  merits  of  the  case.  The  resentment  of 
the  Spanish  coiu-t  was  now  provoked  by  insults  which  were 
offered  to  the  Spanish  ambassador  to  London  and  by  attacks 
on  Spanish  ships,  just  as  formerly  in  the  reign  of  Charles  III. 
The  natural  effect  was  to  drive  Spain  into  the  arms  of  France. 
An  alliance  was  formed  in  1796  which  was  followed  by  a 
declaration  of  war  against  England.  It  is  highly  probable 
that  Charles  IV  was  induced  to  form  this  union  by  a  be- 
lief, fostered  perhaps  by  French  intrigue,  that  the  French 

'  For  negotiating  this  treaty,  which  certainly  did  not  redound 
greatly  to  the  advantage  of  Spain,  Godoy  won  the  title  of  Prince 
of  the  Peace. 


War  with 
France 
and   the 
treaty  of 
Basle. 


Difficul- 
ties with 
England 
and  al- 
liance with 
France. 


404 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Unsatis- 
factory 
results 
from  the 
Frencli 
alliance. 


Early 
relations 
with  Na- 
poleon and 
the  war 
with  Por- 
tugal. 


Republic  was  about  to  collapse,  in  which  event  it  seemed 
likely  that  a  Spanish  Bourbon  might  be  called  to  the  throne 
of  France. 

Spain's  experience  as  an  ally  of  France  was  not  more 
happy  than  her  previous  union  with  England.  France 
excluded  her  from  representation  at  several  conferences 
looking  to  treaties  of  peace  between  France  and  her  enemies, 
and  made  slight  efforts  to  secure  the  interests  of  Spain, 
going  so  far  as  to  refuse  her  sanction  to  many  of  the  pre- 
tensions of  her  Bourbon  ally.  Most  annoying  of  all  was  the 
dispossession  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  a  relative  of  Charles  IV 
by  descent  from  Isabel  Farnesio.  The  French  government 
endeavored  to  calm  Spanish  feelings  on  this  point  by  offering 
to  make  Godoy  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Knights  of  Malta, 
—  an  honor  he  was  disposed  to  accept,  subject  to  certain 
conditions,  one  of  which  was  that  he  be  absolved  from  the 
vow  of  chastity.  In  fact,  however,  the  French  authorities 
were  suspicious  of  Godoy,  believing  that  he  was  secretly 
plotting  with  England,  because  he  did  not  insist  on  Portugal's 
refusing  to  allow  the  English  fleets  to  remain  in  Portuguese 
ports.  A  French  representative  was  sent  to  Spain  in  1797, 
and  the  dismissal  of  Godoy  was  procured  from  Charles  IV. 
Nevertheless,  Godoy  continued  to  be  the  principal  force  at 
the  Spanish  court,  backed  as  he  was  by  the  powerful  in- 
fluence of  the  queen.  The  policy  of  truculence  to  France 
went  on,  however,  due  in  part  perhaps  to  Charles'  continued 
hopes  of  acquiring  the  Bourbon  cro^Ti,  but  even  more,  very 
likely,  to  his  pusillanimity  in  the  face  of  the  threats  of  the 
French  Directory.  In  1799  his  hopes  were  dashed  when 
Napoleon  Bonaparte  overthrew  the  Directory  and  became 
first  consul  of  France,  a  title  which  a  few  years  later  he  con- 
verted into  that  of  emperor. 

The  change  of  government  in  France  was  welcomed  at  the 
Spanish  court,  for  it  was  believed  that  Spain  would  receive 
more  consideration  at  the  hands  of  Napoleon  than  she  had 
obtained  from  the  Directory.  Events  proved  that  Spain  was 
to  be  even  more  an  instrument  in  French  hands  than  for- 
merly, and  that  Napoleon  was  to  be  more  powerful  and 
despotic  and  less  courteous  and  faithful  in  international 


CHARLES  IV  AND   FRANCE,    1788-1808  405 

affairs  than  the  French  rulers  who  had  preceded  him.  One 
of  his  earhest  acts  was  an  attempt  to  employ  the  Spanish 
fleet  to  conserve  French  ends.  When  the  Spanish  admiral 
refused  to  carry  out  the  wishes  of  Napoleon,  a  matter  in 
which  he  was  sustained  by  his  government,  the  French  ruler 
brought  about  the  dismissal  of  Urquijo,  at  that  time  first 
minister  of  state  in  Spain,  and  shortly  afterward  the  offending 
admiral  was  relieved  from  his  command.  Meanwhile,  a 
treaty  had  been  arranged  in  1800  whereby  Napoleon  agreed 
to  enlarge  the  dominions  of  the  Duke  of  Parma  (who  had 
regained  his  duchy)  in  exchange  for  the  recession  of  Louisiana 
to  France  and  the  gift  of  six  ships  of  war.  By  a  treaty  of 
1801  Tuscany  was  granted  to  the  family  of  the  Duke  of 
Parma,  whose  whole  domains  were  now  called  the  kingdom 
of  Etruria.  It  was  provided  that  in  case  of  a  lack  of  succes- 
sion of  the  reigning  house  a  Spanish  prince  of  the  royal  family 
should  inherit  the  Etrurian  throne,  and  this  was  to  be  the 
rule  forever.  Another  treaty  of  1801  required  Spain  to 
issue  an  ultimatum  to  Portugal  demanding  an  abandonment 
of  the  English  alliance.  The  name  of  Godoy  was  signed  to 
the  later  treaties  in  the  series  of  which  the  above  have  been 
mentioned.  He  had  not  ceased  to  be  influential  during  his 
absence  from  power,  but  henceforth  until  1808  he  was 
definitely  in  the  saddle.  Though  his  military  experience 
was  slight  he  was  appointed  general  of  the  Spanish  army 
which  was  to  invade  Portugal,  and  when  war  was  presently 
declared  he  entered  that  country.  The  campaign,  although 
comparatively  insignificant,  resulted  in  victory.  Portugal 
agreed  to  close  her  ports  in  return  for  the  Spanish  king's 
guarantee  of  the  territorial  integrity  of  Portugal.  A  cele- 
bration was  held  at  Badajoz,  at  which  the  soldiers  presented 
the  queen  with  branches  of  orange  trees  taken  from  Portu- 
guese groves,  resulting  in  the  application  of  the  name  "war 
of  the  oranges,"  —  which  fittingly  described  its  inconsequen- 
tial character.  Napoleon  was  furious  over  such  a  termination 
of  the  war,  and  went  so  far  as  to  threaten  the  end  of  the 
Spanish  monarchy  unless  the  campaign  were  pursued.  At 
length  he  decided  to  accept  the  result,  after  Portugal  had 
consented  to  increase  the  indemnity  which  she  had  originally 


406 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Difficul- 
ties of 
neutrality 
and  dec- 
laration 
of  war 
against 
England. 


Napoleon 

and 

Godoy, 

and  the 

project  to 

partition 

Portugal. 


agreed  to  pay  to  France.  This  marked  a  beginning,  how- 
ever, of  the  French  ruler's  distrust  of  Godoy.  Shortly 
afterward  it  suited  Napoleon's  purposes  to  make  peace.  In 
1802  a  treaty  was  signed  with  England,  and,  naturally, 
Spain  too  made  peace.  ]\Iinorca,  which  had  been  occupied 
by  the  English,  was  restored  to  Spain,  but  the  island  of 
Trinidad  was  surrendered  to  England,  —  another  bit  chipped 
off  Spain's  colonial  empire. 

Godoy  had  emerged  from  the  Portuguese  campaign  as 
general-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  land  and  sea,  and  was 
again  the  dominating  power  at  court.  By  this  time  a  strong 
opposition  had  grown  up  around  Ferdinand,  the  eldest  son 
of  the  king,  directed  by  an  ambitious  canon,  named  Escoiquiz. 
Napoleon  now  had  a  political  force  at  hand,  to  employ  when- 
ever he  should  desire  it,  against  Godoy.  Early  in  1803 
Napoleon  was  again  at  war  with  England,  and  proceeded  to 
woo  Spain's  support  by  charges  that  she  was  favoring  Eng- 
land and  by  threats  of  war.  In  the  same  year,  too,  he  sold 
Louisiana  to  the  United  States,  although  he  had  promised 
Spain  at  the  time  of  the  recession  that  France  would  never 
transfer  that  region  to  any  country  other  than  Spain.  Spain 
protested,  but  soon  accepted  the  situation.  Later  in  1803 
Napoleon  compelled  Spain  to  consent  to  a  so-called  treaty 
of  neutrality,  which  in  fact  amounted  to  the  paying  of  a 
monthly  tribute  to  France.  England  objected,  and  fol- 
lowed up  her  complaints  by  capturing  three  Spanish  frigates 
and  stopping  merchantmen,  without  a  declaration  of  war. 
England  announced  that  she  was  holding  the  frigates  as  a 
guarantee  of  Spanish  neutrality.  Thus  courted  with  equal 
roughness  by  France  and  England,  Spain  was  again  under 
the  necessity  of  choosing  which  of  her  enemies  to  fight. 
England  was  selected,  and  in  1804  war  against  that  country 
was  declared. 

In  1805  there  occurred  the  great  battle  of  Trafalgar,  in 
which  the  French  and  Spanish  navies  were  virtually  de- 
stroyed by  the  English  under  Nelson.  The  immediate 
results  of  this  defeat  as  affecting  Spanish  action  was  the 
decision  of  Godoy,  who  had  never  enjoyed  cordial  relations 
with  Napoleon,  to  seek  an  alliance  with  England.'    Through 


CHARLES   IV   AND   FRANCE,    1788-1808 


407 


this  agency  he  hoped  to  bolster  up  his  own  power  as  against 
the  rapidly  growing  body  of  his  enemies  in  Spain.  In  the 
midst  of  his  plans  came  Napoleon's  great  victory  over 
Prussia  at  Jena  in  1806,  which,  following  that  of  Austerlitz 
over  Austria  in  1805,  once  again  made  the  French  emperor 
dangerously  predominant  on  the  continent  of  western 
Europe.  Godoy,  who  had  already  compromised  himself, 
made  haste  to  explain.  Napoleon  pretended  to  be  satis- 
fied, but  decided  then  that  he  would  make  an  end  of  the 
Bourbon  monarchy.  The  unpopularity  of  Godoy  and  the 
strength  of  the  party  of  Ferdinand,  who  was  now  a  popular 
favorite,  were  among  the  means  of  which  he  availed  himself ; 
Ferdinand  even  wrote  him  letters  in  which  he  alluded  freely 
to  his  mother's  adulterous  relations  with  Godoy.  Mean- 
while, Napoleon  profited  by  Godoy's  willingness  to  do  any- 
thing to  win  the  favor  of  the  emperor  by  arranging  for  the 
conquest  of  Portugal.  A  partition  of  that  territory  was 
projected  whereby  the  Bourbon  monarch  of  Etruria  was  to 
have  northern  Portugal,  Godoy  (as  Prince  of  Algarve)  was 
to  have  the  south,  and  the  centre  was  to  be  exchanged  for 
Gibraltar,  Trinidad,  and  other  colonies  which  England  had 
taken  from  Spain.  The  usual  ultimatum  having  been  sent 
and  rejected,  the  war  began  for  what  seemed  a  brilliant 
objective  for  Spain,  —  if  Napoleon  had  had  any  intention  of 
his  keeping  his  word. 

The  campaign  of  1807  resulted  in  a  rapid,  almost  bloodless 
conquest  of  Portugal  by  the  French  general  Junot,  placing 
Napoleon  in  a  position  to  fulfil  his  treaty  obligations.  Nothing 
was  further  from  his  plans,  however,  and,  indeed,  Godoy  and 
the  king  had  recently  had  cause  to  suspect  his  sincerity ; 
action  had  been  taken  against  Ferdinand  and  his  party, 
resulting  in  the  exposure  of  the  prince's  correspondence  with 
Napoleon.  Napoleon  occupied  Etruria,  —  and  gave  the 
queen  of  that  country  to  understand  that  she  need  not 
look  for  compensation  in  Portugal.  Godoy,  meanwhile,  re- 
mained without  Algarve,  although  hoping  against  hope  that 
he  might  yet  get  it.  All  this  time,  French  troops  were 
pouring  into  Spain,  and  through  deceit  were  possessing 
themselves  of  the  Spanish  strongholds  in  the  north.     To  the 


Plottings 
of  Napo- 
leon and 
the  abdi- 
cation of 
Charles 
IV. 


408 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Duplicity 
of  Napo- 
leon and 
the  jour- 
neys of 
Ferdinand 
VII  and 
Charles  IV 
to 
Bayonne. 


credit  of  Godoy  it  must  be  said  that  he  divined  the  emperor's 
intentions,  and  favored  a  demand  for  the  withdrawal  of  the 
French  troops,  with  the  alternative  of  war.  Charles  IV 
and  his  other  leading  advisers  were  opposed  to  this  idea ;  the 
king  was  frightened  at  the  very  thought  of  fighting  Napoleon. 
The  emperor  now  began  to  unmask  himself.  The  Spanish 
ambassador  to  France  returned  to  Madrid  as  the  bearer  of  a 
message  from  Napoleon,  asking  for  the  cession  of  certain 
Spanish  provinces  in  the  north  as  far  as  the  Ebro,  or  else  for 
the  recognition  of  the  emperor's  title  to  Portugal,  together 
with  a  military  road  thereto  across  Spanish  territory;  the 
ambassador  added  that  he  believed  Napoleon  intended  to 
possess  himself  of  the  northern  provinces  and  perhaps  of  all 
Spain,  though  possibly  not  until  the  death  of  Charles  IV. 
It  was  now  perfectly  clear  to  Godoy  and  the  king  what 
Napoleon  meant  to  do,  but  the  party  of  Ferdinand,  unaware 
of  all  the  facts,  was  wedded  blindly  to  the  emperor,  believing 
that  his  sole  desire  was  to  get  rid  of  Godoy  and  assure  the 
succession  of  Ferdinand.  Charles,  Godoy,  and  the  queen 
thought  of  escaping  to  the  Americas,  and  as  a  preliminary 
step  moved  the  court  from  Madrid  to  Aranjuez.  A  riot 
followed  at  Aranjuez  in  which  Godoy  was  captured  by  the 
followers  of  Ferdinand,  and  was  with  difficulty  saved  from 
death.  Realizing  that  the  army  and  the  people  were  almost 
wholly  on  the  side  of  Ferdinand,  and  unable  to  see  any  way 
out  of  his  difficulties,  Charles  IV  decided  to  abdicate,  and 
accordingly  on  March  19,  1808,  did  so.  All  Spain  rejoiced, 
for  Godoy  had  fallen,  and  the  idolized  prince  had  now 
ascended  the  throne  as  Ferdinand  VII. 

Napoleon  was  much  displeased  at  the  course  of  events  in 
Spain.  The  flight  of  Charles  would  have  fitted  in  with  his 
plans,  whereas  the  accession  of  Ferdinand  placed  him  under 
the  necessity  of  exposing  his  hand.  Temporarily  he  saved 
the  situation  by  one  of  the  most  remarkable  exhibitions  of 
successful  duplicity  in  history.  On  March  23  General  Murat 
entered  Madrid  with  a  French  army,  and  the  next  day 
Ferdinand  made  his  royal  entry,  and  was  received  by  the 
people  with  delirious  joy.  The  foreign  diplomats  at  once 
recognized  him  as  king,  —  except  the  French  ambassador. 


CHAELES  IV  AND  FRANCE,    1788-1808  409 

Uncertain  yet  what  to  do,  Napoleon  was  on  the  one  hand 
giving  indications  of  an  intention  to  restore  Charles  IV,  and 
on  the  other  planning  to  set  up  one  of  his  own  brothers  as 
king  of  Spain.  Charles  IV  gave  the  emperor  the  opening  he 
desired.  In  order  to  obtain  some  material  advantages  from 
his  abdication  and  to  save  Godoy,  who  was  still  in  prison,  he 
entered  into  communication  with  Murat,  and  as  a  result 
secretly  retracted  his  abdication,  placing  himself  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  Napoleon.  Meanwhile,  Murat  told  Ferdi- 
nand that  the  emperor  was  coming  to  see  him,  and  suggested 
that  Ferdinand  should  go  to  Burgos  to  meet  him.  When 
Ferdinand  decided  against  the  journey,  lest  it  produce  a  bad 
effect  in  the  minds  of  the  people.  Napoleon  sent  General 
Savary  with  orders  to  bring  Ferdinand  whether  he  wanted  to 
come  or  not.  Savary  succeeded  in  persuading  the  young 
prince  to  go  to  Burgos,  and  when  Napoleon  was  not  found 
there  to  Vitoria.  Beyond  this  point  Ferdinand  was  at  first 
not  disposed  to  go,  but,  urged  on  both  by  Savary  and 
Escoiquiz,  who  still  believed  in  the  French  emperor,  the 
party  proceeded  across  the  boundary  line  to  Bayonne.  There 
indeed  they  found  Napoleon,  —  and  Ferdinand  was  informed 
that  he  must  abdicate  the  throne.  A  few  days  later,  on 
April  30,  Charles  IV,  Maria  Luisa,  and  Godoy  arrived ;  they 
had  been  easily  persuaded  to  go  there  by  Murat.  The 
reunion  of  the  royal  family  at  Bayonne  was  accompanied 
by  disgraceful  quarrels  of  the  parents  and  the  son  and  by 
the  humiliating  weakness  of  all  in  the  presence  of  Napoleon. 
Charles  IV  was  again  induced  to  abdicate,  and  was  given  a 
rich  pension  and  estates  in  France  to  which  he  and  his  family, 
Godoy,  and  the  royal  servants  might  repair.  Ferdinand 
was  also  granted  rents  and  lands.  To  Napoleon  was  given 
the  right  to  name  a  king  of  Spain. 

Meanwhile,  the  French  troops  in  Madrid  and  elsewhere  Uprising 
had  been  conducting  themselves  like  conquerors,  and  had  of  the  Dos 
aroused  considerable  hostility  in  the  people,  who  were  not  so        Mayo 
easily  deceived  and  dominated  as  their  rulers  had  been.    After  Napoleon 
the  departure  of  Ferdinand  from  Madrid  the  French  officers 
did  not  hesitate  to  say  that  Napoleon  would  not  recognize 
him,  —  which  only  increased  the  popular  discontent.    The 


410  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

climax  came  when  an  order  was  received  from  Napoleon  for 
the  young  Bourbon  prince,  Francisco  de  Paula,  and  for  the 
queen  of  Etruria  with  her  children  to  be  sent  to  France.  The 
departure  from  Madrid  was  set  for  the  morning  of  the  second 
of  May.  A  crowd  gathered  to  see  the  royal  party  off,  and 
heard  rumors  which  excited  it  to  a  feeling  of  frenzy,  —  for 
example,  that  the  young  Francisco  (then  only  thirteen)  had 
protested  in  tears  against  going.  Insults  were  offered  the 
French  soldiery,  and  the  harness  of  the  coaches  was  cut. 
These  scenes  were  interrupted  by  the  appearance  of  a  French 
battalion,  which  fired  without  warning  into  the  crowd.  The 
crowd  scattered,  and  spread  the  news  over  the  city.  This 
was  the  signal  for  a  general  uprising  against  the  French. 
The  Spanish  troops  were  under  strict  orders  from  the  govern- 
ment to  stay  in  barracks,  but  a  number  of  them  declined  to 
obey.  Prominent  among  those  joining  the  people  against 
the  French  were  Captains  Pedro  Velarde  and  Luis  Daoiz,  the 
heroes  of  the  day.  When  the  people  were  driven  out  of  the 
central  square  of  the  city,  the  Plaza  del  Sol,  by  the  French 
artillery,  Velarde  hastened  to  the  battery  commanded  by 
Daoiz.  Convincing  the  latter  that  the  interests  of  the 
country  were  superior  to  discipline  he  joined  with  him  and 
a  certain  Lieutenant  Ruiz  in  directing  the  fire  against  the 
French  troops.  Superior  in  numbers  and  armament,  the 
French  were  successful  after  a  battle  lasting  three  hours  in 
which  Velarde  and  Daoiz  were  killed.  The  dramatic  events 
of  the  Dos  de  Mayo,  or  the  second  of  May,  were  the  prelude 
to  a  national  uprising  against  the  French.  Without  a  king 
or  a  government  Spain  began  the  war  which  was  to  usher  in 
a  new  era  in  Spanish  history,  —  for,  just  as  Americans  look 
back  to  the  Fourth  of  July  in  1776,  so  the  Spaniards  consider 
the  Bos  de  Mayo  of  1808  as  the  beginning  of  modern  Spain. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 

SPANISH   SOCIETY,    1700-1808 


Fundamentally,  there  was  no  change  in  the  classes  of 
Spanish  society  in  this  period  as  regards  their  legal  and  social 
standing,  except  in  the  case  of  the  rural  population  of  Aragon. 
One  of  the  characteristic  notes  of  the  era  was  a  certain  demo- 
cratic sentiment  of  a  philanthropic  kind,  exhibiting  itself 
vaguely  in  a  desire  for  the  well-being  of  mankind,  and  prac- 
tically in  the  social,  economic,  and  intellectual  betterment 
of  the  masses,  without  any  attempt  being  made  to  improve 
their  juridical  position.  This  ideal,  wdiich  was  not  confined 
to  Spain,  became  more  and  more  widespread  with  the  in- 
crease in  influence  of  the  French  encyclopedists,  and  got  to 
be  a  fad  of  high  society,  being  encouraged  by  the  kings 
themselves.  Many  of  its  manifestations  will  be  taken  up 
later  in  dealing  with  economic  institutions,  but  the  senti- 
mental discussion  of  the  ideal  may  be  remarked  upon  here ; 
this  at  length  went  so  far  as  to  result  in  the  formulation  of 
political  doctrines  of  a  democratic  character,  but  they  were 
not  yet  translated  into  law.  Such  social  reforms  as  were 
made  came  for  the  most  part  in  the  last  three  reigns  of 
the  era,  especially  in  that  of  Charles  III. 

The  description  of  the  nobility  in  the  period  of  the  House 
of  Austria  might  almost  be  repeated  for  this  era.  The  nobles 
had  long  since  lost  their  political  power,  but  the  wealth 
of  the  grandees  and  the  privileges  and  the  prestige  of  all 
ranks  of  the  nobility  were  so  great  that  this  class  was  a  more 
important  factor  in  Spanish  life  than  it  is  today.  Pride  of 
noble  rank  continued  to  be  almost  an  obsession,  despite  the 
attempts  to  check  it ;  with  a  view  to  diminishing  petitions 
for  the  recognition  of  rights  of  hidalguia,  a  law  was  passed 

411 


Social 
character- 
istics of 
the  era. 


Pride, 
wealth, 
and  priv- 
ileges of 
the  nobles. 


412  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

in  175S  calling  for  the  payment  of  a  large  sura  of  money 
when  the  petitioner's  title  dated  back  to  the  fourth  or  fifth 
grandfather.  On  the  other  hand,  the  kings  were  respon- 
sible for  acts  which  tended  to  encourage  the  eagerness  for 
noble  rank.  Ferdinand  VI  officially  recognized  that  the 
people  of  Vizcaya  were  all  of  hidalgo  rank;  Charles  III 
created  the  order  which  bears  his  name,  and  Charles  IV 
founded  that  of  the  "noble  ladies  of  Maria  Luisa" ;  various 
societies  of  nobles  for  equestrian  exercises,  in  imitation  of 
the  military  orders,  were  formed,  and  they  were  given  cer- 
tain privileges  in  criminal  jurisdiction.  To  be  sure,  the 
grant  of  these  honors  was  a  source  of  revenue  to  the  state. 
The  recognition  of  the  privileged  character  of  the  nobles 
was  manifest,  even  in  the  case  of  the  more  degraded  members 
of  that  class;  a  law  of  1781  provided  that  nobles  who  were 
arrested  as  vagabonds  should  be  sent  to  the  army  with  the 
rank  of  "distinguished  soldiers."  The  grandees  and  the 
other  nobles  possessed  of  seigniorial  estates  still  controlled 
the  appointment  of  many  municipal  functionaries;  in  1787 
there  were  17  cities,  2358  nillas,  and  1818  aJdeas  and  pueblos 
in  seigniorial  hands,  in  some  of  which  the  king  shared  juris- 
diction with  the  lords.  Similarly,  the  military  orders  had 
the  right  to  appoint  the  clergymen  of  3  cities,  402  villas, 
119  pueblos,  and  261  aldeas.  Many  monopolies  of  a  medieval 
type  still  survived  in  favor  of  the  lords,  such  as  those  of 
hunting,  fishing,  the  baking  of  bread,  the  making  of  flour, 
and  the  use  of  streams  and  forests,  and  in  some  cases  the 
lord's  vassals  were  subject  to  medieval  tributes  and  services. 
Real  de-  It  is  rather  by  comparison  with  matters  as  they  are  today, 
cline  of  however,  that  these  incidents  loom  large ;  they  were  but  the 
J^^^^  survivals  of  a  system  which  was  already  dead.     The  worst 

of  these  seigniorial  rights,  the  Aragonese  lord's  power  of  life 
and  death  over  his  villeins,  was  abolished  by  Philip  V.  The 
kings  did  not  dare  to  suppress  all  of  the  seigniorial  pri^■ileges, 
but  took  steps  to  overcome  them,  as  by  submitting  the  rights 
of  certain  lords  to  rigorous  proofs,  by  hindering  sales  of 
jurisdiction,  by  subjecting  the  appointments  of  the  lords  to 
the  approval  of  the  Cdmnra,  by  naming  special  royal  officials 
for  the  various  seigniorial  holdings,  and  in  general  by  facili- 


power. 


SPANISH  SOCIETY,   1700-1808  413 

tating  the  reincorporation  in  the  crown  of  such  estates.  By 
this  time  the  lesser  nobihty  enjoyed  few  exemptions  of  a 
financial  character,  but  the  great  nobles  still  possessed  such 
privileges.  The  kings  employed  indirect  methods  to  cause 
them  to  submit  to  taxation.  Thus  payments  were  demanded 
in  lieu  of  military  service,  and  the  media  anata  (half  annates) 
was  required  for  the  recognition  of  the  title  of  a  successor 
to  landed  estates ;  certainly  the  immensely  wealthy  grandees 
were  able  to  pay  these  tributes  without  serious  economic 
loss  to  themselves.  Furthermore,  the  great  nobles  continued 
to  be  a  court  nobility,  and  were  jealously  proud  of  the  special 
privileges  of  an  empty  character  which  marked  them  off 
from  the  classes  below  them.  For  example,  a  grandee  had 
the  right  to  keep  his  hat  on  and  to  sit  down  in  the  presence 
of  the  king;  to  be  called  "cousin"  by  the  king;  to  have  a 
private  guard ;  to  preside  over  the  sessions  of  the  noble 
branch  of  the  Cortes;  to  be  visited  and  saluted  by  ayunta- 
mientos,  viceroys,  and  other  authorities;  to  have  a  better 
place  than  others,  both  indoors  and  out ;  and  to  be  free  from 
imprisonment  except  by  a  special  decree  of  the  king. 

There  was  no  essential  change  in  the  composition  and  Slight 
character  of  the  middle  classes  in  this  era.  The  working  gains  of 
classes  of  the  cities  attained  to  a  little  more  liberty  than  J'^®  work- 
formerly,  as  a  result  of  the  decline  of  the  guilds,  while  those 
of  the  country,  if  they  had  improved  their  jm'idical  position, 
continued  nevertheless  in  a  state  of  misery  and  poverty. 
The  rural  wars  of  past  reigns  were  missing,  however.  The 
evil  lot  of  the  rural  classes  was  due  more  to  the  backward- 
ness of  agriculture,  the  vast  extent  of  unworked  lands  com- 
mon, and  the  widespread  practice  of  entailing  estates,  than 
to  bonds  of  a  social  character.  An  interesting  attempt,  at 
once  to  raise  the  urban  laborer,  and  to  break  down  the  sharp 
dividing  line  between  the  nobility  and  the  plebeian  classes, 
was  a  law  of  1783,  which  declared  that  the  trades  of  artisans 
—  such  as  those  of  the  carpenter,  tailor,  and  shoemaker  —  were 
to  be  considered  honorable,  and  since  municipal  offices  were 
usually  in  the  hands  of  the  hidalgo  class  it  was  also  enacted 
that  the  practice  of  these  trades  did  not  incapacitate  a  man 
from  holding  positions  in  the  local  government  or  even  from 


414 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Benevo- 
lent legis- 
lation 
affecting 
gypsies, 
descend- 
ants of 
Jews,  and 
slaves. 


becoming  an  hidalgo.  This  well-meant  law  was  not  able  to 
overcome  social  prejudices,  however,  and  when  an  endeavor 
was  made  to  interpret  it  in  the  sense  that  it  authorized 
the  entry  of  artisans  into  the  military  orders,  which  had 
always  been  composed  only  of  nobles,  it  was  decreed  in  1803 
that  it  had  never  been  intended  to  raise  them  to  that  degree, 
for  the  military  orders  were  founded  on  the  necessity  of 
maintaining  the  lustre  of  the  nobility. 

A  spirit  of  racial  tolerance  for  the  despised  classes  made 
its  appearance  in  this  era.  Laws  placing  prohibitions  on 
the  gypsies  were  repeatedly  enacted  until  the  time  of 
Charles  III,  but  in  1783  that  monarch  declared  that  the  gyp- 
sies were  not  to  be  considered  a  tainted  race,  and  ordered 
that  they  be  admitted  to  the  towns  and  to  occupations  on 
the  same  basis  as  other  Spaniards,  provided  they  would 
abandon  their  dress,  language,  and  special  customs.  Simi- 
larly, in  1782  Charles  III  endeavored  to  free  the  descendants 
of  Jews  from  the  stigma  of  their  ancestry  by  enacting  that 
they  should  not  be  obliged  to  live  in  a  separate  quarter  or 
wear  any  device  indicative  of  their  origin.  A  law  of  1785 
permitted  them  to  serve  in  the  army  or  navy,  —  a  right 
which  had  previously  been  denied  them.  These  generous 
laws  for  the  gypsies  and  the  descendants  of  Jews  were  as 
little  capable  as  those  just  mentioned  concerning  artisans 
of  overcoming  social  prejudices,  wherefore  they  failed  of 
their  objects.  In  matters  of  religion  the  laws  affecting  the 
despised  classes  were  more  in  keeping  with  general  senti- 
ment. In  1712  it  was  ordered  that  Moslem  slaves  who  had 
been  set  free  must  leave  the  country;  in  1802  the  prohi- 
bition against  Jews  returning  to  the  peninsula  was  reaffirmed 
as  absolute  in  the  case  of  those  who  retained  the  Jewish  faith. 
Slavery  continued  to  be  legal,  but  laws  were  passed  that 
slaves  escaping  to  Spain  from  other  lands,  except  from  the 
Spanish  colonies,  became  ipso  facto  free.  The  treaty  of 
1779  with  Morocco  provided  that  prisoners  of  war  should 
not  henceforth  be  enslaved.  The  institution  of  slavery 
existed  on  a  great  scale  in  the  Americas,  though  Charles  III 
alleviated  the  rigors  of  the  situation  by  his  beneficent 
legislation. 


SPANISH  SOCIETY,  1700-1808  415 

Legislation  affecting  the  family  aimed  to  tighten  the  bonds  Tighten- 
between  parents  and  children,  which  had  become  loosened   ^^S  of  the 
as  a  result  of  the  increasing  spirit  of  individualism.     Thus  ^'^.^ 
a  law  of  1766  ordered  that  the  prior  consent  of  parents 
should  be  obtained  before  children  could  marry,  although 
a  remedy  was  provided  for  an  um-easonable  withholding 
of  consent ;   in  the  preamble  it  was  stated  that  the  law  was 
due  to  the  frequent  occiu'rence  of   "unequal  marriages." 
Several  later  laws  upheld  the  same  principle.     Legislation  Influence 
concerning  property  was  characterized  by  the  ideas  of  the  of  the 
physiocratic  school  of  thinkers,  who  referred  all  social  and  P^yfio- 
economic  problems  to  the  land  as  the  fundamental  basis,   ggj^oo^  q^ 
Among  the  Spanish  physiocrats  (for  the  physiocratic  ideal  legislation 
was   widespread   in   western   Europe)    were   Campomanes,  affecting 
Floridablanca,  and  Jovellanos,  who  were  among  the  greatest  property, 
of  Spanish  reformers  in  the  reign  of  Charles  III  and  the  early 
years  of  Charles  IV.     In  keeping  with  physiocratic  views 
the  laws  tended  to  the  release  of  realty  from  incumbrances 
and  to  the  distribution  of  lands  among  many  persons.     The 
practice  of  entailing  estates  in  primogeniture  was  one  of  the 
institutions  attacked  by  the  physiocrats.     It  was  admitted 
that  it  was  necessary  in  the  case  of  the  great  nobles,  in  order 
to  maintain  the  prestige  of  the  family  name,  but  it  was  held 
to  be  desirable  to  check  the  extension  of  the  institution  in 
other  cases  and  to  facilitate  the  extinction  of  entails.     Thus 
a  law  of  1749  permitted  of  the  sale  of  entailed  estates  for  an 
annuity  in  the  case  of  financially  ruined  houses;    a  law  of 
1789  prohibited  the  founding  of  new  entails,  and  facilitated 
the  sale  of  realty  already  so  held ;    a  law  of  1795  imposed 
heavy  taxes  on  existing  entails ;  and  a  law  of  1798  authorized 
the  sale  of  entailed  estates,  provided  the  funds  should  be 
invested  in  a  certain  loan  announced  at  that  time.     Still 
other  laws  were  passed  in  this  period,  with  the  result  that 
many  entails  disappeared  and  others  were  diminished  in  size. 
The  nobles  resisted  the  change,  and  the  greater  number  of 
the  entails  remained  in  existence,  although  reduced  in  in- 
come.    In  the  same  way  municipal  and  ecclesiastical  holdings 
were  attacked.      In  the  case  of  the  former  (propios),  laws 
were  passed  repeatedly  —  for  example  in  1761,  1766,  1767, 


416  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

176S,  and  especially  in  1770  —  for  the  partition  of  the  culti- 
vable and  pastoral  lands  and  for  their  assignment  to  a  num- 
ber of  individuals.  Nevertheless,  the  majority  of  this  type 
of  municipal  lands  continued  in  the  possession  of  the  towns, 
for  the  laws  were  not  fully  executed.  As  concerns  lands 
utilized  for  the  promotion  of  religious  objects,  pious  founda- 
tions were  attacked,  and  either  compelled  or  else  permitted 
to  sell  their  real  property,  but  there  was  considerable  hesi- 
tancy about  applying  the  same  practice  to  lands  held  in 
mortmain  by  the  regular  and  secular  clergy,  although  the 
prevailing  opinion  of  jurisconsults  was  opposed  to  these 
holdings.  Some  steps  were  taken,  however,  to  free  these 
lands,  as  well  as  other  measm-es  to  hinder  the  giving  of 
realty  in  mortmain.  In  the  various  colonization  schemes 
of  the  century  it  was  customary  to  forbid  the  transfer 
of  lands  to  ecclesiastical  institutions.  A  law  of  1763  pro- 
hibited further  conveyances  to  the  church,  and  a  law  of  1798 
called  for  the  alienation  of  lands  owned  by  charitable  insti- 
tutions, even  though  they  might  belong  to  the  church,  and 
some  estates  accordingly  were  sold.  The  resistance  of  the 
clergy,  together  with  a  certain  repugnance  to  laying  hands 
on  the  property  of  the  church  except  in  case  of  extreme 
necessity,  operated  to  prevent  these  laws  from  having  their 
Triumphs  full  effect.  It  will  be  noticed  that  all  of  these  measures 
of  Roman  ^vere  markedly  individualistic,  in  accord  with  Roman  prin- 
pnncip  es.  ^.jpj^g  ^g  opposed  to  those  of  medieval  society,  and  favorable 
to  the  change  in  ownership  of  landed  estates  and  to  their 
division  into  small  holdings.  This  spirit  was  manifested 
even  more  insistently  in  attacking  titles  of  a  medieval  char- 
acter. Thus  the  right  of  farmers  to  fence  lands  for  their 
own  use  was  sustained,  serving  as  a  check  upon  the  abuses 
of  the  Mesta,  and  the  various  methods  of  tribute  from  vassals 
to  a  lord  {censos,  foros,  etc.)  were  the  subject  of  legislation 
tending  to  relieve  the  former  from  their  burdens.  To  this 
epoch,  also,  belong  laws  requiring  the  registry  of  titles  to 
land.  Nevertheless,  the  spirit  of  collectivism  was  still  alive, 
as  expressed  in  doctrines  favoring  the  condemnation  of  in- 
dividual property  and  the  establishment  of  communal 
inclosures  with    the    drawing    of    lots    for    land,    but    the 


SPANISH  SOCIETY,  1700-1808  417 

followers    of    Roman    principles    were    victorious    in    the 
controversy. 

The  spirit  of  individualism  appeared,  also,  to  give  a  death-  Decline 
blow  to  the  guilds,  even  though  they  actually  increased  in  and  fall  of 
number;  there  were  ninety  guilds  in  Barcelona  at  the  close  t^^S^^"^- 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  Among  the  factors  contributing 
to  the  decline  were  the  following:  the  continuance  of  the 
exclusive  spirit  of  the  past,  making  entry  into  the  guild  a 
difficult  matter ;  the  accentuation  of  social  differences  within 
the  guilds,  such  that  certain  elements  had  special  privileges 
based  on  rank  in  the  guild,  —  for  example,  a  right  that  their 
sons  might  enter  the  institution  without  serving  as  appren- 
tices; the  failure  of  the  guilds  to  observe  their  own  ordi- 
nances ;  the  frequency  of  lawsuits  between  guilds,  or  even 
between  a  guild  and  its  own  members ;  and  especially  the 
continued  intervention  of  the  state,  taking  over  the  former 
municipal  control  of  the  guilds  and  unifying  the  ordinances 
of  each  trade  throughout  the  country.  The  relation  of  the 
state  to  the  guilds  facilitated  the  application  of  the  new 
economic  ideas  which  were  favorable  to  the  freedom  of  labor 
and  hostile  to  the  guilds.  Thus  in  1772  foreign  artisans 
were  permitted  to  establish  themselves,  without  paying  a 
special  tax  and  without  having  to  undergo  examinations ; 
in  1782  a  general  law  introduced  reforms  facilitating  appren- 
ticeship, freeing  applicants  for  entry  into  a  guild  from  the 
necessity  of  proving  the  Christian  faith  of  their  ancestry 
(limpieza  de  sangre),  permitting  of  the  sale  of  masterships, 
and  abolishing  the  distinction  between  the  sons  of  masters 
and  those  of  the  other  members ;  in  another  law  of  the  same 
year  painters,  sculptors,  and  architects  were  authorized  to 
work  independently  of  guilds  ;  in  1783  the  cof  radios  attached 
to  the  guilds  were  suppressed,  and  their  place  was  taken  by 
benefit  societies  (montepios) ;  in  1784  women  were  given  a 
general  permission  to  engage  in  any  trade  they  wished;  in 
1790  it  was  enacted  that  any  artisan  of  recognized  ability 
could  work  at  his  trade  without  the  need  of  an  examination ; 
and  in  1793  a  law  dissolving  the  guilds  of  the  silk  manu- 
facturers announced  that  it  was  neither  necessary  nor  fitting 
that  persons  should  be  grouped  together  in  guilds  for  carry- 
2e 


418 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Dull  rou- 
tine of 
daily  life. 


Monotony 
of  the  life 
at  court 
and  among 
the  nobles. 


ing  on  such  an  industry.  From  this  point  it  was  only  a  step 
to  the  death  of  the  institution.  The  great  name  in  the 
legislation  against  the  guilds  was  that  of  Campomanes. 

If  the  social  customs  of  the  two  preceding  eras  may  be 
said  to  have  represented  the  virile  youth  of  the  Spanish 
peoples,  followed  by  a  seemingly  mortal  sickness  resulting 
from  a  too  great  indulgence  in  "wild  oats,"  this  period 
stands  for  the  recovery  of  the  race  (just  as  occurred  in  other 
aspects  of  peninsula  life)  in  a  conventional,  outwardly  re- 
spectable, and  on  the  whole  fairly  wholesome,  if  also  some- 
what monotonous,  middle  age.  Simplicity,  regularity,  and 
subordination  to  principles  of  authority  (as  represented  by 
king,  chiu-ch,  and  parents,  checking  inititative  and  making 
long-established  custom  the  guiding  rule  in  daily  life)  were 
the  dominating  social  characteristics.  Both  in  the  city  and 
in  the  country,  people  arose  early ;  the  Consejo  de  Castilla 
met  at  seven  in  the  morning  from  April  to  September,  and 
at  eight  from  October  to  March.  It  was  the  custom  also  to 
go  to  bed  early,  to  perform  one's  daily  tasks  in  precisely 
the  same  way  each  day,  to  hear  mass  daily,  to  have  family 
prayers  each  day,  to  salute  one's  parents  respectfully  on 
the  same  daily  recurring  occasions,  and  to  display  a  like 
respect  in  the  presence  of  official  persoiiftges  or  of  clergymen. 
If  people  now  and  then  indulged  in  gossip  about  their  neigh- 
bors, they  gave  little  thought  to  persons  or  events  beyond 
their  immediate  circle ;  they  were  in  no  hurry  to  learn  the 
news  of  the  world,  waiting  tranquilly  for  the  arrival  of  the 
mails,  which  were  usually  infrequent  and  meagre. 

The  kings  themselves  helped  to  make  this  monotonous 
type  of  life  fashionable.  Philip  V  was  domestically  inclined, 
retiring,  and  melancholy,  and  from  the  time  of  his  marriage 
with  Isabel  Farnesio  was  nearly  always  at  the  side  of  his 
wife,  who  even  accompanied  him  when  he  received  his 
ministers  before  he  had  arisen  from  bed.  His  daily  life  was 
passed  in  pious  exercises  and  in  hunting,  with  music  to  vary 
the  monotony.  Ferdinand  VI,  also  domestic,  retiring,  and 
God-fearing,  was  very  fond  of  music,  with  the  result  that  the 
court  was  brightened  by  frequent  concerts,  operas,  and  the- 
atrical representations,  on  which  vast  sums  of  money  were 


SPANISH   SOCIETY,    1700-1808 


419 


expended.  Charles  III  was  a  man  of  very  simple  tastes,  an 
enemy  of  the  theatre  and  of  music,  but  passionately  devoted 
to  hunting.  He  was  so  methodical  that  every  moment  of  the 
day  within  the  palace  was  regulated  by  royal  ordinances,  and 
the  annual  journeys  and  changes  of  residence  of  the  royal  fam- 
ily took  place  each  year  on  the  same  day.  In  monotonous 
regularity  of  life  Charles  IV  resembled  his  illustrious  prede- 
cessor, but  passion  for  hunting  amounted  in  his  case  almost 
to  a  disease ;  after  having  breakfast  and  hearing  mass  he 
would  hunt  until  one  o'clock,  and  would  return  to  that  sport 
after  having  partaken  of  dinner.  The  sameness  of  court  life 
in  this  period  was  broken  by  various  receptions  and  royal  feast 
days,  but  even  these  were  cold  and  formal,  following  pre- 
scribed courses,  although  celebrated  with  great  pomp.  In 
1804  there  were  eight  greater  gala  days  and  seventeen  lesser 
ones,  besides  those  arising  from  unforeseen  events,  such  as 
the  reception  of  a  foreign  ambassador.  Furthermore,  royal 
journeys  necessarily  involved  festivities  and  heavy  expense. 
Balls,  banquets,  and  other  diversions  found  no  place  at  court, 
and  the  accession  of  Charles  III  put  an  end  to  concerts  and 
plays.  The  ordinary  life  of  the  nobles  followed  that  of  the 
kings.  Comparing  it  with  that  of  France,  a  French  duke 
who  came  to  Spain  in  the  reign  of  Philip  V  said  that  it  was 
tiresome,  almost  unsociable,  and  lacking  in  comforts,  despite 
the  fact  that  great  sums  of  money  were  often  spent  for  enter- 
tainments of  a  formal  nature.  Toward  the  close  of  the  cen- 
tury the  more  genial  practices  of  other  European  countries 
began  to  percolate  into  Spain.  Godoy  was  one  who  took 
pleasure  in  giving  balls.  Others  followed  his  example,  and 
the  austere  simplicity  of  Spanish  life  began  to  yield  to  com- 
forts, diversions,  and  dissipation.  Nevertheless,  the  old 
conventions  still  ruled,  especially  in  the  country  districts, 
where  the  poorer  nobility  resided,  occupying  themselves  in 
hunting  and  in  local  politics  and  intrigues.  The  penurious 
nobles  of  the  hidalgo  class  continued  to  be  found  at  the  capital 
in  the  train  of  the  greater  representatives  of  the  titled  element. 

Some  clue  to  the  modesty  of  life  in  general  may  be  obtained  Simplicity 
from  the  cheapness  of  rents  and  the  scantiness  of  furniture  of  do- 
in  the  houses  of  the  capital.     The  average  annual  rental  mesticlife. 


420 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


was  1504  reales  ($94),  and  there  were  many  houses  of  an  in- 
ferior tv^^e  to  be  had  for  45  reales  ($2.81)  a  month,  although, 
of  course,  money  values  were  much  greater  then  than  now. 
House  decorations  and  furniture  were  poor  to  the  point  of 
shabbiness.  Walls  did  not  begin  to  be  papered  until  the 
close  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Usually  they  were  white- 
washed and  hung  with  a  few  pictures  of  a  religious  character 
or  with  brass  candlesticks.  The  floor  was  of  unpolished 
wood,  covered  over  in  winter  with  mats,  and  there  was  a 
like  simplicity  in  chairs.  Writing-desks  were  often  present, 
but  were  opened  only  when  visitors  were  being  received. 
Candles  were  employed  for  lighting,  and  the  odorous, 
scantly  warming  brazier  was  the  principal  resource  against 
cold.  The  same  sobriety  manifested  itself  as  regards  the 
table.  The  puchero,  or  cocido,  made  up  primarily  of  chick- 
peas (garbanzos),  was  the  basis  of  the  meal,  and  usually  was 
the  only  element.  Inns  were  equally  uninviting,  and  it  was 
not  until  the  close  of  the  era  that  the  example  of  foreign 
countries  prevailed  upon  the  Spaniards  to  introduce  some- 
what more  comfortable  hostelries.^ 

The  simplicity  and  severity  of  Spanish  customs  were  not 
maintained  in  matters  of  dress.  There  was  a  century-long 
^^^^h^°  conflict  between  the  French  and  the  native  styles,  the  former 
native  represented  by  the  military  cut  of  clothing  more  in  keeping 

styles  in  with  that  of  the  present  day,  and  the  latter  by  the  slouched 
hat  and  long  cape,  as  symbolic  of  the  indigenous  modes. 
On  grounds  of  morality  and  public  safety  the  government 
opposed  the  native  type,  which  lent  itself  too  easily  to  the 
facilitation  of  disguise,  and  the  methodical  Charles  III 
even  considered  the  imposition  of  a  national  dress  which 
should  omit  the  traditional  features.  A  law  of  1766  ordered 
their  abandonment  and  the  adoption  of  a  short  cape  or 
riding  coat  and  the  three-cornered  cocked  hat.  The  decree 
was  the  occasion  of  riots  throughout  Spain,  and  had  to  be 
recalled,  while  Squillace,  the  minister  who  had  proposed  it, 
lost  his  post.     Aranda,  his  successor,  achieved  the  desired 

1  Those  who  have  lived  in  Spanish  boarding-houses  (Jondas) 
in  our  own  times  Tv-ill  recognize  that  this  description  lacks  very 
little  of  fitting  contemporary  Spain. 


Struggle 
between 


dress. 


SPANISH   SOCIETY,    1700-1808 


421 


end  by  indirect  methods.  He  caused  the  slouched  hat  to 
be  made  the  official  head-piece  of  the  hangman,  wherefore 
it  began  to  lose  prestige,  and  the  French  styles  were  soon 
decisively  victorious.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  the 
three-cornered  cocked  hat  and  other  French  styles  of  the 
Bourbon  era  were  retained  in  Spain  after  they  were  no  longer 
in  fashion  in  republican  and  imperial  France.  Women's 
dress  was  also  reformed  in  a  similar  direction.  Three  out- 
standing features  characterized  the  well-dressed  woman : 
the  skirt  of  silk  or  velvet ;  the  mantilla,  or  veil,  worn  over 
the  head  instead  of  a  hat ;  and  the  fan.  Fans  of  a  most 
luxurious  type  were  used,  with  ribs  of  shell,  mother-of-pearl, 
or  ivory,  and  with  ornaments  of  gold,  while  the  principal 
part  was  hand-painted,  often  by  artists  of  note,  to  represent 
scenes  of  a  mythological,  pastoral,  or  historical  character. 
Even  among  the  common  people,  especially  among  the 
so-called  majos,  or  low-class  dandies  (both  male  and  female) 
of  Madrid,  there  were  special  types  of  elegant  dress.  Ladies' 
dress-combs  of  unusual  size,  not  infrequently  half  a  foot  or 
more  in  height  above  the  hair,  may  be  mentioned  as  one 
phase  of  the  majo  styles,  which  stood  for  a  reaction  against 
French  modes,  though  with  scant  knowledge  or  regard  for 
ancient  Spanish  customs.  Majismo,  both  in  dress  and  in 
customs,  invaded  the  aristocracy,  and  has  been  immortalized 
in  some  of  the  paintings  of  Goya.  The  common  people  of 
the  country  were  much  more  conservative  in  maintaining 
the  earlier  styles  of  dress,  which  have  survived  to  the  present 
day,  although  the  uniformity  of  modern  life  has  tended  to 
make  them  peculiarities,  rather  than  the  prevailing  modes 
of  the  different  regions  in  which  they  are  found. 

The  monotony  of  Spanish  life  did  not  prevent  Spaniards 
from  being  fond  of  diversions.  On  the  contrary  they 
seemed  to  welcome  a  chance  to  escape  from  the  narrow 
course  of  their  humdrum  existence.  Public  feast-days  were 
numerous  and  very  popular;  events  in  Christian  history 
were  the  occasion  of  most  of  them.  People  generally, 
unlike  the  monarchs,  the  nobles,  and  their  imitators  among 
the  wealthy  bourgeoisie,  were  very  fond  of  dancing,  the 
theatre,  and  bull-fighting.     Dances  to   the  accompaniment 


Fondness 
of  the 
general 
Spanish 
public  for 
diversion 
and  sport. 


422  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

of  the  guitar  were  held  on  every  possible  occasion ;  on 
Sundays  they  took  place  in  the  public  square  of  the  city. 
The  days  of  the  waltz,  onestep,  and  other  dances  now  in 
vogue  in  many  lands  (though  not  in  Spain)  had  not  yet  come  ; 
rather,  the  dances  were  very  largely  national  or  regional, 
such  as  the  seguidillas  or  boleros,  the  fandango,  guaracha, 
zorongo,  arlequin,  chacona,  zarabanda,  the  Aragonese  jota, 
the  Valencian  daiuetes,  and  the  Catalonian  sardana,  all  of 
which  gave  great  play  to  the  individual  and  represented 
harmonious  action  of  the  entire  body.  Many  of  these 
dances,  or  their  derivatives,  survive  in  Spain  today.  Pro- 
fessional dancing  girls  were  popular  favorites  —  and  not 
infrequently  the  mistresses  of  the  great  gentlemen  of  the 
court.  Charles  III  detested  dancing,  but  neither  he  nor  his 
successor  could  check  it,  though  they  did  regulate  it  to  some 
extent.  In  like  manner  the  theatre  continued  to  be  a 
national  passion,  despite  the  disapproval  of  certain  great 
churchmen  as  well  as  of  Charles  III.  Three  great  theatres 
were  built  in  Madrid  in  the  reign  of  Philip  V.  Govern- 
mental regulations  were  as  unavailing  in  this  as  in  the  case 
of  dancing.  The  popularity  of  bull-fighting  got  to  be  greater 
than  ever,  though  Philip  V  and  Charles  III  disliked  the  sport. 
Ferdinand  VI  was  a  devotee,  and  Charles  IV  was  not  un- 
friendly. The  repugnance  felt  by  Philip  V  had  the  effect 
of  causing  the  withdrawal  of  the  nobles  from  taking  part 
in  the  contests,  with  the  result  that  a  professional  class  of 
bull-fighters  developed.  Charles  III  went  so  far  as  to  pro- 
hibit the  sport  in  1785,  but  Charles  IV,  in  1789,  consented 
to  its  return.  Godoy,  however,  was  opposed  to  bull-fighting, 
and  procured  its  abolition  in  1805.  The  period  from  1789 
to  1805  is  a  famous  one  in  the  history  of  this  game.  Just 
as  happens  today,  so  then,  the  names  of  the  favorite  bull- 
fighters were  on  everybody's  lips.  This  was  a  period  wdien 
many  of  the  feats  of  the  bull-fighters  which  still  form  a  part 
of  the  contest  were  invented.  Possibly  the  most  widely 
known  name  was  that  of  Pepe  Illo,  or  Hillo  (great  bull- 
fighter and  writer  of  a  treatise  on  the  so-called  art  of  bull- 
fighting), who  was  killed  in  the  bull-ring  at  Madrid  in  1801, 
an  event  which  Goya  reduced  to  canvas  in  one  of  his  most 


SPANISH   SOCIETY,    1700-1808 


423 


famous  paintings.  Madrid,  Aranjuez,  Granada,  and  Seville 
were  the  only  cities  which  had  bull-rings  {plazas  de  tows), 
but  fights  were  held  in  all  parts  of  Spain  by  utilizing  the 
principal  square  of  the  city.  Certain  athletic  exercises 
were  very  popular,  among  which  the  Basque  game  of  ball, 
still  played  in  Spain,  is  especially  worthy  of  mention.^ 
Performances  of  professional  acrobats,  jugglers,  and  magi- 
cians were  frequent,  as  well  as  the  playing  of  pantomimes. 

The  policing  of  cities  for  the  first  time  became  worthy 
of  commendation.  At  the  opening  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury Madrid  was  ugly,  extremely  dirty,  without  architec- 
tural monuments,  driveways,  or  promenades,  and  lacked  a 
good  water  system.  The  great  reforms  of  Aranda  under 
Charles  III  and  of  Godoy  in  the  next  reign  transformed  the 
city,  resulting  in  the  opening  of  new  streets,  the  organization 
of  an  efficient  street-cleaning  system  (despite  opposition  on 
the  ancient  ground  that  the  filthiness  of  the  streets  was  a 
preventive  of  epidemics),  the  completion  of  the  work  of 
paving  begun  in  the  previous  era,  the  development  of  a  good 
water  supply,  the  inauguration  of  a  lighting  system,  the 
building  of  noteworthy  edifices,  the  bettering  of  old  prome- 
nades (paseos)  and  the  opening  of  new  ones,  and  the  issue 
of  numerous  ordinances  intended  to  preserve  the  good  order 
and  public  health  of  the  city.  It  was  at  this  time,  too,  that 
the  institution  of  the  sereno  (night-watchman  in  Spanish 
streets)  was  introduced  from  abroad ;  contrary  to  the  usual 
opinion  the  sereno  is  not  Spanish  in  origin,  but  of  foreign 
importation.  The  walk,  or  drive,  along  the  great  paseos, 
just  at  evening  before  nightfall,  became  more  popular  among 
all  classes  than  ever,  and  has  remained  a  Spanish  custom 
to  the  present  day.  Barcelona,  Seville,  and  Cadiz  were 
also  much  improved. 

But  the  dances,  masked  balls,  the  theatre,  evening  parties, 
and  promenades  furnished  occasion  for  vicious  practices. 
Immorality  was  not  so  brazen  and  unashamed  as  formerly,  but 
was  very  nearly  as  prevalent.  In  vain  were  laws  passed  with 
a  view  to  checking  the  evil.  The  lax  practices  continued, 
and  received  a  kind  of  sanction  during  the  reign  of  Charles  IV 
*  See  note  at  page  196. 


Marked' 
advance  in 
the  care 
of  cities. 


Continu- 
ance of 
loose  prac- 
tices and 
bad 
habits. 


424 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Influence 
of  Spanish 
customs 
on  the 
Americas. 


from  the  example  set  by  the  queen,  of  which  everybody 
except  the  king  seemed  well  aware.  Gambling  was  also  the 
subject  of  restrictive  legislation  which  failed  of  its  design. 
In  this  respect  the  state  was  morally  estopped  from  making 
complaint,  because  it  was  in  this  period  that  the  national 
government  lottery  was  founded.  This  institution,  which 
still  exists,  was  established,  strange  to  say,  by  Charles  III, 
in  1763,  following  the  example  of  the  court  of  Rome.  Gam- 
bling, and  especially  the  lottery,  soon  became  the  passion  it 
has  ever  since  remained.  Smoking  had  long  before  gotten 
to  be  general  among  the  lower  classes,  particularly  among 
the  already  mentioned  majo  element;  but  the  aristocracy 
and  the  bourgeoisie  had  been  little  inclined  to  the  habit. 
They  were  soon  to  surrender  to  the  influence  of  majismo, 
however,  with  the  result  that  Spaniards  and  their  Hispanic 
kinsfolk  have  come  to  be  enumerated  among  the  most  in- 
veterate smokers  in  the  world,  so  far  as  the  men  are  con- 
cerned. Drunkenness  was  not  a  very  prevalent  vice,  any 
more  than  it  is  today,  although  the  same  could  not  be  said 
with  respect  to  the  Spanish  colonies. 

It  only  remains  to  add  that  these  social  practices  were  to 
be  found  in  much  the  same  form  in  the  Americas.  Fondness 
for  showy  feast-days  was  even  greater  there,  and  it  is  also 
to  be  noted  that  the  improvements  in  Spanish  cities  had 
their  counterpart  in  the  embellishment  of  several  of  those 
overseas. 


CHAPTER  XXXV 

POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,    1700-1808 

The  Bourbon  kings  aimed  to  complete  the  long  evolution,  Over- 
dating  from  centuries  before,  toward  the  personal  authority  whelming 
of  the  monarch  in  a  pure  absolutism.  This  movement  had  fl^^^^^^^^, 
gone  farther  in  other  countries,  although  the  current  had  ^jg^  ideal. ' 
set  the  other  way  in  England.  France  under  Louis  XIV, 
if  not  the  most  extreme  example  of  an  absolute  government, 
was  certainly  the  most  influential,  and  the  phrase  "I  am 
the  state!"  attributed  to  the  great  French  monarch,  was 
(whether  in  fact  uttered  by  him  or  not)  symbolic  of  his  ideal. 
It  was  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  court  of  Versailles  that 
Philip  V  spent  his  youth,  wherefore  it  was  the  most  natural 
thing  in  the  world  for  him  to  desire  the  establishment  in 
Spain  of  a  system  which  he  had  always  been  accustomed  to 
believe  was  the  only  true  method  of  rule.  Even  had  Philip 
ever  doubted  it,  Louis  XIV  took  care  to  inculcate  in  him  the 
concept  of  absolutism.  Philip  showed  on  various  occasions  that 
he  understood  the  French  ideal  of  kingship,  —  as  in  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  calling  of  the  Castilian  Cortes,  his  denial  of  the 
right  of  the  Consejo  to  share  in  certain  governmental  functions, 
and  his  habitual  employment  of  such  phrases  as  "for  such 
is  my  will"  in  royal  decrees.  The  same  criterion  was  fol- 
lowed by  his  successors.  Charles  IV  ordered  certain  laws 
which  were  inconsistent  with  the  absolutist  ideal  to  be 
stricken  out  of  the  Novisima  Recopilacion,  or  Latest  Compila- 
tion of  the  Laws  (1805),  before  he  would  allow  that  code  to 
be  published,  stating  that  those  acts  (which  had  been  in- 
corporated in  the  Nueva  Rccoinlacion  of  1567)  were  repre- 
sentative of  a  time  when  the  weakness  of  the  monarchy  had 
compelled  the  kings  to  make  concessions  which  were  in- 
consistent with  their  sovereign  authority.     The  laws  referred 

425 


426 


A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Demo- 
cratic 
manner 
and  phil- 
anthropic 
rule  of  the 
Bourbons. 


to  concerned  the  intervention  of  the  Consejo  in  royal  dona- 
tions, the  obligation  of  the  king  to  consult  with  the  three 
estates  of  the  Cortes  in  dealing  with  momentous  affairs, 
and  the  injunction  that  no  new  taxes  should  be  levied  with- 
out the  grant  of  a  Cortes.  In  the  statement  of  their  ideal 
the  kings  met  with  little  opposition,  for  this  view  was  gen- 
erally supported  by  all  classes  of  society.  ]\Ien  who  were 
liberal  reformers  in  other  ways  were  rigid  in  their  main- 
tenance of  the  principle  of  absolutism,  and  the  people 
themselves,  not  only  Castilians,  but  others  as  well,  even 
including  the  Catalans,  were  intensely  royalist. 

Nevertheless,  the  Bourbons  were  more  democratic  in  their 
manner  than  the  less  autocratic  kings  of  the  House  of  Austria. 
It  is  said  that  Philip  V  was  the  first  to  inaugurate  the  prac- 
tice of  allowing  his  higher  government  officials  to  be  seated 
while  talking  business  with  him,  whereas  the  Hapsburg 
custom  had  been  to  require  them  to  remain  on  their  knees. 
The  kings'  advisers  now  became  veritable  ministers,  with  a 
more  frank  participation  in  government  than  had  been  the 
case  with  the  secretaries  and  favorites  of  the  preceding  era. 
Furthermore,  the  Bourbons  represented  the  "enlightened 
despotism,"  which  had  so  many  remarkable  manifestations 
in  eighteenth  century  western  Europe.  In  keeping  with 
this  ideal  the  kings  showed  marked  interest  in  social,  eco- 
nomic, and  intellectual  reforms  of  a  philanthropic  character, 
without  yielding  an  iota  of  their  political  prerogative.  A 
great  revolution  took  place,  having  a  fundamental  ground- 
work of  democracy  in  it  (which  was  to  find  expression  at  a 
later  time  in  the  field  of  politics),  but  which  was  accomplished 
wholly  from  above.  The  idea  might  have  been  expressed : 
"Everything  for  the  people,  but  nothing  by  them."  The 
only  exception  to  this  rule  was  the  royal  program  whereby  the 
popular  element  gained  an  entrance  to  the  ayuntamienios, 
or  municipal  governing  bodies. 

Naturally,  all  machinery  of  a  democratic  character  was 
viewed  with  suspicion,  and  such  was  the  case  with  the  Cortes. 
Only  at  the  accession  of  Luis  I  was  a  Cortes  called  to  swear 
in  the  new  king,  although  that  body  was  several  times  asked 
to  acknowledge  the   princes  of  Asturias.      The  Cortes  of 


POLITICAL   INSTITUTIONS,    1700-1808 


427 


Castile  was  summoned  four  times  by  Philip  V  and  once  each 
by  Charles  III  and  Charles  IV,  but  in  two  of  the  meetings 
under  Philip  not  all  of  the  elements  were  called,  and  in  the 
dismissal  of  the  Cortes  of  Charles  IV  it  was  made  apparent 
that  the  nobles  and  clergy  had  no  necessary  inclusion  in  that 
body.  Furthermore,  the  Cortes  was  called  to  perform  some 
specific  act,  —  such  as  the  recognition  of  the  princes  above- 
named,  the  making  and  later  the  revocation  of  the  so-called 
Salic  law,  and  the  approval  of  Philip's  renunciation  of  his 
rights  to  the  French  throne,  —  after  which  it  was  dismissed, 
without  having  an  opportunity  to  discuss  other  matters. 
When  the  Cortes  of  1789  was  retained  in  session  to  treat  of 
certain  economic  questions,  some  of  the  deputies  formulated 
petitions  concerning  affairs  of  government,  —  whereupon 
the  authorities  hastened  to  bring  the  sittings  to  a  close. 
The  Cortes  of  other  regions  were  equally  lacking  in  impor- 
tance. The  Cortes  of  Aragon  met  once,  and  that  of  Valencia 
not  at  all ;  both  were  incorporated  into  the  Castilian  Cortes 
in  1709.  The  Cortes  of  Catalonia  met  twice,  but  after  1724 
it  followed  the  course  already  taken  in  the  case  of  Aragon 
and  Valencia,  and  the  same  was  true  of  the  representatives 
from  Majorca.  The  Cortes  of  Navarre  continued  to  meet 
separately,  being  called  eleven  times,  but  it  took  no  action 
of  conspicuous  importance.  Nevertheless,  the  memory  of 
the  former  power  of  the  Cortes  was  not  dead,  and  many 
persons  saw  in  its  restoration,  possibly  with  new  functions, 
a  means  for  the  reform  of  the  country.  In  addition  to  having 
rendered  the  Cortes  completely  innocuous  the  kings  took 
other  steps  to  check  popular  intervention  in  national  affairs. 
It  had  been  the  custom  for  the  municipalities  to  send  special 
commissioners  to  the  capital  to  negotiate  for  them  with  the 
crown.  This  practice  (which  reminds  one  of  the  colonial 
agent  of  American  history)  was  forbidden  by  a  law  of  1715 
(repeated  in  1804),  on  the  alleged  ground  of  avoiding  un- 
necessary expense  to  the  towns.  A  law  of  1777  allowed  the 
sending  of  special  agents,  however,  for  one  purpose,  — 
that  of  witnessing  the  births  of  royal  children !  Thus  did 
the  kings  contribute  both  to  the  security  and  to  the  glamour 
of  royalty. 


Unim- 
portance 
of  the 
Cortes  and 
the  sup- 
pression 
of  demo- 
cratic ma- 
chinery. 


428 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Royal 
opposition 
to  the 
entry  of 
the  ency- 
clopedist 
and  revo- 
lutionary 
ideas  from 
France. 


If  the  Spanish  kuigs  were  so  careful  to  avoid  any  diminu- 
tion in  their  authority  through  the  restoration  of  the  former 
powers  of  the  Cortes,  it  may  well  be  imagined  that  they  were 
alarmed  over  the  political  ideas  of  the  French  encyclopedists 
of  the  later  eighteenth  century  and  still  more  so  over  those 
of  the  French  revolutionaries  after  1789.  The  works  of 
such  French  writers  as  Diderot,  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  Montes- 
quieu, and  Mirabeau,  or  of  the  Englishmen  Ilobbes,  Locke, 
Hume,  and  others  were  in  many  libraries  of  Spain,  and  some 
of  them  were  translated.  The  Encyclopedia  itself  found  its 
way  into  the  peninsula.  High  Spanish  officials,  like  Aranda, 
maintained  correspondence  with  some  of  the  French  re- 
formers, as  did  also  some  of  the  great  Spanish  nobles,  — 
for  example,  the  Duke  of  Alba  with  Rousseau,  and  the  Mar- 
quis of  Miranda  with  Voltaire.  It  was  the  fashion,  too,  for 
Spaniards  to  get  part  of  their  education  in  France,  or  for 
French  professors,  French  laborers,  and,  later,  French  revo- 
lutionary propagandists  to  cross  the  Pyrenees.  Thus  the 
new  ideas  gained  a  footing  in  Spain,  where  they  were  taken 
up  at  educational  institutions,  especially  at  the  University 
of  Salamanca,  and  by  some  newspapers  (for  that  type  of 
periodical  had  begun  to  appear),  although  expressions  were 
naturally  somewhat  guarded.  With  the  outbreak  of  the 
French  Revolution,  Floridablanca  sent  troops  to  the  northern 
frontier  to  prevent  the  entry  of  political  agitators.  The 
Inquisition  issued  edicts  against  the  introduction  of  pro- 
hibited books,  and  published  a  new  index  in  1790,  followed 
by  a  supplement  in  1805,  for  the  rationalist  ideas  of  the 
French  reformers  were  not  in  accord  with  those  of  the  church. 
The  civil  authorities  took  similar  action ;  the  Encyclopedia 
w^as  barred  in  1784,  and  many  other  works  at  other  times; 
in  1792  officials  were  placed  at  customs-houses  to  examine 
all  writings,  whether  printed  or  manuscript;  and  in  1805 
a  tribunal  of  printing  (Juzgado  de  Imprenta)  was  created, 
independent  of  the  Consejo  and  the  Inquisition.  These 
measures  failed  to  prevent  the  dissemination  of  French 
literature  and  thought,  but  were  successful  in  checking 
any  effective  expression  of  democratic  or  republican  ideals 
during  this  period.     While  men  of  influence  approved  the 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,    1700-1808  429 

philanthropic  side  of  the  new  ideas,  very  few  of  them  ac- 
cepted their  political  tenets.  It  was  quite  the  usual  thing 
for  men  to  say  that  the  contract  between  monarch  and  people 
was  equally  binding  on  both,  or  to  express  admiration  for 
the  freedom  of  thought  permitted  in  England,  while  they 
opposed  the  forming  of  deliberative  assemblies  in  Spain, 
and  stood  solidly  behind  the  principle  of  absolutism.  Some 
of  the  younger  men  went  completely  over  to  revolutionary 
ideas,  and  in  1795  some  republican  clubs  were  discovered, 
while  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Guipuzcoa  gave  substantial 
aid  to  the  French  army  of  invasion  in  1794.  The  reaction 
came  quickly,  as  a  result  of  the  tyrannical  conduct  of  the 
French  military  authorities.  Thus  the  spirit  of  democracy 
in  Spain  seemed  crushed,  but  it  was  not  in  fact  destroyed, 
as  was  amply  proved  a  few  years  later  in  the  radical  out- 
burst of  the  Cortes  of  Cadiz. 

Side  by  side  with  the  development  of  absolutism  there  Pro- 
had  been  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the  kings  for  many  cen-  nounced 

turies  to  promote  the  centralization  of  political  and  adminis-  f.^^     5^" 

^  ,      .       .       ,        ,  j^    1  1       _li  tion  of  the 

trative  authority  m  the  state  as  represented  by  the  crown,  tendencies 

and  to  bring  about  uniformity  in  the  law.  These  tendencies  toward  a 
were  accelerated  by  the  Bourbons,  whose  first  opportunity  centralized 
came  as  a  result  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  when  state. 
Philip  V  was  opposed  by  many  of  the  non-Castilian  parts 
of  Spain.  In  1707  the  special  statutes  and  privileges  of 
Aragon  and  Valencia  were  abolished  and  their  place  taken 
by  the  laws  and  practices  of  Castile.  In  both  regions  a 
royally  appointed  audiencia  and  captain-general  were  set  up. 
This  action  was  not  taken  for  Catalonia  until  1716.  In 
that  year  it  was  provided  by  the  so-called  decree  of  the 
"new  plan"  {Nueva  Planta)  that  the  laws  and  customs  of 
Castile  were  to  apply  in  Catalonia ;  that  the  Catalan  lan- 
guage was  not  to  be  used  in  the  administration  of  justice; 
that  an  audiencia  and  captain-general  of  royal  selection 
were  to  serve  as  the  principal  governmental  agencies  of  the 
region;  that  Catalonia  was  to  be  divided  into  twelve  dis- 
tricts, over  which  corregidores  named  by  the  king  should 
rule;  and  that  the  twenty-four  regidores  (councilmen)  of 
the  ayuntamiento  of  Barcelona,  which  city  had  been  deprived 


430  A   HISTORY    OF    SPAIN 

of  its  former  type  of  government,  should  also  be  royally 
appointed.  The  decree  of  1716  did  not  attempt  to  establish 
complete  unification  with  Castile,  however.  Many  former 
Catalan  rights  continued  to  exist  until  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, —  such,  for  example,  as  the  Catalan  system  of  criminal 
law  and  the  issue  of  Catalan  coins.  Furthermore,  there 
was  no  appeal  from  the  decisions  of  the  audiencia  to  the 
central  government,  —  an  exceptional  case.  Nevertheless, 
the  principles  of  centralization  and  unification  had  been  in 
the  main  attained,  and  later  measures  tended  to  secure 
these  ends  still  more  completely.  Philip's  opponents  in 
the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  were  persecuted,  and  the 
royal  ideas  were  furthered  by  the  acts  of  the  influential 
partisans  of  the  king;  in  1717  the  bishop  of  Gerona,  Ta- 
verner,  summoned  a  provincial  council  with  a  view  to 
"  threatening  with  the  wrath  of  God  and  the  excommunica- 
tion of  the  church"  whoever  should  be  unfaithful  to  Philip  V 
and  to  ordering  confessors  to  treat  such  infidelity  as  a  sin. 
In  Majorca  the  king  placed  an  audiencia  and  a  commandant- 
general,  appointing  also  the  local  councillors  of  Palma  and 
Alcudia,  while  the  audiencia  named  those  of  the  other  towns. 
The  special  privileges  of  the  Basque  provinces  were  re- 
spected in  theory,  but,  without  apparent  change  in  the  laws, 
the  central  government  gradually  obtained  control  through 
the  inspection  or  the  intervention  of  ministers  of  state  and 
the  Consejos.  Much  the  same  course  was  followed  with 
Navarre,  in  which  the  former  agencies  of  government  were 
left  apparently  undisturbed.  The  policy  of  centralization 
was  also  manifested  in  other  respects  than  those  of  a  purely 
regional  application.  Thus  exemptions  from  military  ser- 
vice were  limited ;  the  reversion  of  seigniorial  rights  to  the 
king  was  facilitated ;  and,  in  fine,  the  tendency  was  to  re- 
duce all  forms  of  jurisdiction,  territorial  or  otherwise,  to 
the  king  or  his  representatives  in  the  central  administration. 
Many  regions  continued  to  have  at  least  the  vestiges  of 
their  former  institutions,  but  enough  was  done  so  that  the 
Spanish  kingdom  may  fairly  be  said  to  have  become  unitary 
for  the  first  time  in  history. 

The  most  notable  change  in  the  machinery  of  government 


POLITICAL   INSTITUTIONS,    1700-1808  431 

concerned  the  development  of  the  secretariats.  There  got  Changea 
to  be  five  of  them,  corresponding  to  the  more  important  of  jnadmin- 
the  Consejos  under  the  Consejo  de  Castilla,  as  follows :  state  J^J^  ^^^ 
(Estado) ;  grace  and  justice  {Gracia  y  Justicia) ;  war  and  chinery. 
finance  (Guerra  y  Hacienda) ;  navy  {Marina) ;  and  the 
Indies  (Indias).  There  were  variations  from  this  arrange- 
ment at  different  times ;  for  example,  the  navy  and  the  Indies 
were  often  a  single  secretariat  in  the  first  half  century  of 
the  era.  Gradually  it  became  the  custom  to  call  the  secre- 
taries ministers,  and  these  officials  began  to  absorb  the 
powers  formerly  confided  to  the  Consejos,  presaging  the 
disappearance  of  the  latter  and  the  development  of  modern 
ministries.  As  already  pointed  out,  they  also  acquired  a 
greater  liberty  and  initiative  in  the  performance  of  their 
duties,  especially  in  the  reigns  of  Ferdinand  VI  and 
Charles  III.  It  was  customary  for  them  to  consult  with 
the  king  every  morning,  however.  No  new  Consejos,  or 
councils,  were  added  in  this  period,  and  the  Consejo  de 
Arag6n,  last  of  the  councils  of  the  former  crown  of  Aragon, 
was  suppressed  in  1707.  Essentially,  the  Consejos  continued 
to  exercise  the  same  functions  as  formerly,  although  losing 
ground  to  the  rapidly  advancing  secretaries,  or  ministers. 
The  Consejo  de  Castilla  retained  its  importance,  however, 
and  its  president,  or  governor,  was  the  leading  officer  of 
state.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  both  the  Consejo  and  the 
Cdmara,  despite  their  retention  of  the  name  Castile,  dealt 
with  the  affairs  of  other  regions  of  the  peninsula,  quite  as 
much  as  did  the  councils  with  more  general  names.  Except 
for  Navarre,  which  continued  to  be  a  viceroyalty,  the  other 
regions  of  Spain  apart  from  New  Castile  (Aragon,  Catalonia, 
Valencia,  Majorca,  Granada,  Andalusia,  Old  Castile,  Galicia, 
Asturias,  Extremadura,  and  the  Canary  Islands)  were  placed 
under  captain-generals  or  commandant-generals  with  mili- 
tary and  administrative  powers.  A  number  of  audiencias 
were  added,  until  now  there  were  eleven  such  bodies  (Valla- 
dolid,  Granada,  Galicia,  Seville,  the  Canaries,  Majorca, 
Valencia,  Saragossa,  Barcelona,  Asturias,  and  Extremadura), 
exercising  both  civil  and  judicial  functions.  In  1718  the 
institution  of  the  intendancies  was  created  to  take  over 


432 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Increased 
royal  con- 
trol over 
the  towns 
and  the 
democrati- 
zation of 
local 
political 
ma- 
chinery. 


financial  administration  in  the  various  regions,  although 
this  reform  was  not  put  into  effect  definitely  until  1749. 
There  were  twenty-three  intendants,  of  whom  six  were  mili- 
tary. Under  the  captain-generals  there  were  smaller  dis- 
tricts ruled  by  correr/idores,  most  of  whom  were  civilians. 
The  judicial  functions  of  the  corregidor  were  gradually 
taken  over  by  alcaldes  mayores,  who  ranked  under  the  corre- 
gidores,  leaving  the  executive  power  in  the  hands  of  the 
latter.  In  some  cases  these  lesser  districts  were  ruled  over 
by  officials  called  military  governors.  The  term  "province" 
was  applied  to  districts  of  very  unequal  size.  While  there 
were  only  eight  in  the  combined  realms  of  Aragon,  Navarre, 
and  the  Basque  provinces,  there  were  twenty-four  in  Castile. 
Charles  III  planned  to  divide  Spain  into  a  number  of  prov- 
inces of  about  the  same  size,  but  did  not  carry  out  his  idea. 
While  municipal  life  as  a  virile  factor  which  might  with- 
stand the  king  had  long  since  been  dead,  there  was  too  much 
local  authority  still  in  existence  to  please  the  autocratic 
Bourbons.  Furthermore,  abuses  in  administration  had 
developed  which  caused  the  kings  to  be  philanthropically 
desirous  of  a  remedy.  To  accomplish  these  ends  they  aimed 
at  a  more  complete  subjection  of  the  towns  to  the  royal 
authority  and  the  democratization  of  the  ayiintamientos. 
The  principal  difficulty  in  the  way  of  these  objectives  was 
the  fact  that  many  municipal  offices  were  held  as  a  perpetual 
right  by  specific  families,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  regidores, 
—  for  which  state  of  affairs  the  kings  of  the  House  of  Austria 
had  not  infrequently  been  responsible  by  their  sales  of  such 
privileges.  This  resulted  in  an  aristocratic  control  of  the 
municipalities,  with  consequent  usurpations  of  land  by  the 
rich  and  the  placing  of  the  burdens  of  taxation  on  the  poor. 
Unable  to  buy  up  these  hereditary  rights  the  royal  govern- 
ment chose  to  follow  what  was  in  effect  a  policy  of  legal  con- 
fiscation. This  was  easily  accomplished  for  Aragon,  Cata- 
lonia, Valencia,  and  Majorca ;  as  already  pointed  out,  the 
king  took  advantage  of  the  outcome  of  the  War  of  the 
Spanish  Succession  to  take  all  of  these  appointments  into 
his  own  hands  or  into  those  of  the  audieyicias.  As  for  Castile, 
laws  were  passed  requiring  the  approval  of  the  central  au- 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,   1700-1808  433 

thorlties  before  an  heir  to  municipal  ofRce  could  succeed  to 
such  an  inheritance.  As  a  result  the  government  was 
enabled  to  refuse  its  assent  in  a  number  of  cases.  Mean- 
while, the  alcaldes  continued  to  be  appointed  by  the  king 
or  by  the  lord,  according  as  they  were  royal  (realengos)  or 
seigniorial  (senorios)  towns.  Even  the  seigniorial  towns 
were  attacked,  for  a  law  of  1802  provided  with  regard  to 
them  that  the  servants  or  dependents  of  the  lord  could  not 
exercise  jurisdiction  in  his  place ;  that  the  royal  institution 
of  the  residencia  was  never  to  be  dispensed  with ;  and  that 
the  alcaldes  mayores  of  the  large  towns  must  be  lawyers  who 
had  been  licensed  to  practice  by  the  royal  consejos  or  au- 
diencias.  No  attempt  was  made  to  disturb  the  composition 
of  the  ayuntamientos  of  Navarre  and  the  Basque  provinces, 
although  these  regions,  like  the  rest  of  Spain,  were  subject 
to  laws  of  a  general  character  concerning  municipalities. 
One  such  general  law,  in  1751,  required  all  municipalities  to 
send  their  accounts  annually  to  the  Cdmara  de  Costilla  for 
inspection,  and  this  was  supplemented  by  a  law  of  1764, 
ordering  them  to  deposit  their  surplus  funds  with  the  royal 
intendant  of  the  province.  Another  decree,  dated  1760, 
assigned  the  direction  of  municipal  finance  to  the  Consejo. 
Yet  other  laws  were  enacted,  the  total  effect  of  which,  to- 
gether with  those  just  mentioned,  was  to  place  the  whole 
question  of  municipal  income  and  expenditures  in  royal 
hands.  The  initiative  for  the  democratization  of  the 
ayuntamientos  came  in  the  reign  of  Charles  III.  In  1766 
he  created  the  post  of  deputy  of  the  common  people  (diputado 
del  coviun),  which  official  was  empowered  to  examine  the 
financial  accounts  of  the  towns.  These  officers,  of  whom 
there  were  to  be  two  in  the  smaller  towns  and  four  in  the 
larger,  were  chosen  by  a  body  of  men  who  had  previously 
been  elected  by  the  people.  In  like  manner  a  popular 
syndic  (sindico)  was  elected  who  represented  the  masses 
before  the  ayuntamiento,  with  a  right  to  take  part  in  de- 
liberations and  to  propose  reforms.  At  the  same  time,  the 
office  of  regidor  was  thrown  open  to  plebeians.  This  law 
was  a  blow  at  the  cahallero  class  of  the  nobility,  which 
had  monopolized  the  holding  of  municipal  office.  There  was 
2p 


434 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Important 
ministers 
of  the  first 
half  cen- 
tury of 
Bourbon 
rule. 


much  dissatisfaction  o\'er  the  enactment,  and  the  Basque 
provinces  went  so  far  as  to  protest.  Nevertheless,  there  was 
no  outward  resistance ;  the  aristocracy  of  the  towns  Hmited 
itself  to  opposing  the  election  of  plebeians  and  to  hindering 
their  action  in  office. 

Despite  the  thoroughgoing  nature  of  the  Bourbon  ab- 
solutism, it  is  fitting  for  the  first  time  to  award  special  credit 
to  the  secretaries  of  state,  or  ministers,  although  the  kings 
were  responsible  for  their  selection  as  well  as  for  their  acts. 
This  was  an  age  of  great  reformers.  The  initiative  came  from 
France  on  the  accession  of  Philip  V,  and  the  first  great  name  is 
that  of  a  Frenchman,  Orry.  When  he  came  to  Spain,  in  1701, 
he  found  that  the  income  of  the  state  was  about  142,000,000 
reales  ($8,875,000)  while  expenditures  were  247,000,000 
($15,437,500).  The  outbreak  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession  made  the  situation  still  worse.  Yet  he  displayed 
such  ability  that  national  receipts  actually  advanced  in 
course  of  the  war,  and  were  some  160,000,000  ($10,000,000) 
at  its  end.  Amelot,  another  Frenchman,  was  an  even  more 
remarkable  figiu*e.  He  cooperated  with  Orry  to  increase 
the  revenues,  and  reorganized  and  bettered  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  army.  The  Italian  Alberoni  and  the  Dutch- 
man Ripperda  were  less  notable  as  reformers.  With  the 
fall  of  the  latter  in  1726  there  began  an  era  of  great  ministers 
of  Spanish  birth.  First  of  these  was  Patino,  who,  though 
born  in  Italy,  was  of  a  Galician  family.  He  was  especially 
prominent  for  his  financial  reforms,  but  was  also  noteworthy 
for  his  measures  to  develop  commerce  and  improve  the  army 
and  navy.  In  an  age  when  graft  was  general,  and  in  a 
country  which  has  rarely  been  backward  in  this  particular, 
Patifio  was  able  to  achieve  the  distinction  of  dying  poor; 
his  death  occurred  in  1736.  The  next  notable  financial 
reformer  was  Campillo,  an  Asturian  who  had  been  born 
poor,  though  of  hidalgo  rank.  More  important,  however, 
was  Somodevilla,  a  Castilian  of  very  humble  birth  who  be- 
came Marquis  of  Ensenada,  by  which  name  he  is  more 
generally  known.  The  period  of  his  power  was  from  1743 
to  1754,  and  his  reforms  covered  the  same  matters  as  those 
mentioned  above  in  the  case  of  Patino,  although  he  was 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,  1700-1808  435 

especially  remarkable  in  his  endeavors  on  behalf  of  the  Span- 
ish navy.  His  fall  in  1754  (as  a  result  of  his  disagreement 
with  Ferdinand  VI  with  regard  to  the  treaty  with  Portugal 
concerning  Sacramento  and  Paraguay)  was  received  with 
rejoicing  in  England;  the  English  ambassador  reported 
exultingly  that  Spain  would  build  no  more  ships.  Ensenada 
was  responsible,  also,  for  the  construction  of  important 
public  works,  and  once  suggested  the  idea  of  single  tax  as 
worthy  of  trial  in  Spain. 

The  greatest  reformers,  however,  belonged  to  the  reign  Great  re- 
of  Charles  III  and  the  early  years  of  Charles  IV.     Earlier  formers  of 
ministers  had  increased  the  national  revenues  and  cut  down     „^^/^'^f^ 

or  \  n  3  Tips 

expenses,  but  the  deficit  had  not  been  wiped  out.  One  of  jjj  ^^^^ 
the  great  names  of  both  of  the  above-named  reigns  was  that  iv. 
of  the  Count  of  Aranda,  of  a  distinguished  Aragonese  noble 
family.  Aranda  was  obstinate,  brutal  in  speech,  aggressive, 
and  energetic,  but  a  man  of  vast  information  and  clear 
foresight,  —  as  witness  his  prediction,  in  1775,  of  the  futm^e 
greatness  of  the  yet  unborn  United  States.  Aside  from  his 
connection  with  Spain's  foreign  policies  he  particularly 
distinguished  himself  while  president  of  the  Con^sejo  de 
Costilla  by  the  reforms,  already  referred  to,  whereby  Madrid 
became  a  clean  and  acceptable  city.  Yet  more  famous  was 
Jose  Monino,  son  of  an  ecclesiastical  notary  of  Murcia, 
who  was  ennobled  as  the  Count  of  Floridablanca.  An 
honorable  man  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  just,  intelligent, 
and  solicitous  for  his  friends,  he  was  hot-tempered,  and 
unbending  in  his  hostility  to  his  opponents.  His  action 
made  itself  felt  in  the  improvement  of  the  means  of  commu- 
nication in  the  peninsula  and  in  his  economic  reforms  of  a 
commercial  nature,  such  as  the  great  free  trade  decree  of  1778, 
which  abandoned  certain  phases  of  the  narrowly  monopo- 
listic policy  which  Spain  had  always  followed  in  her  trade 
with  the  colonies.  Campomanes  was  an  Asturian  and,  like 
Somodevilla,  of  very  humble  birth,  but  he  rose  to  be,  many 
hold,  the  greatest  of  the  men  who  labored  for  the  social  and 
economic  regeneration  of  Spain  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
He  was  also  the  most  representative  of  his  age,  for,  in  addi- 
tion to  his  measures  to  develop  a  better  system  of  internal 


436 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Opposition 
of  vested 
interests 
to  the 
reforms. 


communications  and  to  foster  industry,  commerce,  and 
teclinical  popular  education,  he  was  a  determined  royalist, 
—  the  embodiment,  therefore,  of  the  ideal  of  the  enlightened 
despotism.  Like  Aranda  and  Floridablanca  he  served  for 
a  time  under  Charles  IV,  although  his  greatest  work  belonged 
to  the  reign  of  Charles  III.  Three  names  deserve  mention 
for  the  reign  of  Charles  IV.  Jovellanos  was  an  Asturian 
of  an  illustrious  family.  He  distinguished  himself  by  his 
reforms  in  finance  in  conjunction  with  one  Saavedra,  but 
both  were  early  deprived  of  their  posts,  as  a  result  of  the 
hostility  of  Godoy.  The  third  name  is  that  of  Godoy,  who 
introduced  notable  reforms  in  public  instruction  and  in  the 
organization  of  the  army  and  navy,  —  whatever  may  be 
the  judgment  with  regard  to  his  foreign  policy.  The  names 
of  some  of  the  great  ministers  of  the  Indies  are  also  worthy 
of  record.  In  addition  to  Patiiio  and  Ensenada  the  most 
noteworthy  were  Julian  de  Arriaga  (1750  or  1751-1776) 
and  Jose  de  Galvez  (1776-1787),  especially  the  former. 
The  results,  in  terms  of  revenue,  of  the  activities  of  the 
great  ministers  may  serve  to  give  some  indication  of  the 
effectiveness  of  their  work.  In  1766,  receipts  exceeded  ex- 
penditures by  about  133,000,000  reales  ($8,312,500).  In 
1778  revenues  amounted  to  630,000,000  ($39,375,000) ;  in 
1784  to  685,000,000  ($42,812,500) ;  and  in  1787  to  616,000,000 
($38,500,000).  Though  annual  expenditures  were  much 
less,  the  government  was  never  able  to  overcome  the  deficit, 
although  the  national  debt  reached  its  lowest  point  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  III.  In  1791  revenues  were  some  800,000,000 
($50,000,000),  but  thev  fell  to  a  general  level  of  about 
600,000,000  ($37,500,000)  in  the  years  1793  to  1795,  while 
expenditures,  which  had  reached  708,000,000  ($44,250,000) 
in  1793,  were  1,030,000,000  ($64,375,000)  in  1795.  Thus 
the  deficit  began  to  increase  again,  and  in  1808  it  was  over 
7,200,000.000  reales  ($450,000,000),  an  enormous  sum  as 
national  indebtedness  went  then. 

The  efforts  made  by  the  great  reformers  appear  the  more 
commendable  when  one  considers  the  difficulties  they  had 
to  overcome.  Great  changes  always  run  counter  to  vested 
interests,  but  this  was  more  than  usually  the  case  in  Spain. 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,   1700-1808  437 

The  nobles  and  the  church  were  the  most  powerful  elements 
in  opposition ;    even  though  their  authority  was  but  little, 
as  compared  with  that  of  earlier  years,  they  were  still  able 
to  hinder  the  execution  of  laws  which  damaged  their  interests. 
Nearly  everyone  seemed  to  have  an  exemption  from  taxation, 
or  desired  it,  but  the  reformers  set  themselves  resolutely 
against  that  state  of  affairs.     Their  success  against  the  force  of 
vested  interests  was  only  fair,  for  that  element  was  too  great 
to  overcome ;  the  very  bureaucracy  itself  displayed  a  weak- 
ness in  this  particular,  for  it  insisted  on  the  maintenance  of 
a  custom  which  had  sprung  up  that  government  officials 
might  buy  certain  articles  at  a  fixed  price,  whatever  the 
charge  to   others.     This   calls  to  mind  the  overwhelming  Prevalence 
evil  of  graft,  which  it  seemed  impossible  to  eliminate;    in-  of  graft, 
deed,  high  officials  were  altogether  too  prone  to  regard  it  as 
a  more  or  less  legitimate  perquisite,  and  did  not  hesitate  to 
accept  large  gifts  of  money  from  foreign  diplomats.     Diffi-  Difficulties 
culties  over  questions  of  etiquette,  inherent  in  a  centralized  over  ques- 
bureaucratic  government,  also  stood  in  the  way  of  the  proper  ^^?^^  °^ 
execution  of  the  laws.     For  example,  a  serious  dispute  arose  ^  ^^^1   ^ 
in  1745  between  the  bishop  of  Murcia  and  the  Inquisition,  juris- 
when  the  latter  claimed  that  the  members  of  that  body  diction, 
should  have  a  better  place  in  church  than  others.     It  was  at 
length  decided  that  they  should  not.     In   1782  the  com- 
mandant-general of  Majorca  complained  that  the  wives  of 
the  oidores  of  the  audiencia  had  not  called  on  his  wife  on  the 
occasion  of  the  king's  birthday.     He  was  sustained,  and  the 
regente  (regent,  or  president)  of  the  audiencia  was  imprisoned 
for  a  number  of  months  by  way  of  punishment.     Several 
years  later  the  ladies  of  Palma  complained  that  the  wife  of 
the  commandant-general  was  in  the  habit  of  going  out  in 
the  street  with  an  armed  escort  and  demanding  a  military 
salute.     This  time  the  ladies  were  upheld,  and  the  escort 
was  prohibited.     These  are  only  a  few  instances  out   of 
thousands,  and  if  there  was  so  much  stir  over  such  trifling 
matters  it  can  well  be  imagined  how  much  more  serious  the 
problem  was  in  the  case  of  disputes  between  officials  as  to 
jurisdiction.     Official  etiquette  is  an  important  matter  in  all 
countries,  but  Spaniards  have  always  been  insistent  on  the 


438 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Improve- 
ment of 
the  army 
and  in- 
effectual 
attempts 
at  addi- 
tional 
reforms. 


letter  of  their  rights  and  very  sensitive  over  the  omission  of 
any  act  to  which  their  position  entitles  them.  Furthermore, 
these  controversies  carried  in  their  train  vast  files  of  papers, 
of  charges,  answers  and  countercharges,  and  the  evidence 
of  witnesses.  These  questions  had  to  be  resolved,  causing 
great  expenditure  in  both  time  and  money.  No  country 
was  ever  more  diligent  than  Spain  in  the  multiplication  of 
state  papers  over  affairs  which  ranged  from  those  of  vital 
importance  to  the  most  trivial  incidents.  The  historian 
may  have  cause  to  rejoice  over  the  existence  of  so  much 
material,  but  the  nation  suffered,  —  although  it  is  difficult 
to  see  how  its  contemporary  accumulation  could  have  been 
avoided  in  an  absolutism  like  that  of  the  Spanish  Bourbons. 
One  of  the  principal  objects  of  the  reforms  was  the  re- 
habilitation of  the  army  and  navy  so  that  Spain  might  be 
in  a  better  position  in  international  affairs.  In  the  army 
the  volunteer  system  was  employed  for  a  while,  but  it  was 
effective  only  in  procuring  contingents  of  foreign  mercenaries 
and  in  filling  the  ranks  of  the  royal  guard.  Gradually  the 
idea  of  the  draft  came  into  favor,  and  it  was  tried  several 
times,  becoming  a  definitive  law  in  the  reign  of  Charles  III. 
The  law^  of  Charles  III  provided  that  one  man  in  every  five 
—  hence  the  term  quinta  for  this  institution  —  should  be- 
come subject  to  military  service  for  a  term  of  eight  years. 
This  system  was  resisted  in  all  parts  of  the  peninsula,  but 
was  allowed  to  stand,  although  it  proved  impossible  of  en- 
forcement. Through  graft  or  favor,  whether  of  the  local 
ofiicials  charged  with  administering  the  law  or  of  doctors 
who  examined  the  individual  drawn,  practically  nobody 
was  required  to  serve  except  those  totally  lacking  in  influ- 
ence. It  was  customary  to  seize  tramps  and  petty  criminals 
and  send  them  instead  of  the  legitimately  drafted  men.  The 
government  itself  adopted  the  principle  of  forced  levies,  or 
impressment,  of  vagabonds  and  bad  characters,  but  these 
men  proved  to  be  poor  soldiers  and  deserted  frequently. 
Thus  the  number  of  troops  was  not  great,  but  in  any  event 
it  would  have  been  difficult  to  support  more  numerous  con- 
tingents, owing  to  the  lack  of  funds ;  even  as  matters  were 
it  was  customary  to  grant  a  four  months'  furlough  at  the 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,    1700-1808 


439 


season  when  crops  were  gathered.  In  times  of  war,  rigorous 
methods  were  used  to  get  the  needed  men,  or  else  they  came 
forward  voluntarily,  out  of  patriotism.  The  reserve  was 
formed  by  regional  bodies  of  militia,  which  did  not  draw 
back  when  their  services  were  needed  in  war.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  era  it  is  said  that  there  were  20,000  poorly 
equipped  soldiers  in  the  Spanish  army;  in  1737  the  total  of 
infantry  and  cavalry  was  42,920;  in  1758  the  total  of  all 
arms,  108,777.  Numbers  increased  under  Charles  III,  but 
declined  under  Charles  IV.  In  1808,  at  the  moment  of  the 
outbreak  against  Napoleon,  there  were  from  136,000  to 
147,000  but  only  about  100,000  effective  troops,  and  even 
these  were  badly  armed.  The  situation  becomes  clear  in 
the  light  of  the  expense  involved;  the  army  of  1758,  in  a 
time  of  peace,  cost  some  205,000,000  reales  ($12,812,500), 
a  saving  of  34,000,000  ($2,125,000)  over  the  expenditures 
required  prior  to  the  enactment  of  certain  reforms  by 
Ferdinand  VI.  It  will  be  seen  that  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  annual  revenue  was  needed.  In  this  period  the  hier- 
archy of  officials  (from  the  captain-generals  down  through 
the  various  grades  of  generals,  colonels,  captains,  and  lieu- 
tenants) and  of  military  units  (such  as  brigades,  regiments, 
battalions,  and  companies)  was  established  in,  broadly 
speaking,  the  form  it  has  retained  ever  since.  The  gun  with 
the  bayonet  had  now  become  the  principal  infantry  weapon, 
and  artillery  had  been  developed  to  a  high  point  as  compared 
with  the  previous  era.  Flags  and  uniforms  varied ;  the 
latter  were  picturesque,  but  adapted  more  to  encouraging 
the  soldier's  morale  than  to  developing  his  freedom  of  action. 
A  number  of  military  schools  were  founded  for  the  different 
branches  of  the  service,  —  the  infantry,  cavalry,  artillery, 
and  engineers. 

The  eighteenth  century  marked  the  birth  of  a  real  Spanish 
navy.  At  the  outset,  and  during  the  great  w^ar  which  opened 
the  era,  there  was  virtually  none  at  all,  but  in  1714  Orry  took 
steps,  which  were  later  furthered  by  Alberoni,  Patifio,  and 
especially  by  Ensenada,  to  develop  an  effective  fleet.  In 
1761  there  were  49  men-of-war  {nados),  22  frigates,  and  a 
number  of  smaller  ship.s;  in  1788.  64  men-of-war,  53  frigates, 


Birth  of  a 
real 

Spanish 
navy,  but 
difficulties 
attending 
its  im- 
provement. 


440  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

and  60  boats  of  other  types,  with  50,000  sailors,  20,000  in- 
fantry, 3000  artillerymen,  and  numerous  officials  of  the 
navy  department.  Each  war  with  England  during  the  cen- 
tury resulted  in  the  destruction  of  a  considerable  portion  of 
the  fleet,  and  the  battle  of  Trafalgar,  in  1805,  destroyed  it 
as  a  fighting  unit,  even  though  Spain  still  had  42  men-of-war, 
30  frigates,  and  146  other  ships  in  1806.  The  man-of-war 
was  the  principal  type  of  vessel  employed  in  this  era,  carry- 
ing from  sixty  to  a  hundred  cannon,  while  the  faster  sailing 
frigate  had  from  thirty  to  fifty  cannon.  Many  auxiliary 
vessels  —  transports  and  smaller  fighting  ships,  such  as 
brigs  and  sloops  of  war  —  were  used.  The  galley  went  out 
of  service,  although  one  was  built  as  late  as  1794.  The 
Spanish  navy  suffered  from  a  number  of  defects,  however, 
which  made  it  distinctly  inferior  to  the  English,  or  even  to 
the  French.  The  wood  for  the  masts  was  fragile  and  the 
material  for  the  sails  was  of  bad  quality,  while  boats  were  so 
poorly  taken  care  of,  that  they  deteriorated  rapidly.  The 
provision  of  food  supplies  and  effects  for  the  men  was  faulty, 
and  the  men  on  board,  especially  the  artillerymen  and  the 
infantry,  were  of  very  poor  calibre.  Ensenada  remarked 
that  the  Spanish  navy  of  his  day  was  all  appearances,  with- 
out substance,  but  set  about  to  the  best  of  his  ability  to 
rectify  the  situation.  He  improved  shipyards,  sent  officers 
of  talent  abroad  to  study  the  methods  employed  elsewhere, 
gave  inducements  to  English  shipbuilders  to  come  to  Spain, 
built  shops  for  the  making  of  rigging  and  other  equipment 
needed  on  ships  of  w^ar,  endeavored  to  improve  the  personnel 
of  Spanish  crews,  and  surrounded  himself  with  the  most 
competent  naval  men  he  could  find.  Ensenada  and  the  other 
reformers  did  a  great  deal,  but  they  could  not  overcome  the 
never-ending  difficulties  in  the  way  of  obtaining  men  in 
sufficient  numbers  and  of  suitable  quality  for  the  require- 
ments of  the  navy.  The  fishermen  of  the  Spanish  coasts 
continued  to  be  drafted  as  sailors,  and  became  less  unwilling 
to  serve  than  formerly  when  efforts  were^made  to  be  punctual 
in  payments  of  wages  and  to  protect  the  families  of  the 
mariners.  The  recruiting  of  marine  infantry  and  artillery- 
men, however,  suffered  from  the  same  evil  as  the  raising 


POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS,    1700-1808  441 

of  the  land  forces,  with  one  important  result,  which  was 
that  Spanish  cannon  were  badly  served. 

Naturally,  a  period  so  rich  in  reforms  as  this  was  bound  to  Legisla- 
have  a  great  body  of  legislation.  In  Castile  this  was  almost  ^^on  of  the 
exclusively  in  the  various  forms  of  royal  orders,  recording  f^^^  -_ 
the  directions  given  by  the  king  and  his  ministers,  and  the  ^^-^^  ^g_ 
decisions  of  the  Consejos.  Thus  the  work  of  the  Nueva  copilacidn. 
Recopilacion  of  1567  got  to  be  out  of  date,  although  five  new 
editions  were  published  in  the  eighteenth  century,  with  the 
addition  of  some  of  the  recent  laws.  Finally,  a  proposal 
for  another  codification  was  approved,  and  the  compilation 
was  made  by  Juan  de  la  Reguera,  who  brought  it  out  in 
twelve  books,  under  the  title  of  the  Nodsima  recopilacion 
de  las  leyes  de  Espana  (Newest,  or  Latest,  Compilation  of 
the  Laws  of  Spain).  Reguera  claimed  to  have  solved  the 
problem  of  the  concentration  of  legal  material,  but  in  fact 
his  work  suffered  from  the  same  defects  as  the  earlier  codes 
of  Montalvo  and  Arrieta.  His  distribution  of  the  laws  was 
faulty,  and  he  failed  to  indicate  many  important  acts  which 
were  still  in  force.  Furthermore,  he  reproduced  the  ordi- 
nance of  Alcala  (1348),  repeated  in  the  laws  of  Toro  and  the 
Nueoa  Recopilacidn,  according  to  which  the  laws  of  various 
earlier  codes,  such  as  the  Fuero  Real,  remained  in  effect  in 
so  far  as  they  had  not  been  repealed  by  later  legislation,  and 
the  Partidas  was  valid  as  supplementary  law.  Thus  the 
old  evils  of  the  lack  of  unity  of  the  law  and  lack  of  clearness 
subsisted.  Nobody  could  be  certain  whether  a  law  was  still 
in  effect  or  not,  and  it  remained  the  practice  to  cite  text- 
books and  the  ancient  codes  of  Justinian  on  the  ground  that 
they  might  have  a  bearing  as  supplementary  law,  unless 
there  was  something  clearly  stated  to  the  contrary  in  the 
Nomsima  Recopilaci6n.  In  Catalonia  there  was  a  new  codi- 
fication in  1704,  and  in  Navarre  in  1735.  In  most  of  the 
formerly  separate  legal  jurisdictions,  however,  the  laws  of 
Castile  applied,  henceforth,  as  a  result  of  the  changes  brought 
about,  as  already  mentioned,  at  the  close  of  the  War  of  the 
Spanish  Succession. 

It  remains  to  deal  with  the  relations  of  the  crown  and  the 
church,  to  which  the  next  chapter  is  devoted,  and  to  allude 


442 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Reforms 
in  the 
Americas 
and  their 
results. 


to  the  important  reforms  in  the  Americas.  Much  that  was 
beneficial  to  the  cok)nies  at  the  time  was  achieved,  and  much 
else  which  in  fact  helped  them  to  be  the  better  prepared  in 
the  approaching  combat  with  the  mother  country.  In  the 
main,  however,  the  policies  of  subjection  and  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  revenues  in  the  supposed  interests  of  Spain  were 
followed,  with  the  result  that  resentments  were  kept  alive 
and  ultimate  disaster  invited. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 


STATE   AND   CHURCH,    1700-1808 


If  the  kings  of  the  House  of  Austria  had  displayed  zeal  in 
diminishing  the  range  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  the  Bour- 
bon monarchs,  with  their  accentuated  ideal  of  absolutism, 
were  even  more  insistent  in  that  respect.  The  kings  were 
assisted  by  elements  to  which  they  themselves  were  other- 
wise hostile,  such  as  the  Jansenists  ^  and  the  encyclopedists, 
whose  partisans  furnished  arguments  for  the  royal  authority, 
because  they  opposed  the  rule  of  the  church.  Nevertheless, 
the  monarchical  ideal  of  the  kings  was  sufficient  to  induce 
them  to  attack  the  church,  except  as  concerned  the  purely 
spiritual  interests  of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  the  absolute 
patronage  which  the  kings  enjoyed  in  the  Americas  became 
the  model  of  what  they  wished  to  establish  in  Spain.  There 
were  two  principal  angles  to  the  problem,  that  of  overcoming 
the  intervention  of  the  popes  in  the  affairs  of  the  Spanish 
church,  and  that  of  lessening  the  power  and  the  privileges 
of  the  Spanish  clergy.  As  for  the  intervention  of  the  popes, 
they  exercised  the  right  of  appointment  to  Spanish  benefices 
which  became  vacant  in  any  of  the  so-called  eight  "apostolic 
months,"  and  also  to  those  vacated  in  the  four  "ordinary 
months"  (March,  June,  September,  and  December)  if  the 
death  of  the  holder  occurred  at  Rome ;  considerable  sums  of 
money  were  also  collected  for  papal  dispensations  to  marry, 

1  The  Jansenists  were  a  sect  within  the  Catholic  Church  follow- 
ing the  teachings  of  Cornelis  Jansen  (1585-1638),  who  relied  upon 
the  tenets  of  Saint  Augustine  as  the  basis  for  a  reform  of  the  church. 
They  were  opposed  to  the  doctrine  of  papal  infallibility,  and  were 
bitter  enemies  of  the  Jesuits,  besides  differing  from  other  CathoUcs 
in  certain  points  of  dogma.  Their  \'iews  were  eventually  pro- 
nounced heretical. 

443 


Pro- 
nounced 
zeal  of  the 
Bourbons 
in  sub- 
jecting the 
church. 


The  ele- 
ments in 
contro- 
versy. 


444 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Conflict 
of  the 
kings  with 
the  popes 
in  the  first 
half  cen- 
tury of 
the  era. 


papal  pardons,  and  other  papal  acts  of  an  irregularly  re- 
curring character,  although  government  officials  charged 
that  a  large  part  of  these  moneys  remained  in  the  hands  of 
Spanish  and  Italian  intermediaries  without  reaching  the 
coffers  of  the  pope ;  the  tribunal  of  the  nunciature,  despite 
the  provisions  of  the  papal  brief  of  1537,  had  come  to  be  com- 
posed of  foreign  priests,  and  besides  exercising  its  judicial 
functions  independently  of  the  royal  courts  administered 
the  rents  of  vacant  benefices  {vacantes),  which  gave  rise  to 
accusations  of  abuses  in  the  management  of  the  funds ;  the 
tribunal  of  the  Cruzada,  for  the  collection  of  the  tax  of  that 
name,  was  still  in  papal  hands,  although  the  income  had  fre- 
quently in  the  past  been  granted  to  the  kings  of  Spain ;  and 
finally,  there  existed  the  old  question  of  the  pase  regio,  about 
the  necessity  for  royal  consent  prior  to  the  publication  of 
papal  bulls  and  briefs,  or  in  fact  even  for  the  delivery  of 
pontifical  letters.  As  concerned  the  relations  with  the  local 
clergy,  the  kings  w^ere  preoccupied  wath  such  matters  as  the 
great  numbers  of  churchmen  (especially  the  regular  clergy), 
the  immunities  they  enjoyed,  the  immensity  of  their  landed 
estates  held  in  mortmain,  the  extent  of  the  right  of  asylum 
in  ecclesiastical  edifices,  and  the  power  of  the  Inquisition  and, 
far  more,  that  of  the  Jesuits. 

The  conflict  with  the  papacy  began  at  the  outset  of  the 
reign  of  Philip  V,  for  the  popes  favored  the  candidacy  of  the 
Archduke  Charles  to  the  Spanish  throne.  Philip  V  expelled 
the  nuncio,  suspended  the  court  of  the  nunciature,  and  gave 
orders  against  the  circulation  of  papal  bulls  in  Spain.  These 
measiu'es  were  only  temporary,  during  the  course  of  the  war. 
Nevertheless,  Alberoni,  who  resto  ed  matters  to  their  former 
basis,  had  occasion,  even  though  he  was  a  cardinal  himself, 
to  banish  the  newly  appointed  nuncio.  Finally,  an  agree- 
ment was  reached  in  the  concordat  of  1737  from  which  the 
crown  obtained  some  advantages,  such  as  the  suppression 
of  the  right  of  asylum  in  some  cases  and  its  restriction  in 
others,  the  limitation  of  the  number  of  churchmen  with  rights 
of  personal  immunity,  and  the  giving  of  guarantees  against 
false  allegations  with  a  view  to  extending  the  immunities 
of  church  estates,  together  with  the  derogation  of  this  right 


STATE  AND   CHUKCH,    1700-1808 


445 


for  such  properties  as  the  church  should  acquire  in  future. 
The  concordat  satisfied  nobody,  and  moreover  most  of  its 
provisions  were  not  observed.  When  Ferdinand  VI  ascended 
the  throne,  he  took  steps  to  procure  a  more  acceptable 
arrangement,  for  though  an  exceedingly  devout  Catholic  he 
was  unbending  as  concerned  matters  affecting  the  royal 
authority.  The  result  was  a  fresh  concordat  with  the  pope, 
dated  1753.  Several  important  rights  were  gained  at  this 
time :  in  return  for  a  heavy  money  indemnity  Ferdinand 
obtained  a  recognition  of  the  royal  right  of  patronage  in 
appointments  to  all  church  offices,  except  some  fifty-two  dig- 
nities and  the  naming  of  bishops  to  benefices  vacated  in  the 
four  "ordinary  months" ;  various  kinds  of  papal  taxes  were 
renounced  in  favor  of  Spain ;  the  tax  of  the  cruzada  was 
granted  in  perpetuity  to  the  crown ;  and  the  right  of  exemp- 
tion from  the  taxation  of  lands  held  in  mortmain  was  abol- 
ished. Nevertheless,  the  partisans  of  royalty  were  not  yet 
satisfied. 

Charles  III  was  a  pious  Catholic,  but  carried  the  reform  Success  of 
movement  against  the  church  further  than  any  of  his  prede-  Charles 
cessors.  The  first  step  was  taken  as  a  result  of  a  papal  brief  ^^^^^^^^^^ 
against  a  book  written  by  Mesenghi,  a  French  theologian. 
When  the  Spanish  Inquisition  was  about  to  publish  the  con- 
demnatory document,  the  king  issued  a  decree  of  prohibition. 
This  was  followed  by  royal  orders  of  1761  and  1762  making 
the  following  enactments  :  that  no  papal  bull,  brief,  or  other 
pontifical  letter  should  be  allowed  to  circulate  or  be  obeyed, 
whatever  might  be  its  subject-matter,  unless  it  should  pre- 
viously have  been  presented  to  the  king,  or  in  certain  cases 
of  lesser  moment  to  the  Consejo,  so  that  a  decision  might  be 
reached  whether  it  interfered  with  the  royal  prerogative, 
before  a  license  to  publish  would  be  granted ;  that  the  In- 
quisition should  publish  only  such  edicts  as  were  forwarded 
to  it  by  the  king  ;  and  that  it  should  condemn  no  book  with- 
out giving  the  author  a  chance  to  defend  himself.  Through 
the  influence  of  his  mother,  Isabel  Farnesio,  Charles  was 
persuaded  to  suspend  these  decrees,  but  they  were  put  into 
effect  in  1768  when  the  pope  issued  a  bull  censuring  the  Bour- 
bon Duke  of  Parma,  a  relative  of  Charles  III,  for  his  appli- 


confliot 
with  the 
popes. 


446 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPMN 


of  the 
Spanish 
church  by 
Charles 
UI. 


cation  of  the  pase  regio  in  his  domain.  A  further  step  was 
taken  in  1771,  when  the  pope  consented  to  the  reform  of  the 
nunciature,  whereby  that  tribunal,  henceforth  called  the 
Rota,  was  to  be  composed  of  six  Spanish  judges  nominated 
Subjection  by  the  king  and  appointed  by  the  pope.  A  great  many 
measures  were  also  undertaken  in  this  reign  to  subject  the 
Spanish  clergy  to  the  royal  authority,  and  to  better  economic 
and  religious  conditions.  The  following  enactments  were 
representative  of  this  phase  of  the  royal  policy  :  the  recourse 
of  fnerza  was  frequently  employed  in  cases  of  conflict  of  laws 
between  the  civil  and  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  and  the  juris- 
diction of  the  former  was  favored;  a  law  of  1766  required 
bishops  to  exercise  vigilance  to  see  that  priests  should  say 
nothing  against  the  government  or  the  members  of  the  royal 
family,  and  even  the  alcaldes  were  given  authority  to  assist 
in  this  regard  in  conserving  the  good  name  of  the  state  and 
its  rulers ;  the  rights  of  asylum  in  churches  and  the  personal 
immunities  of  churchmen  were  limited,  as  by  a  law  of  1774, 
according  to  which  such  rights  were  not  to  obtain  in  the  case 
of  those  guilty  of  participation  in  riots ;  in  1780  it  was  ordered 
that  the  profits  of  vacant  rural  benefices  should  be  applied 
to  the  repair  of  churches  of  the  diocese  or  to  the  repopulation 
of  abandoned  districts;  bishops  were  prohibited  by  a  law 
of  1781  from  appointing  vicars  without  the  prior  consent  of 
the  king ;  an  attempt  was  made  in  1786  to  do  away  with  the 
custom  of  burying  deceased  persons  in  churches,  but  the 
effort  was  unsuccessful,  owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  clergy ; 
in  the  same  year  ecclesiastical  judges  were  forbidden  to  handle 
the  temporal  aspects  of  matrimonial  cases,  being  restricted 
to  decisions  affecting  the  canonical  bonds  established  by 
marriage;  and  in  1787  all  cases  of  smuggling  were  removed 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  even  though 
a  churchman  were  involved.  In  the  reign  of  Charles  IV 
there  were  intervals  when  the  church  was  less  rigorously 
dealt  with,  but  the  majority  of  the  ministers  followed  the 
tradition  of  their  predecessors. 

There  had  been  many  complaints  against  the  Inquisition 
in  the  period  of  the  Hapsburg  kings,  but  they  became  more 
frequent  in  the  far  more  tolerant  eighteenth  century,  and  now 


STATE  AND  CHURCH,    1700-1808  447 

that  the  monarchs  no  longer  regarded  the  danger  of  heresy  Royal 
as  serious  they  were  reinforced  by  the  royal  poHcy  of  reducing  action 
all  outstanding  phases  of  authority.  The  conflict  with  the  piminish- 
Inquisition  was  fought  out  over  the  following  issues :  ques-  power  of 
tions  of  jurisdiction  between  the  civil  courts  and  that  of  the  the  In- 
Inquisition ;  abuse  of  power  by  the  Inquisition,  which  was  quisition. 
accused  of  using  its  authority  in  matters  of  religion  as  a 
political  arm ;  decrees  of  the  Inquisition  inconsistent  with 
those  of  the  king,  or  failures  to  observe  the  royal  claims  of 
a  right  to  apply  the  pase  regio;  arbitrary  condemnations  of 
books  by  the  Inquisition ;  and  the  extraordinary  amplitude 
of  cases  falling  within  the  purview  of  its  tribunals,  such  as 
those  of  usury,  smuggling,  the  importation  of  coin  into  the 
kingdom,  and  the  raising  of  horses,  all  of  which  were  far  re- 
moved from  the  primary  objects  of  the  institution.  Not 
much  was  done  until  the  reign  of  Charles  III.  That  monarch 
had  already  shown  himself  hostile  to  the  Inquisition  while 
king  of  Naples,  prior  to  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  Spain. 
One  of  his  earliest  acts  as  king  of  Spain  was  the  banishment 
of  the  inquisitor  general  when  the  latter  protested  against 
the  royal  edict  in  the  already  mentioned  Mesenghi  case,  fol- 
lowed by  the  legislation  of  1761  and  1762  referred  to  above. 
When  the  inquisitor  was  allowed  to  return,  Charles  warned 
the  other  officers  of  the  Inquisition  not  to  disobey  the  king 
in  future.  In  1770  many  of  the  cases  of  a  secular  character 
were  removed  from  inquisitorial  jurisdiction,  and  in  1784 
it  was  ordered  that  all  processes  against  grandees  or  the 
ministers  or  employes  of  the  king  should  be  submitted  to 
the  monarch.  The  reduction  of  the  Inquisition  was  carried 
still  further  under  Charles  IV.  Godoy,  Jovellanos,  and 
Urquijo  thought  of  abolishing  it,  but  fortunate  turns  in  the 
political  situation  intervened  to  postpone  such  action.  It 
was  provided  in  1799  that  no  subject  of  the  king  should  be 
arrested  by  the  Inquisition  without  royal  authorization,  and 
the  methods  of  trial  employed  by  that  institution  were  modi- 
fied in  the  interests  of  doing  away  with  the  former  secrecy 
and  the  seclusion  of  the  accused.  In  1804  the  king  banished 
several  members  of  the  Inquisition  who  had  opposed  the 
freeing  of  an  individual  whom  one  of  the  lesser  branches  of 


448 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Increased 
hostility 
against  the 
Jesuits. 


that  organization  had  pronounced  guiltless.  Its  decline  was 
also  evidenced  by  the  falling  off  in  its  revenues  as  compared 
with  the  yield  of  earlier  times.  Many  of  its  buildings  were  in 
a  state  of  bad  repair,  and  its  employees  often  died  in  poverty. 
Nevertheless,  its  properties  were  said  to  be  worth  nearly 
170,000,000  realcs  (over  $10,000,000)  at  the  end  of  the  era, 
and  a  state  offer  of  2,000,000  a  year  ($125,000),  in  exchange 
for  its  right  to  confiscate  the  goods  of  persons  convicted  of 
crimes  against  religion,  was  refused.  In  addition,  there  was 
the  wealth  of  the  Inquisition  in  the  colonies ;  the  great  Ger- 
man traveler  and  naturalist,  Alexander  von  Humboldt, 
estimated  that  the  annual  income  of  the  Inquisition  in  New 
Spain  alone  was  800,000  reales  ($50,000).  Although  the 
Inquisition  of  the  eighteenth  century  had  but  a  shadow  of 
its  former  power,  it  was  able  to  bring  influential  persons  to 
trial,  including  great  churchmen,  members  of  the  higher 
nobility,  and  ministers  of  state,  but  it  did  not  always  take 
effective  action  in  these  cases.  Godoy  was  accused  on  three 
occasions,  being  charged  with  atheism,  immorality,  and 
bigamy,  but  the  queen  would  not  consent  to  his  arrest,  and 
he  was  able  to  procure  the  banishment  of  several  of  those  who 
had  intervened  in  this  matter. 

The  case  of  the  Jesuit  order  was  similar  to  that  of  the  In- 
quisition, but  the  result  of  royal  action  was  even  more  de- 
cisive. The  hostility  to  the  Jesuits  in  Catholic  countries, 
already  very  great  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries, 
was  even  more  intense  in  the  eighteenth.  The  other  reli- 
gious orders  and  the  secular  clergy  were  almost  a  unit  in  op- 
posing them,  for  the  Jesuits  occupied  a  dominant  place  in 
church  affairs,  and  were  charged  with  tyrannizing  over  the 
others  both  in  matters  of  theology  and  in  questions  of  a  tem- 
poral character.  The  ranks  of  their  enemies  were  swelled 
by  the  continued  adhesion  of  the  universities  to  the  Jesuit 
opposition  and  by  the  encyclopedists.  The  former  com- 
plained because  the  youth  were  attending  the  Jesuit  colleges, 
especially  the  nobility,  from  whom  the  leading  ministers  of 
state  were  chosen,  thus  continuing  the  Jesuit  influence,  while 
those  who  were  more  or  less  addicted  to  encyclopedist  views 
were  hostile  to  the  order  both  because  of  its  power  in  the 


STATE  AND  CHURCH,   1700-1808 


449 


church  and  because  of  its  partisanship  in  favor  of  papal  juris- 
diction and  authority.  In  defending  themselves  the  Jesuits 
had  the  support  of  many  royal  ministers  and  of  the  kings 
themselves  for  over  half  a  century ;  Philip  V  and  Ferdinand 
VI  as  well  as  Isabel  Farnesio  and  the  children  of  Charles  III 
had  Jesuit  confessors.  Furthermore,  the  once  hostile  In- 
quisition became  an  instrument  in  Jesuit  hands  when  that 
order  got  control  of  the  institution.  Finally,  the  Jesuits 
had  achieved  vast  power  as  a  result  of  their  hold  on  the  af- 
fections of  great  numbers  of  the  people,  high  and  low,  and 
in  consequence  of  the  extraordinary  wealth  which  they  had 
accumulated. 

It  was  not  until  the  reign  of  Charles  III  that  any  effective  Exptilsion 
action  was  taken  against  them.  While  yet  king  of  Naples,  and  sup- 
Charles  had  demonstrated  his  lack  of  cordiality  toward  the  PJ^^^^^*^^  ^^ 
Jesuit  order,  and  had  begun  to  feel  a  suspicion,  in  common  Jesuits, 
with  other  European  monarchs,  that  the  Jesuits  might  prove 
to  be  a  danger  to  the  state ;  in  view  of  the  actual  power  which 
the  Jesuits  possessed,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the 
ultra-absolutist  statesmen  and  kings  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury should  look  upon  them  with  disfavor.  In  the  very 
year  that  Charles  became  king  of  Spain  they  were  expelled 
from  Portugal,  and  in  the  years  1764  to  1767  similar  action 
was  taken  in  France.  The  accession  of  Charles  was  a  blov/ 
to  the  Jesuits  in  Spain,  who  now  lost  their  influential  place 
at  court.  Four  events  of  a  political  character  tended  to 
increase  the  feeling  of  hostility  toward  them.  One  of  these 
occurred  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand,  when  the  Jesuits  of 
Paraguay  opposed  the  cession  of  that  territory  to  Portugal 
in  exchange  for  Sacramento.  The  Indians  of  Paraguay  rose 
in  rebellion  against  the  transfer,  and  it  was  believed  that  the 
Jesuits  were  in  some  way  concerned.  The  second  of  the 
events  was  the  attempted  assassination  of  the  kings  of  Por- 
tugal and  France,  which  was  attributed  to  the  Jesuit  order 
on  account  of  the  hostility  of  those  monarchs  to  the  Jesuits. 
Many  were  of  the  opinion  that  Charles  might  be  in  danger 
of  a  like  fate.  In  the  third  place  friction  arose  between 
Charles  and  the  Jesuits  as  a  result  of  the  former's  advocacy 
of  the  canonization  of  Juan  de  Palafox,  a  seventeenth  century 
2a 


450  A   HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

bishop  of  Puebla  de  los  Angeles  in  New  Spain.  The  Jesuits 
opposed  the  king  in  this  matter,  and  even  procured  the  re- 
moval from  the  palace  of  the  works  of  Palafox  which  Charles 
had  given  to  members  of  his  family.  The  fourth  matter  was 
of  far  more  consequence,  —  the  riots  of  1766  at  the  time  when 
the  proposals  of  Squillace  with  regard  to  the  modification 
of  Spanish  dress  were  enacted  into  law.  On  that  occasion 
there  was  grave  disorder  in  Madrid,  including  an  attack  on 
the  king's  guards,  a  number  of  whom  were  cruelly  put  to 
death.  The  king  was  obliged  to  yield  to  the  demands  of  the 
mob,  and  a  few  days  later  unexpectedly  left  INIadrid  for 
Aranjuez,  —  a  virtual  flight,  taken  as  a  measure  of  precau- 
tion. Not  only  in  Madrid,  but  also  in  Saragossa,  Cuenca, 
Guadalajara,  Alicante,  Salamanca,  Daroca,  Tobarra,  Mom- 
beltran,  Murcia,  San  Lucar,  Huesca,  Borja,  San  Ildefonso, 
Azcoytia,  Villena,  Ciudad  Real,  Jumilla,  Coruna,  Alcaraz, 
Quero,  Las  Mesas,  Aranjuez,  Palencia,  and  Navalcarnero 
there  were  similar  outbreaks,  and  it  seemed  likely  that  Bar- 
celona might  also  give  trouble.  In  fine,  there  appeared  to 
be  an  organized  attempt  at  rebellion,  and  Charles  and  his 
ministers  believed,  or  at  least  pretended  to  believe,  that  the 
Jesuits  were  behind  it.  Most  probably  the  order  itself  did 
not  promote  the  riots,  although  several  of  its  members  were 
compromised,  but  late  in  1766  it  was  formally  charged  with 
responsibility  by  the  Consejo.  In  January,  1767,  the  Con- 
sejo  proposed  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  Spain.  The 
matter  was  submitted  to  a  special  junta,  or  council,  which 
concurred  in  the  recommendation  of  the  Consejo,  after  which 
the  decision  was  presented  to  various  ecclesiastical  person- 
ages, who  likewise  expressed  their  approval.  It  was  decided, 
however,  to  say  nothing  of  the  motives,  and  the  part  of  the 
proceedings  concerning  them  has  disappeared.  Neverthe- 
less, a  document  of  Campomanes  is  at  hand  summing  up  some 
of  the  charges  made  at  the  meeting  of  the  Consejo.  They 
were  the  following :  responsibility  for  the  Squillace  riots ; 
the  diffusion  of  maxims  contrary  to  the  royal  and  the  canon 
law ;  a  spirit  of  sedition  (of  which  some  evidence  was  intro- 
duced) ;  treasonable  relations  with  the  English  in  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands;    monopolization  of  commerce  and  excess  of 


STATE  AND  CHURCH,   1700-1808  451 

power  in  the  Americas ;  a  too  great  pride,  leading  them  to 
support  the  doctrines  of  Rome  against  the  king ;  advocacy 
by  many  Jesuit  writers  of  the  right  of  tyrannicide ;  poHtical 
intrigues  against  the  king;  and  aspiration  for  universal 
monarchy.  While  the  evidence  in  support  of  these  charges 
is  no  longer  available,  it  is  clear  that  they  were  exaggerated, 
or  even  without  foundation,  —  at  least  in  the  case  of  their 
supposed  relations  with  the  English.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  intensely  royalist  ministers  of  the  era  of  the  enlightened 
despotism  would  have  felt  grave  concern  where  a  more  dem- 
ocratic age  might  have  found  no  cause  for  worry.  Some 
historians  claim  that  Charles  hesitated  to  sign  the  decree, 
because  the  Jesuit  general  was  said  to  have  threatened  the 
publication  of  documents  purporting  to  show  that  the  king 
was  the  illegitimate  son  of  Isabel  Farnesio  and  Alberoni, 
and  others  assert  that  Charles  was  given  reason  to  believe 
that  the  Jesuits  planned  to  assassinate  him  and  the  members 
of  his  family  if  the  expulsion  were  promulgated.  Whatever 
the  truth  may  be,  he  delayed  only  a  few  days,  signing  the 
decree  on  February  27,  1767.  The  Count  of  Aranda  was 
charged  with  its  execution,  and  proceeded  to  fulfill  that  duty 
with  great  secrecy  and  despatch,  so  that  the  blow  should  fall 
simultaneously  and  without  warning  in  all  parts  of  Spain's 
dominions.  Never  was  a  decree  more  carefully  carried  out. 
On  the  night  of  March  31  in  Madrid,  and  on  the  next  night 
in  the  provinces,  the  Jesuits  were  surprised  in  their  estab- 
lishments and  told  that  they  must  leave  Spain.  There  were 
at  this  time  2746  Spanish  Jesuits  in  120  institutions,  scattered 
through  117  towns.  In  the  Americas  the  decree  was  carried 
out  later  in  the  same  year  or  early  in  1768,  and  in  some  cases 
there  was  popular  resistance  to  their  expulsion,  although  no 
untoward  incidents  of  that  character  had  occurred  in  Spain. 
Without  consulting  the  pope,  Charles  decided  to  send  the 
Jesuits  to  the  Papal  States,  although  on  the  eve  of  the  ex- 
pulsion he  informed  the  pope  of  his  intention,  promising  also 
to  pay  the  Jesuits  enough  to  permit  them  to  live  in  a  fitting 
manner.  Despite  the  pope's  entire  sympathy  with  the 
Jesuits,  there  were  reasons  why  he  did  not  wish  them  to  land 
in  his  territory,  and  when  the  boats  which  were  carrying 


452 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Royal 

attempts 
to  reduce 
the  finan- 
cial im- 
munities 
of  the 
church. 


them  arrived  off  Civita  Vecchia,  the  port  of  Rome,  Cardinal 
Torrigiani  ordered  them  to  keep  away,  threatening  to  open 
fire  on  them  if  they  should  not.  Thereupon,  they  went  to 
Corsica,  where  the  Jesuits  were  landed,  being  joined  later 
by  their  American  brethren.  Finally,  the  pope  consented 
to  their  establishing  themselves  in  Bologna  and  Ferrara, 
where  some  ten  thousand  from  Spain  and  the  Americas  found 
a  haven,  —  much  against  the  will  of  the  secular  clergy  of 
those  places.  Charles  now  set  about  to  procure  the  disso- 
lution of  the  order,  and  in  this  he  was  aided  by  the  kings  of 
Portugal,  France,  and  Naples,  from  which  last-named  coun- 
try the  Jesuits  had  also  been  expelled  late  in  1767.  In  1773 
their  efforts  were  at  length  successful,  as  a  result,  very  largely, 
of  the  skillful  diplomatic  achievements  of  Jose  Monino, 
Spain's  special  representative  at  the  papal  court.  For  his 
work  in  this  matter  Monino  was  rewarded  with  the  title  of 
Count  of  Floridablanca. 

One  of  the  leading  preoccupations  of  the  kings  in  dealing 
with  the  Spanish  clergy  was  to  reduce  the  immunities  of  a 
financial  character  which  they  enjoyed.  Ever  since  the 
thirteenth  century,  efforts  had  been  made  with  that  object 
in  view,  and  considerable  success  had  been  attained  by  the 
Hapsburg  kings,  while  the  attempts  of  the  Bourbon  mon- 
archs  to  check  the  acquisition  of  lands  by  the  church  or  to 
render  at  least  a  portion  of  them  subject  to  taxation  have 
already  been  traced  in  the  chapter  on  social  institutions.  A 
great  deal  remained  to  be  done,  however,  before  the  church 
would  be  reduced  to  the  level  of  the  bourgeois  class  in  the 
pa;VTnent  of  tributes.  For  a  proper  appreciation  of  this 
subject  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  many  sources  of 
income  of  the  Spanish  church.  In  addition  to  the  profits 
from  their  lands,  cattle,  and  quit-rents  (censos),  churchmen 
received  tithes  (diezmos),  first-fruits  (primicias),  fees  for 
masses,  marriages,  funerals,  and  burials,  alms  for  the  mendi- 
cant orders,  gifts,  and  still  other  forms  of  contributions  from 
persons  and  lands  not  under  their  economic  control.  Their 
seigniorial  rights  were  still  extensive,  for  as  late  as  1787  there 
were  3148  towns  of  one  type  or  another  under  their  rule. 
To  be  sure,  portions  of  these  revenues  were  already  being 


STATE  AND   CHURCH,    1700-1808  453 

paid  to  the  crown,  while  many  former  ecclesiastical  earnings 
had  altogether  disappeared,  or  had  been  taken  over  by  the 
state.  In  some  places  the  clergy  were  subject  to  certain 
taxes,  and  in  others  they  were  not ;  in  Castile  churchmen 
paid  part  of  the  alcabala;  in  Catalonia  they  paid  all  the 
royal  tributes.  The  laws  of  the  century  displayed  a  con- 
sistent intention  on  the  part  of  the  kings  to  reduce  their 
financial  immunities  still  further.  Thus  in  1721  the  clergy 
of  Castile  and  the  Canaries  were  required  to  pay  customs 
duties  which  had  not  previously  been  exacted  from  them; 
in  1737  a  tax  of  thirty-three  per  cent  was  levied  on  all  new 
landed  possessions  of  the  church  in  Valencia ;  in  the  con- 
cordat of  the  same  year  the  pope  granted  that  all  lands 
thenceforth  coming  into  the  possession  of  ecclesiastical  in- 
stitutions might  be  taxed  in  the  same  manner  as  those  of  lay 
individuals,  if  the  king  should  so  decide ;  when  Charles  III 
was  about  to  ascend  the  Spanish  throne.  Pope  Benedict  XIV 
granted  him  the  eventual  subjection  of  the  clergy  to  the  same 
tributary  basis  as  laymen;  in  1763  the  clergy  of  the  crown 
of  Aragon  were  ordered  to  pay  the  alcabala  from  that  time 
forth;  in  1765  churchmen  in  general  were  made  subject  to 
the  military  tax  of  the  milicias  (militia),  and  in  1780  the 
pope  authorized  the  king  to  collect  up  to  one  third  of  the 
income  of  benefices  to  which  the  king  had  the  right  of  nomi- 
nation. These  provisions  were  not  carried  out  in  full ;  there 
would  no  longer  have  been  any  financial  question  between 
the  kings  and  the  church  if  they  had  been.  Aside  from  the 
royal  gains  of  a  legislative  character  the  clergy  were  often 
induced,  or  compelled,  to  make  special  grants  to  the  state 
in  times  of  war,  and  occasionally  they  came  forward  of  their 
own  free  will.  When  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  in  1767, 
their  properties  were  confiscated,  although  the  government 
announced  that  in  applying  the  proceeds  it  would  bear  in 
mind  the  objects  of  donors  to  the  Jesuits,  the  interests  of 
religion,  and  public  utility.  Nothing  definite  is  known  as 
to  the  amount  of  wealth  this  yielded  to  the  state,  although 
it  must  have  been  considerable.  Many  writers  have  made 
fanciful  estimates  as  to  the  Jesuit  properties,  especially  w^ith 
regard  to  their  holdings  in  the  Americas,  some  of  them 


454 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Reduction 
of  the 
number  of 
persons  in 
religious 
service. 


Attempts 
at  internal 
reform  of 
the 
chiirch. 


exaggerating  their  value,  and  others  going  to  the  opposite  ex- 
treme to  make  them  appear  inconsequential.  Nevertheless, 
despite  the  progress  made  by  the  Bourbons,  the  church  was 
still  enormously  wealthy  at  the  end  of  the  era;  it  is  said 
that  their  annual  income  reached  1,101,753,430  reales  (about 
$70,000,000). 

The  statesmen  and  economists  of  the  Bourbon  era  gave 
considerable  attention  to  the  problems  arising  from  the  great 
numbers  of  the  clergy,  taking  steps  to  prevent  an  increase 
in  the  membership  of  religious  orders  and  to  bring  about  a 
reduction  in  the  list  of  benefices  and  chaplaincies.  The  reign 
of  Charles  III  was  especially  notable  in  this  regard,  and  much 
was  achieved.  Still,  though  there  were  more  churchmen 
and  religious  institutions  in  the  Hapsburg  period  at  a  time 
when  the  population  was  not  so  great,  there  were  2067  con- 
vents for  men  and  1122  for  women  in  1787,  with  61,998  who 
had  taken  vows  and  71,070  others  who  had  not  (though 
living  at  the  convents),  besides  70,170  members  of  the  secu- 
lar clergy.  Thus  there  were  over  200,000  persons  in  reli- 
gious service  in  a  total  population  of  about  10,400,000,  or  one 
for  every  fifty-two  persons.^  By  1797  the  numbers  had  been 
materially  lessened.  At  that  time  there  were  93,397  men  and 
women  connected  with  the  institutions  of  the  regular  clergy, 
in  2051  convents  for  men  and  1075  for  women,  and  58,833 
priests.  In  1808  there  were  eight  archbishoprics  and  fifty- 
two  bishoprics  in  Spain,  sustaining  648  dignitaries,  1768 
canons,  216  prebends,  and  200  half  prebends. 

The  question  of  the  numbers  of  the  clergy  was  closely  re- 
lated to  the  never-ending  problem  of  reform  in  the  internal 
life  of  the  church.  While  matters  were  not  so  bad  as  they 
had  been  in  earlier  times,  and  while  Spanish  churchmen 
compared  very  favorably  with  those  of  some  other  countries, 
—  for  example,  those  of  France,  —  the  necessity  for  correc- 
tion was  nevertheless  clear.  Despite  the  fact  that  the  church 
furnished  many  of  the  most  distinguished  names  of  the  era 
in  intellectual  attainments,  the  mass  of  the  lower  clergy  was 
decidedly   uncultivated.     There  was   a   marked   relaxation 

1  On  the  basis  of  the  usual  size  of  Spanish  families,  this  would 
have  meant  one  churchman  to  every  five  to  ten  adult  men. 


STATE   AND   CHURCH,    1700-1808 


455 


In  discipline.  Many  churchmen  absented  themselves  from 
their  livings  to  become  hangers-on  at  court/  with  the  result 
that  the  kings  seven  times  in  less  than  fifty  years  expelled 
all  priests  from  Madrid  whose  parishes  were  not  in  that  city. 
It  was  also  deemed  necessary  to  pass  laws  forbidding  clergy- 
men to  wear  lay  dress,  for  it  was  claimed  that  they  used  it 
as  a  disguise,  enabling  them  the  more  easily  to  indulge  in 
immoral  practices.  Many  clergymen  were  punished  for 
improper  solicitations  in  the  confessional.  Steps  tow^ard 
reform  were  taken  by  the  popes  in  1723,  1737,  and  1753,  — 
the  two  latter  times  in  connection  with  the  concordats  of 
those  years.  The  measures  of  the  pope  provided  rules  for 
the  instruction  and  discipline  of  the  clergy  and  sought  to 
diminish  the  numbers  of  clergymen  and  of  benefices  and 
chaplaincies. 

Outwardly  there  was  little  difference  between  this  period 
and  the  one  before  it  in  the  persecution  of  heresy  and  the 
effort  to  attain  religious  unity.  Both  of  these  ideals  con- 
tinued to  be  proclaimed  in  the  laws,  and  the  Inquisition  made 
its  accusations  and  condemnations  and  published  its  indices 
of  prohibited  books  as  formerly,  but  in  fact  a  great  change 
had  come  over  the  spirit  in  which  the  laws  were  interpreted. 
Such  a  rigorous  policy  to  stamp  out  heresy  as  that  employed 
by  Philip  II  in  the  Low  Countries  was  no  longer  thinkable, 
and  while  the  Hapsburg  kings  had  based  their  international 
policy  on  the  re-establishment  of  Catholic  unity,  cost  what 
it  might,  the  Bourbons  completely  abandoned  that  idea. 
The  treaties  of  Westphalia  in  1648  seemed  to  have  settled 
the  question  of  religious  warfare,  with  an  acknowledgment 
of  the  right  of  Protestant  nations  to  exist  apart  from  the 
Catholic  Church.  Henceforth,  wars  were  to  be  for  various 
objects,  mainly  political  and  economic  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  but  not  for  religion. 

The  new  spirit  was  manifested  in,  and  was  to  some  extent 
caused  by,  the  frequency  of  communications  between  Cath- 
olics and  Protestants  or  between  Catholics  and  anti-church 


Diminu- 
tion in 
the  rigor 
of  religious 
persecu- 
tions. 


1  One  well-known  case  of  clerical  impropriety  was  that  of  the 
two  ambitious  priests  whom  Queen  Maria  Luisa  employed  as  spies 
to  keep  her  informed  whether  Godoy  were  faithful  to  her  or  not. 


456 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Inter- 
relations 
of  the 
different 
religious 
elements. 


elements,  such  as  the  encyclopedists  and  Jansenists.  In 
earlier  times,  such  a  correspondence  would  have  been  a 
serious  religious  crime  which  even  the  most  prominent  would 
have  been  afraid  to  attempt ;  now,  it  was  not  generally  re- 
garded as  seriously  reprehensible,  though  far  from  being 
looked  upon  with  favor,  and  many  churchmen  themselves 
might  have  been  held  guilty  if  charges  on  this  account  had 
been  brought.  The  quarrels  of  different  factions  in  the 
church  among  themselves,  notably  the  opposition  to  the 
Jesuits,  and  the  intensely  royalist  policy  of  the  kings  tended 
in  the  same  direction.  Some  evidences  of  the  new  attitude 
toward  religion  were  also  to  be  found  in  the  laws.  A  treaty 
of  1713  with  the  Netherlands  allowed  Protestants  of  that 
country  having  business  in  Spain  to  reside  in  the  peninsula, 
and  a  like  privilege  was  granted  to  Spanish  Catholics  in  the 
Netherlands.  The  asiento  treaty  with  England  in  the  same 
year  did  not,  as  had  at  first  been  proposed,  restrict  to  Cath- 
olics the  privileges  thereby  granted  to  Englishmen.  A  series 
of  treaties  with  Morocco,  Tripoli,  Tunis,  and  Turkey  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  III  allowed  of  Catholic  worship  by  Spaniards 
in  those  countries,  and  agreed  that  Moslems  coming  to  Spain 
should  be  respected  in  their  religion.  A  general  law  of  1797 
provided  that  any  foreign  artist  or  artisan  could  establish 
himself  in  the  peninsula,  and  in  case  he  were  not  a  Catholic 
he  was  not  to  be  molested  in  his  religious  opinions.  The 
Jews  were  excluded  from  the  operation  of  the  law,  however. 
Charles  III  had  been  favorable  to  a  policy  of  toleration 
toward  them  as  well,  and  had  issued  a  decree  in  1741,  when 
he  was  king  of  Naples,  permitting  of  their  entry  into  his 
kingdom,  but  public  opinion  was  still  too  strongly  opposed 
to  them,  and  he  was  obliged  to  recall  his  decree.  Two  min- 
isters of  Charles  IV,  Urquijo  and  Varela,  made  a  like  pro- 
posal, but  he  did  not  dare  to  follow  their  advice ;  rather,  he 
expressly  declared  in  a  decree  of  1802  that  the  existing  laws 
and  practices  with  respect  to  the  Jews  should  continue  to 
be  observed.  The  Inquisition  directed  its  activities  in  this 
period  to  attacking  the  new  philosophic  and  religious  ideas 
and  to  defending  itself  as  well  as  it  could  from  the  inroads  of 
royalism,  while  there  were  still  numerous  processes  against 


STATE   AND   CHURCH,    1700-1808 


457 


Under- 
Ijang  spirit 
of  intoler- 
ance and 


superstitious  practices,  Jewish  worship,  and  the  crimes  of 
bigamy  and  notorious  immorality.  The  number  of  eases 
before  the  Inquisition  was  not  less  than  formerly,  and  not  a 
few  persons,  especially  Jews  and  Illuminati,  were  put  to  death. 
In  general,  however,  greater  leniency  was  displayed,  and  the 
Inquisition  was  no  longer  the  much  feared  institution  it  once 
had  been. 

Nevertheless,  both  the  clergy  and  the  great  majority  of 
the  people  remained  as  intolerant  as  ever.  Ignorance  played 
no  small  part  in  this  feeling;  thus  French  priests  expelled 
from  their  country  at  the  time  of  the  revolution  were  sus-  Catholic 
pected  of  heresy,  and  the  general  opinion  of  the  Spanish  fervor, 
common  people  with  regard  to  Frenchmen  was  that  they 
were  all  not  only  heretics  or  atheists  but  also  cannibals.  The 
ideal  of  toleration  hardly  passed  beyond  the  narrow  circle 
of  the  upper  classes,  but  it  was  they  who  decided  the  policy 
of  the  state ;  indeed,  the  attitude  toward  religion  in  this 
period  perfectly  exemplified  the  workings  of  the  benevolent 
despotism.  The  very  men  who  expressed  tolerant  views  and 
framed  legislation  to  that  end  were  pious  in  their  private  life, 
furnishing  numerous  proofs  thereof,  every  day.  Thus  Span- 
iards still  gave  a  multitude  of  Christian  names  to  their  chil- 
dren, in  order  to  procure  for  them  the  protection  of  many 
saints ;  they  observed  religious  ceremonies,  such  as  proces- 
sions, baptisms,  and  saints'  days  of  individuals,  as  the  most 
important  events  of  social  life ;  they  prayed  daily,  and  at  the 
sound  of  the  Angelus  all  work  stopped,  even  theatrical  per- 
formances, and  every  one  bowed  his  head  in  prayer ;  phrases 
w^ith  a  religious  turn  were  a  part  of  everyday  speech  ;  sacred 
images  and  chapels  were  as  abundant  as  formerly ;  and  in  a 
thousand  ways,  from  the  king  to  the  lowest  peasant,  men  con- 
tinued to  manifest  their  devotion  to  the  Catholic  faith. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 


ECONOMIC   REFORMS,    1700-1808 


Bases  of 

the 

economic 
reforms  of 
the  era. 


Economic 
reforms 
in  the 
Americas. 


If  a  review  of  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  institutions 
of  this  period  displays  the  enlightened  despotism  on  its 
despotic  side,  a  study  of  the  economic  reforms  effected,  or 
tried,  reveals  the  benevolent  or  enlightened  attitude  of  the 
autocratic  state  endeavoring  to  improve  the  lot  of  the  people. 
In  addition  to  the  philanthropic  aspect  of  these  attempts, 
they  were  influenced,  also :  by  the  general  current  of  eigh- 
teenth century  thought,  giving  attention  to  economic  prob- 
lems; by  the  very  evident  necessity  for  reforms  in  Spain, 
which  country  had  found  itself  in  a  condition  of  utter  misery 
at  the  close  of  the  preceding  era,  with  the  result  that  a 
multitude  of  pamphlets  had  been  wTitten  to  explain  the 
decline  and  suggest  remedies ;  and  by  the  desire  to  attain 
other  ends,  such  as  that  of  defence  against  the  aggressions 
of  England,  which  had  to  be  based  in  the  final  analysis  on 
the  economic  recovery  of  Spain.  Not  only  in  Spain  but 
also  in  the  Americas,  and  almost  more  strikingly,  this  was 
an  age  of  economic  reform,  based  primarily  on  Spain's  need 
of  the  colonial  markets  as  a  factor  in  her  own  regeneration. 
Nevertheless,  this  was  the  period  when  the  old  monopoly 
utterly  fell,  in  part  because  of  the  entry  of  foreigners  into 
the  colonies  or  their  establishment  in  Spanish  ports  to  take 
over  the  goods  coming  from  the  Americas,  and  in  part  as 
a  result  of  a  deliberate  policy,  throwing  open  the  commerce 
of  the  new  world,  if  not  directly  to  all  nations,  at  least  in- 
directly through  the  intervention  of  the  many  Spanish 
cities  which  came  to  enjoy  the  privilege  of  the  overseas 
trade.  The  American  situation  cannot  be  dealt  with  here, 
but  it  must  be  held  in  mind  as  one  of  the  vital  elements  in 
Spain's  economic  progress. 

458 


ECONOMIC    REFORMS,   1700-1808 


459 


The  most  genuine  representative  of  the  century's  political 
economists  in  Spain  was  Campomanes.  Although  a  fol- 
lower of  the  French  physiocratic  school,  which  maintained 
that  agriculture  was  the  principal  sustain  of  a  nation's 
wealth,  he  did  not  fail  to  recognize  the  importance  of  manu- 
facturing, and  endeavored  to  foster  that  industry  through 
the  dissemination  of  works  of  an  educative  character,  the 
enactment  of  protective  laws,  and  the  founding  of  model 
establishments.  Of  equal  rank  with  Campomanes,  though 
not  as  effective  in  achieving  reforms,  was  Jovellanos,  while 
there  was  hardly  a  minister  of  prominence  in  the  entire 
period  who  did  not  attain  to  some  distinction  as  an  econo- 
mist. The  general  effect  of  the  reforms  was  beneficial, 
making  itself  felt  in  all  branches  of  the  production,  exchange, 
and  consumption  of  goods,  as  well  as  in  an  increase  in  popu- 
lation. Thus  the  5,700,000  inhabitants  of  Spain  at  the 
beginning  of  the  era  had  nearly  doubled  by  1787,  when  the 
total  was  10,409,879  (or  10,286,150  by  another  estimate), 
and  had  still  further  increased  to  10,541,221  in  1797.  The 
following  table  of  occupations  for  these  two  years  is  interest- 
ing both  as  showing  the  economic  distribution  of  the  popula- 
tion and  as  indicating  the  direction  of  the  reforms. 


There 
formers 
and  their 
achieve- 
ments. 


Statistics 
of  popu- 
lation. 


1787 


1797 


Ecclesiastics 

Nobles 

Employees  (of  the  government?) 

Soldiery 

Students     

Farmers  and  (farm?)  laborers   . 
Manufacturers  and  artisans  . 

Servants 

Merchants 


182,425 

168,248 

480,589 

402,059 

41,014 

31,981 

77,884 

149,340 

50,994 

29,812 

1,871,768 

1,677,172 

310,739 

533,769 

280,092 

174,095 

No  figures 

25,685 

The  discrepancies  between  the  two  columns  are  in  part 
accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  Spain  was  at  peace  in  1787, 
and  at  war  with  England  in  1797.  In  a  total  of  some 
3,000,000   workers   it   is   notable   that   the   majority   were 


460 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Wretched 
state  of 
domestic 
life. 


devoted  to  agricultural  pursuits  (including  about  100,000 
engaged  in  pastoral  labors),  showing  that  the  cultivation  of 
the  soil  was  the  principal  basis  of  the  national  life.  The 
vast  number  of  ecclesiastics,  nobles,  and  servants,  nearly 
a  third  of  the  total,  is  eloquent  of  the  social  problem  which 
the  government  had  to  face.  In  the  course  of  ten  years 
they  had  fallen  away  to  less  than  a  fourth  of  the  whole. 
Statistics  as  to  density  of  population  showed  Guipuzcoa, 
Valencia,  Asturias,  Navarre,  and  Vizcaya  in  the  lead,  with 
respectively  eighty,  forty-eight,  forty-seven,  forty-three, 
and  forty-two  inhabitants  to  the  square  kilometer.  Anda- 
lusia had  thirty-nine,  Granada  and  Catalonia  thirty-four 
each,  Aragon  only  twenty-one,  while  Extremadura  with 
fourteen  and  La  Mancha  and  Cuenca  with  thirteen  each 
brought  up  the  rear.  In  total  population  Galicia  led  with 
1,345,000.  Catalonia  had  814,412,  Valencia  783,084,  Anda- 
lusia 754,293,  Granada  061,661,  and  Aragon  623,308.  Large 
urban  groups  w^ere  rare;  there  were  fewer  than  forty  cities 
with  a  population  of  10,000,  and  seventeen  of  them  were 
in  Andalusia.  The  four  largest  cities  were  INIadrid  (156,000), 
Barcelona  (115,000),  Seville  (96,000),  and  Valencia  (80,000). 
Economic  prosperity  did  not  correspond  exactly  with  these 
figures,  for  the  factors  of  climate,  soil,  irrigation,  and  near- 
ness to  the  sea  entered  into  the  situation. 

Despite  the  great  body  of  reforms  carried  out,  the  problem 
was  overwhelming,  and  much  of  the  country  was  still  in  a 
backward  state  at  the  end  of  the  era-  Aragon  and  Old 
Castile  were  in  a  miserable  condition,  not  nearly  equalling 
their  agricultural  possibilities,  and  La  Mancha  w^as  in  a  far 
worse  plight.  The  number  of  large-sized  towns  in  Andalusia 
gave  that  land  an  appearance  of  wealth  and  prosperity  which 
was  not  borne  out  by  the  facts,  if  the  situation  of  the  country 
districts  were  taken  into  account.  The  character  of  Spanish 
houses  at  this  time  was  also  expressive  of  the  national  eco- 
nomic shortcomings.  Cave  houses  and  adobe  huts  with  roofs 
of  straw  abounded  in  Castile.  The  houses  of  Galicia  were 
described  as  having  walls  of  unpolished  stone,  often  with- 
out cement,  reaching  scarcely  higher  than  a  man's  head, 
with  great  slabs  of  rock  for  a  roof ;  the  doorway  and  a  hole 


ECONOMIC  REFORMS,   1700-1808  461 

in  the  roof  served  as  the  only  means  for  the  penetration  of 
light  and  for  the  escape  of  smoke ;  and  the  domestic  animals 
and  the  family  made  common  use  of  the  wretched  house. 
In  the  Basque  provinces,  Navarre,  and  Valencia  the  homes 
were  much  better,  besides  being  cleaner,  although  a  lack  of 
glass  windows,  chimneys,  and  furniture  was  quite  general 
in  all  parts  of  Spain.  Through  French  influences  these 
defects  were  beginning  to  be  overcome  as  the  era  approached 
a  close.  If  to  this  miserable  state  of  the  domestic  life  there  Obstacles 
is  added  the  ignorance  of  the  people  (who  resisted  innova-  in  the 
tions  designed  to  benefit  them),  the  economic  inequality  ^^^  . 
resulting  from  the  concentration  of  vast  landed  estates  in  reforms 
a  few  hands,  the  difficulty  of  communications,  the  burdens 
of  taxation,  the  mismanagement  of  the  administration  (despite 
the  efforts  of  enlightened  ministers),  the  frequency  of  wars, 
and  the  persistence  of  a  spirit  of  repugnance  to  labor  (lead- 
ing to  a  resort  to  mendicancy  or  vagabondage  or  to  a  re- 
liance upon  a  somewhat  questionably  desirable  charity) 
it  becomes  clear  why  the  economic  situation  should  have 
been  considered  perhaps  the  most  urgent  problem  which 
the  Spanish  ministers  had  to  solve,  and  their  failure  to  over- 
come all  of  the  difficulties  can  be  understood.  According 
to  Campomanes  there  was  an  army  of  140,000  beggars  and 
vagabonds  in  Spain  in  his  day,  most  of  whom  were  able  to 
work  and  might  have  found  something  to  do.  He  and  the 
other  ministers  of  Charles  III  endeavored  to  solve  the  matter 
by  putting  the  physically  able  women  in  workhouses,  the 
men  in  the  army  and  navy,  and  the  old  and  infirm  in 
homes  for  the  aged  and  in  hospitals,  but  owdng  to  the  lack 
of  funds  these  projects  could  not  be  carried  out  in  entirety. 
The  evils  of  the  economic  situation  being  clear,  efforts 
were  made,  especially  in  the  reign  of  Charles  III,  to  correct 
them  at  their  sources.  To  combat  the  ignorance,  indif- 
ference, and  in  some  cases  the  laziness  and  prejudice  of  the 
masses  with  regard  to  labor  technical  and  primary  schools 
were  founded  and  model  shops  and  factories  established; 
prizes  were  awarded  for  debates  and  papers  on  various 
industrial  subjects ;  printed  manuals,  including  many  trans- 
lated  from   foreign   languages,    were   scattered   broadcast; 


462 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Construc- 
tive at- 
tempts of 
the  state 
and 

private  in- 
dividuals 
to  over- 
come 
eeonomio 
evils. 


teachers  and  skilled  laborers  from  foreign  lands  were  in- 
duced to  come  to  Spain,  and  Spaniards  were  pensioned  to 
go  abroad  to  study ;  privileges,  exemptions,  and  monopolies 
were  granted  to  persons  distinguishing  themselves  by  their 
initiative  and  zeal  in  industry ;  and  laws  were  passed  to 
raise  the  dignity  of  manual  labor.  In  this  campaign  the 
government  received  substantial  aid  from  private  individ- 
uals. In  1746  the  first  of  the  Sociedades  Economicas  de  los 
Amigos  del  Pais  (economic  societies  of  the  friends  of  the 
country)  was  founded.  In  1766  its  statutes  were  published, 
serving  thenceforth  as  the  model  for  other  like  institutions 
in  Spain,  all  of  them  devoted  philanthropically  to  the  en- 
couragement of  agriculture  and  other  phases  of  the  economic 
life  of  their  particular  district.  Nobles,  churchmen,  and 
members  of  the  wealthy  middle  class  formed  the  backbone 
of  these  societies,  of  which  there  were  sixty-two  in  1804. 
Many  of  them  published  periodicals,  or  founded  schools 
for  the  study  of  such  subjects  as  agriculture,  botany,  chem- 
istry, the  various  trades,  stenography,  and  economics.  To 
promote  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  the  state  itself  assisted 
in  schemes  for  the  colonization  of  waste  lands.  The  most 
famous  instance  was  that  of  the  government  colonies  in  the 
Sierra  Morena  country  of  northern  Andalusia.  In  1766  a 
certain  Bavarian  adv^enturer  offered  to  bring  six  thousand 
German  and  Flemish  laborers  to  settle  that  district.  Charles 
III  favored  the  project,  and  it  was  at  once  undertaken. 
For  a  time  it  was  successful ;  a  number  of  settlements  were 
made,  —  there  were  forty-one  in  1775,  —  and  considerable 
crops  were  raised.  In  the  end  the  project  failed,  due  to 
bad  administration,  lack  of  funds,  the  imposition  of  heavy 
taxes,  the  opposition  of  the  clergy  to  the  predominantly 
lay  spirit  of  the  undertaking,  the  jealousies  arising  between 
the  Spanish  and  foreign  elements  (for  many  of  the  colonists 
were  Spaniards),  and  the  failure  to  provide  adequate  means  of 
communication  whereby  the  colonists  could  export  their  sur- 
plus products.  Some  of  the  towns  continued  to  exist,  however, 
and  the  project  was  influential  in  causing  private  individuals 
to  attempt  colonizations,  several  of  which  were  successful. 
Among  other  constructive  governmental  measures  were  the 


ECONOMIC   REFORMS,    1700-1808  463 

removal  of  the  legal  obstacles  to  the  sale  or  division  of  waste 
lands  or  lands  common,  the  restriction  of  the  privileges  of  the 
Mesta,  the  betterment  of  the  conditions  surrounding  leases 
(favoring  the  prolongation  of  the  period  of  the  lease,  and 
aiming  to  assist  the  individual  who  actually  cultivated  the 
soil),  and  the  reduction  of  customs  duties  or  a  grant  of 
complete  freedom  of  entry  in  the  case  of  certain  raw  materials 
used  in  Spanish  manufacturing  establishments.  Public 
works  were  also  undertaken,  such  as  the  construction  of 
irrigation  canals,  though  many  were  not  completed  or  were 
made  so  imperfectly  that  they  soon  went  to  ruin ;  great 
highways  to  open  up  the  peninsula  were  planned,  and  under 
Charles  III  much  work  upon  them  was  done,  though  not 
enough  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  country ;  an  efficient  mail 
service  was  developed  by  Floridablanca ;  shipbuilding  was 
encouraged;  banditry  and  piracy  were  to  a  great  extent 
suppressed;  government  support  was  given  to  commer- 
cial companies;  and  a  national  bank  was  established  by 
Charles  III,  —  which  failed  in  the  reign  of  Charles  IV. 
The  government  also  intervened  in  problems  of  local  sub- 
sistence, with  a  view  to  maintaining  articles  of  prime  ne- 
cessity at  a  low  price  and  in  sufficient  quantity,  but  its 
action  in  this  particular  did  not  always  produce  the  desired 
result.  Finally,  the  government  interested  itself  in  charity. 
Benevolent  institutions  were  founded,  not  only  with  a  view 
to  checking  mendicancy  and  vagabondage,  but  also  to 
provide  homes  for  unfortunate  women,  insane  persons,  and 
orphans.  Private  individuals  gave  liberally  for  these  pur- 
poses, or  founded  charitable  organizations,  which  rendered 
service  of  a  somewhat  remarkable  character  in  succoring 
the  poor,  building  hospitals,  and  rescuing  children.  Mutual 
benefit  societies  were  formed,  reaching  into  every  walk  of 
life,  and  some  of  these,  termed  montepios  or  monies  de  piedad, 
were  made  compulsory  for  the  employes  of  the  government ; 
thus  the  montepio  for  soldiers,  dating  from  1761,  served  as 
a  pension  system  whereby  some  provision  was  made  for  the 
widows  and  orphans  of  the  deceased.  All  of  these  reforms 
encountered  the  difficulties  arising  from  ignorance,  con- 
servatism,  the   resistance   of   vested   interests,   graft,   and 


464 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Obstacles 
to  agri- 
cultural 
develop- 
ment and 
attempts 
to  over- 
come 
them. 


bureaucratic  cumbersomeness  which  have  already  been  dis- 
cussed. The  very  immensity  of  the  reforms  projected 
was  against  their  satisfactory  execution,  for  more  was  tried 
than  could  be  done  well.  Other  obstacles  already  mentioned, 
such  as  bad  administration,  insufficiency  of  funds,  and  lack 
of  persistence,  contributed  to  the  same  result.  Neverthe- 
less, though  plans  outran  accomplishment,  a  vast  amount 
was  done,  especially  in  the  reign  of  Charles  III,  when  the 
spirit  of  the  era  reached  its  culminating  point. 

To  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  state  of  agriculture  in  this 
period  it  is  necessary  to  note  how  the  lands  of  the  peninsula 
were  distributed.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, after  a  hundred  years  of  effort  directed  to  the  release 
of  realty,  the  church  possessed  9,093,400  fanegas  ^  of  land, 
the  nobles  28,306,700,  and  the  plebeian  class  17,599,000,  but 
the  greater  part  of  the  estates  of  both  the  nobles  and  the 
plebeians  was  entailed,  and  therefore  impossible  of  aliena- 
tion, closing  the  door  to  the  growth  of  a  class  of  small  pro- 
prietors. The  proportion  of  proprietors  to  population  was 
only  one  in  forty.  In  Avila,  for  example,  the  church  owned 
239,591  fanegas,  157,092  were  entailed,  and  only  8160  were 
cultivated  by  owners  who  resided  in  the  neighborhood.  The 
small  proprietor  was  to  be  found  principally  in  the  north 
and  east,  but  he  was  far  outnumbered,  even  in  those  regions, 
by  the  lessees  of  lands,  who  were  also  the  overwhelmingly 
strongest  element  numerically  in  Castile.  The  forms  of 
renting  were  various,  both  as  to  the  type  of  payment  re- 
quired and  as  to  the  length  of  term.  Where  the  term  was 
practically  hereditary,  conditions  were  much  better,  ap- 
proximating those  of  the  small  proprietor.  In  Andalusia 
latifundia  were  the  rule,  cultivated  in  only  a  portion  of  the 
estate  by  day  laborers,  who  were  employed  at  certain  sea- 
sons of  the  year,  living  in  a  state  of  great  misery  at  other 
times.  This  evil  was  tempered  in  Extremadura  by  the 
utilization  of  lands  common.  Despite  the  sincere  attempts 
of  the  government  to  encourage  agriculture,  that  industry 
was  still  in  an  extremely  backward  state  at  the  close  of  the 
era,  with  only  a  little  of  the  cultivable  ground  planted, 
*  A  fanega  equals  about  1.59  acres. 


ECONOMIC   REFORMS,   1700-1808 


465 


an  insufficient  development  of  irrigation,  and  a  lack  of  fenc- 
ing. Valencia  and  the  Basque  provinces  were  the  most 
nearly  prosperous  regions;  the  others  were  in  a  wretched 
state.  In  addition  to  the  governmental  reforms  already 
referred  to,  the  following  may  be  mentioned :  several  laws 
of  Charles  III  forbade  owners  to  dispossess  tenants  arbi- 
trarily, and  even  went  so  far  as  to  prohibit  ejectments  unless 
the  owner  should  consent  to  reside  on  his  lands  and  cultivate 
them;  attempts  were  made  to  procure  reforestation,  partly 
with  a  view  to  conserving  the  water  supply,  but  the  national 
repugnance  to  trees  was  so  great  that  the  laws  w^ere  not 
carried  out ;  and  the  abusive  privileges  of  the  Mesta  were 
attacked  by  Charles  III,  and  in  the  next  reign,  in  1795,  the 
separate  jurisdiction  of  that  organization  was  taken  away, 
but  as  the  laws  did  not  clearly  authorize  the  enclosure  of 
cultivable  lands  the  relief  to  agriculture  was  slight.  Wheat 
was  the  principal  crop,  supplying  more  than  enough,  in 
normal  years,  for  the  needs  of  the  peninsula.  Grapes 
were  also  raised  in  large  quantities,  and  were  made  into 
excellent  wines,  many  of  which  were  exported.  For  the 
rest  there  were  fruits,  vegetables,  the  silkworm,  and  other 
things  of  the  sort  which  had  always  been  cultivated  in  the 
peninsula.  Various  kinds  of  beans,  and  especially  chick- 
peas (garbanzos),  were  grown  in  large  quantities,  and  fur- 
nished an  important  element  in  the  nation's  food.  An 
estimate  made  in  1812  calculated  the  total  value  of  farm  prod- 
ucts as  72,476,189,159  reales  (about  $4,500,000,000)  yielding 
annually  some  3,600,000,000  reales  (about  $225,000,000). 

In  their  efforts  to  revive  manufacturing  the  kings  con-  Revival  of 
tinned  during  most  of  the  period  to  follow  the  old  ideal  of  manufac- 
state  protection  and  state  initiative  in  placing  industries    ^"^^S- 
upon  a  firm  foundation,  intervening,  also,  to  regulate  the 
work  on  its  technical  side.     In  the  second  half  of  the  cen- 
tury, especially  in  the  reign  of  Charles  III,  the  liberal  ideas 
of  the  physiocratic  school,  hostile  to  all  forms  of  govern- 
ment regulation,  brought  about  the  employment  of  a  new 
system,  leaving  matters  to  the  decision  of  the  individuals 
concerned.     Laws  were  now  passed  removing  the  prohibi- 
tions of  earlier  years.     Joined  with  the  educative  measures 
2h 


466 


A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 


Mining. 


Fishing. 


Unsatis- 
factory 
state  of 
the  labor- 
ing classes. 


already  referred  to,  such  as  the  estabHshment  of  model 
factories  and  the  importation  of  foreign  workmen,  the  new 
methods  brought  about  a  revived  intensity  of  industrial 
life.  Much  the  same  things  as  formerly  were  made ;  the 
textile  factories  of  Catalonia  and  Andalusia  were  the  most 
prosperous.  The  chemical  industries  and  those  having  to 
do  with  the  preparation  of  foods  did  not  develop  equally 
with  others.  The  Americas  continued  to  be  one  of  the 
principal  supports  of  Spanish  manufacturing,  as  a  purchaser 
of  the  goods  made  in  the  peninsula.  After  centuries  of  scant 
productivity  in  mining,  Spain  began  again  to  yield  more 
nearly  in  accord  with  her  natural  wealth.  A  great  variety 
of  mineral  products  was  mined,  although  very  little  of  pre- 
cious metals.  On  the  other  hand  the  formerly  prosperous 
fishing  industry  was  in  a  state  of  decline.  In  1803  it  was 
estimated  that  the  total  industrial  yield  for  that  year  was 
1,152,660,707  redes  (about  $72,000,000).  The  revival,  how- 
ever, was  of  an  ephemeral  character,  for  the  social  factors 
affecting  labor  were  too  grave  a  handicap.  Thorough- 
going popular  instruction  was  necessary  before  there  could 
be  any  permanent  advance ;  the  Spanish  laborer  was  able 
enough,  but  needed  to  be  rescued  from  his  abysmal  ignorance. 
Wages  were  low.  In  1786  the  ordinary  laborer  of  Seville 
earned  four  and  a  half  reales  (about  $.28)  a  day;  in  Bar- 
celona the  average  was  eight  reales  ($.50).  Agricultural 
laborers  in  Andalusia  made  from  three  and  a  half  to  five 
reales  ($.22  to  $.33)  a  day;  shepherds  got  two  pounds  of 
bread  daily  and  160  reales  ($10)  a  year.  To  be  sure,  money 
was  worth  more  than  now.  Work  was  not  always  steady, 
with  the  result  that  famine  and  beggary  were  frequent. 
There  was  no  such  thing  as  organized  labor ;  to  go  on  strike 
was  a  crime.  The  only  remedy  of  the  laborer  against  his 
employer  was  an  appeal  to  the  corregidor,  but  this  was  so 
ineffectual  that  it  was  rarely  tried. 

Attempts  were  made  to  combat  the  obstacles  which  hin- 
dered Spanish  commerce.  Unable  to  compete  with  other 
European  countries  in  the  export  trade,  except  as  con- 
cerned small  quantities  of  certain  raw  materials,  Spain  was 
hard  pressed  to  maintain  an  advantage  in  her  own  domes- 


ECONOMIC  REFORMS,  1700-1808  467 

tic  and  American  field.  At  the  beginning  of  the  century  Obstacles? 
many  of  the  laws  tended  in  fact  to  discriminate  against  to  Spanish 
Spaniards,  as  witness  the  heavy  export  duties,  which  were  commerce 
collected  according  to  bulk,  thus  operating  against  the  ^^  over- 
type of  products  which  Spain  most  frequently  sent  abroad,  come 
Charles  III  changed  this  system,  collecting  duties  according  them, 
to  the  nature  of  the  goods  as  well  as  paying  regard  to  weight, 
and  charging  a  higher  rate  against  foreign  cargoes.  Taxes 
were  numerous  in  kind  and  heavy  in  amount,  wherefore 
smuggling  and  graft  overcame  some  of  the  beneficial  effects 
which  might  have  been  expected  from  this  legislation. 
Protective  tariffs  and  prohibitions  were  also  employed  to 
encourage  Spanish  manufactures  and  trade,  but  particular 
exigencies  often  caused  a  reversal  of  this  policy  in  the  case 
of  certain  items  of  foreign  make.  Thus  the  importation  of 
foreign  muslins  was  forbidden  in  1770,  but  in  1789  the 
prohibition  was  removed  when  it  was  found  that  local 
manufacture  did  not  suffice  for  the  country's  needs.  A 
series  of  decrees  by  Charles  III  endeavored  also  to  reduce 
the  coinage  to  systematic  order,  but  the  multiplicity  of 
coins  and  the  retention  of  provincial  moneys  militated 
against  complete  success.  The  prohibition  against  the 
export  of  coin  was  maintained,  but  licenses  to  take  out 
certain  quantities  were  granted  on  payment  of  a  three  per 
cent  duty.  Practically,  the  prohibition  was  a  dead  letter, 
owing  to  the  prevalence  of  smuggling,  and  it  served  as  a 
hindrance  to  commerce.  An  ineffectual  attempt  was  made 
in  1801  to  unify  the  system  of  weights  and  measures.  Lack 
of  an  adequate  merchant  marine  and  an  insufficiency  of  good 
ports,  despite  the  efforts  to  remedy  the  situation  in  both 
cases,  were  still  further  obstacles  to  Spanish  trade,  whereas 
such  an  excellent  port  as  Vigo  had  no  suitable  highway 
to  connect  it  with  the  interior.  Bands  of  mules  continued 
to  be  used  as  the  principal  carrying  agency  in  land  com- 
merce. Improper  methods  of  keeping  books  were  a  handi- 
cap, but  the  paternalistic  nature  of  the  government  made 
itself  felt,  requiring  business  men  to  employ  a  good  method 
of  accounting,  and  specifying  the  precise  way  in  which  they 
should  do  it.     Finally,  trading  had  usually  been  considered 


468  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

incompatible  with  nobility.  The  stigma  was  in  a  measure 
removed,  although  only  in  the  case  of  business  on  a  large 
scale,  and  some  of  the  nobles  became  merchants. 
Mercantile  Mercantile  machinery  found  its  highest  official  expres- 
machinery  gion  in  the  Junta  de  Comercio  y  Moneda.  This  was  re- 
or  the  era.  organized  in  1705,  at  which  time  it  was  provided  that  the 
Councils  of  Castile,  the  Indies  and  Finance  (Hacienda) 
should  be  represented  respectively  by  three,  five,  and  two 
members,  the  Casa  de  Contratacidn  by  one,  and  the  French 
nation  by  two,  besides  one  of  the  royal  secretaries.  The 
importance  of  the  American  and  French  trades  was  clearly 
manifested  in  this  arrangement.  This  body  served  as  a 
court  with  jurisdiction  in  all  matters  concerning  trade. 
In  1730  it  was  succeeded  by  the  Junta  de  Moneda  (Junta, 
or  Council,  of  Coinage),  to  which  was  added  jurisdiction  in 
matters  concerning  mines  (1747),  foreigners  (1748),  and  the 
"five  greater  guilds  of  Madrid"  (1767  and  1783).  Re- 
gional juntas  were  also  created.  The  considados,  though 
of  private  origin,  occupied  an  intermediate  position  between 
the  other  private  and  the  official  bodies,  owing  to  the  inter- 
vention of  the  state  and  to  the  reorganization  of  the  con- 
sulados  in  the  middle  and  later  eighteenth  century.  In 
addition  to  their  functions  as  a  mercantile  court  they  ac- 
quired a  vast  number  of  duties  of  a  public  character,  such 
as  the  care  of  ports  and  the  creation  of  schools  of  naviga- 
tion. Certain  consulados  had  special  functions,  —  for  ex- 
ample, the  consulado  of  Cadiz  attended  to  supplying  the 
province  with  grain  and  flour,  and  had  charge  of  the  establish- 
ment of  tariffs  and  lotteries.  The  consulados  were  repaid 
for  these  services  by  a  grant  of  a  portion  of  the  customs 
duties,  a  right  worth  6,000,000  reales  ($375,000)  a  year  in 
Cadiz  and  one  third  of  that  amount  in  Alicante.  They 
compromised  their  wealth  by  making  loans  to  the  crown, 
which  brought  about  their  ruin.  At  the  end  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century  there  were  fourteen  considados  in  Spain, 
each  differing  from  the  others  but  all  following  rather  closely 
the  new  ordinances  (1737)  for  the  consulado  of  Bilbao  as  a 
type.  In  the  smaller  cities  and  towns  local  officials  were 
wont  to  appoint  two  men  as  diputodos  de  comercio  (com- 


ECONOMIC   REFORMS,    1700-1808 


469 


mercial  deputies)  to  act  for  that  neighborhood  in  the  capac- 
ity of  a  consulado.  There  were  various  other  mercantile 
groups  of  a  more  clearly  private  character,  and  their  as- 
sociations were  encouraged  by  the  government.  The  so- 
called  "five  greater  guilds  of  Madrid,"  including  dealers  in 
jewelry,  silks,  gold  and  silver  ware,  cloths,  linens,  spices 
(and  groceries?),  and  drugs,  was  the  most  important  of 
these  organizations.  Its  business  was  so  enormous  that 
it  extended  beyond  Madrid  to  other  cities,  and  put  up  fac- 
tories for  the  manufacture  of  the  goods  it  sold.  In  1777 
there  were  375  merchants  in  this  corporation,  with  a  capital 
of  some  210,000,000  redes  ($13,125,000).  Other  associa- 
tions were  formed  for  special  objects,  such  as  to  buy  goods 
in  great  quantities  and  therefore  more  cheaply,  or  to  carry 
merchandise  in  their  own  ships.  Many  companies  were 
organized  specifically  for  trading  with  the  Americas.  In 
the  fluctuations  of  commerce  one  fact  stood  out  consist- 
ently :  the  balance  of  trade  was  heavily  against  Spain. 
In  1789  exports  were  valued  at  289,973,980  reales  (about 
$18,000,000)  as  against  imports  of  717,397,388  (nearly 
$45,000,000).  Internal  commerce  amounted  to  an  estimated 
2,498,429,552  reales  (about  $156,000,000).  The  wars  of  the 
reign  of  Charles  IV  almost  destroyed  Spanish  commerce. 
Cadiz  in  particular  was  a  heavy  loser. 

The  intervention  of  foreigners  in  the  commerce  of  Spain,   Important 
which  had  given  so  much  concern  in  the  previous  era,  was  place  of 
an  even  greater  problem  under  the  Bourbons.     Many  factors  foreigners 

contributed  to  make  this  the  case :  the  industrial  decline  of  !.^^?f^°^!„ 
1  1  1  •  1     p  1      1       •  •        commerce, 

the   seventeenth   century,   which  ravored   the   importation 

of  foreign  goods ;  the  eighteenth  century  efforts  for  an  eco- 
nomic revival,  which  led  to  the  seeking  out  of  foreign  models 
and  foreign  teachers  or  workmen ;  the  encouragement 
given  to  Frenchmen  as  a  result  of  the  Bourbon  entry  into 
Spain ;  and  defeats  in  war,  which  necessitated  Spain's 
submission  to  the  exactions  of  her  opponents  (many  of  whom 
insisted  upon  commercial  privileges)  or  the  legalization  of 
trade  usurpations  which  they  had  indulged  in  without 
right.  In  the  Americas  the  English  were  the  most  promi- 
nent element,  but  in  Spain  the  French  were.    The  leading 


470  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

French  merchants  estabhshcd  themselves  in  Cadiz,  the 
gateway  of  the  Americas,  whence  they  proceeded  to  absorb 
a  great  part  of  Spain's  profits  from  the  new  world.  In 
1772  there  were  seventy-nine  French  wholesale  houses  in 
Cadiz,  making  an  estimated  annual  profit  of  4,600,000 
reales  (nearly  $300,000).  In  1791  there  were  2701  French- 
men in  that  city  out  of  a  total  foreign  population  of  8734. 
Numerically,  the  Italians  were  more  in  evidence,  for  there 
were  5018  of  them,  mostly  Genoese.  There  were  some 
Englishmen,  too,  whose  aggregate  capital  made  up  for 
their  small  number.  In  general  the  legislation  of  the  era 
was  favorable  to  foreigners.  Their  knowledge  and  labor 
were  so  greatly  desired  that  they  were  even  granted  special 
privileges  or  exemptions  to  take  up  their  residence  in  Spain, 
and  the  religious  bar  was  ameliorated  or  utterly  withdrawn. 
Popular  opinion  w^as  against  them,  however,  and  the  laws 
were  not  wholly  free  from  this  influence.  Men  com^Dlained, 
as  formerly,  that  the  foreigners  were  making  immense  prof- 
its and  stifling  Spanish  competition,  while  the  hatreds 
engendered  by  the  wars  with  England  and  France  and  by 
the  scant  respect  and  haughty  manners  which  some  foreign- 
ers displayed  for  the  laws  and  customs  of  Spain  tended  to 
increase  the  feeling  of  opposition.  Foreigners  were  often 
ill-treated,  although  the  acts  were  rarely  official.  Even 
the  government  did  not  recognize  consuls  as  having  any 
special  rights  or  immunities  differentiating  them  from  others 
of  their  nation.  A  further  accusation  against  foreigners 
was  that  they  engaged  in  contraband  trade.  This  was 
true,  although  as  a  rule  it  was  done  in  complicity  w^ith 
corrupt  Spanish  officials.  Foreigners  justified  themselves 
on  the  ground  that  unless  they  were  willing  to  make  gifts 
to  Spaniards  in  authority  they  were  obliged  to  suffer  a 
thousand  petty  annoyances.  "Money  and  gifts,"  said  the 
French  ambassador,  Vaulgrenant,  "have  always  been  the 
most  efficacious  means  of  removing  the  difficulties  which  can 
be  raised,  on  the  slightest  pretext,  against  foreign  merchants. 
That  has  been  the  recourse  to  which  the  English  have  always 
applied  themselves,  with  good  results."  The  fact  remains, 
however,  that  the  French,  English,  and  others  had  entered 
the  commercial  field  in  Spain  and  Spanish  America  to  stay. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII 

INTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITIES,    1700-1808 

In  intellectual  expression,  as  well  as  in  other  phases  of  General 
Spain's  national  life,  the  eighteenth  century  was  a  period  eharacter- 
of  recovery  from  the  degradation  which  marked  the  close  1^^^^^^* 
of  the  preceding  era.     Spain  placed  herself  abreast  of  the  tuallifein 
times,  but  not  as  formerly  in  a  leading  position ;   among  the  Spain  and 
many  who  distinguished  themselves  by  their  achievements  the 
there  were  few  who  attained  to  a  European  reputation,  and  Americas, 
perhaps  only  one,  the  painter  Goya,  may  be  reckoned  with 
the   immortals.     On  the   other  hand  Spain   entered   more 
definitely  into  the  general   current  of  western   European 
thought  than  at  any  previous  time  in  her  history;    intel- 
lectual activities  in  France  reacted  almost  at  once  in  Spain, 
and  the  influences  springing  out  of  Italy  and  England  were 
potent.     The  Americas  began  to  take  over  the  intellectual 
side  of  their  Spanish  heritage  much  more  completely  than 
before,   and   while   not   nearly   approximating   the   mother 
country  in  the  amount  or  excellence  of  their  contributions 
furnished  illustrious  names  in  almost  every  branch  worthy 
to   stand   beside   those   of  their   contemporaries   in   Spain. 
Education  there  became  more  general,  more  secular,  and 
more   highly   regarded   than   ever   before.     Two   obstacles, 
however,  were  a  serious  check  upon  the  development  of  a 
broad  culture  in  the  colonies :   the  problems  of  race,  reduc- 
ing the  number  of  those  able  to  participate,  and  lessening 
the  desirability  of  a  propaganda  for  the   ideal   involved ; 
and  the  suspicions  of  the  Spanish-controlled  government, 
lest  ideas  convert  themselves  into  thoughts  of  revolution. 

Cultivated  Spaniards  of    the  eighteenth   century  had  a 
clear  understanding  of  the  national  problem  of  education, 

471 


472  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

Progress       realizing  (just  as  they  did  with  regard  to  matters  having 
in  educa-     an  economic  bearing)  the  profound  ignorance  of  the  masses 
"•  and  the  decadent  state  of  the  institutions  upon  which  they 

had  to  rely  to  combat  it.  The  mass  of  the  people  were 
not  only  illiterate  but  also  full  of  almost  ineradicable 
superstitions  and  the  conservatism  of  the  undeveloped  mind. 
In  1766  Queen  Amalia,  the  wife  of  Charles  III,  wrote  to 
Tanucci  (one  of  Charles'  leading  ministers  while  he  was 
king  of  Naples),  "In  everything  (in  Spain)  there  is  some- 
thing of  barbarism,  together  with  great  pride."  As  for  the 
women,  she  said,  "One  does  not  know  what  to  talk  about 
with  them ;  their  ignorance  is  beyond  belief."  This  pes- 
simistic view  finds  ample  corroboration  in  the  writings  of 
the  Benedictine  Feyjoo,  or  Feijoo  (1676-1764),  and  Jovella- 
nos,  both  of  whom  devoted  themselves  to  the  struggle 
against  the  defects  in  Spanish  mentality  and  its  expression, 
leaving  published  works  which  touched  upon  virtually 
every  phase  of  the  intellectual  life,  or  its  lack,  in  the  Iberian 
Peninsula.  The  endeavors  of  these  men  and  numerous 
others  to  regenerate  the  country  were  not  wholly  in  obedience 
to  the  national  necessity  or  to  patriotism,  but  responded 
also  to  the  general  current  of  humanitarianism  and  philan- 
thropy characteristic  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  close 
relationship  of  Spain  with  France  during  most  of  the  era 
and  the  conditions  of  peace  imposed  by  Protestant  countries 
as  a  result  of  their  military  successes  had  favored  the  pene- 
tration of  these  ideas  into  Spain,  where  they  were  taken  up 
by  the  well-to-do  elements  of  the  nobility,  the  clergy,  and 
the  wealthy  middle  class.  The  great  nobles  furnished  few 
of  the  illustrious  names  of  the  period,  although  there  were 
some  exceptions  (for  example,  the  Count  of  Fernan-Nufiez 
and  the  Count  of  Aranda),  but  they  gave  both  financial  and 
moral  support  to  the  efforts  for  intellectual  reform.  Some 
of  those  who  held  high  office,  notably  Godoy,  aided  authors 
in  the  publication  of  their  works  or  the  continuation  of 
their  studies,  giving  them  official  employment,  or  subsidies, 
or  bringing  out  their  volumes  through  the  royal  printing 
establishment.  Despite  the  characterization  of  them  by 
Queen  Amalia,  the  women  shared  in  the  intellectual  ac- 


INTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITIES,   1700-1808  473 

tivities  of  the  age.  Thus  there  was  a  revival  of  interest 
in  education,  but  with  a  difference  from  the  spirit  which 
had  dominated  the  works  of  Vives  and  others  of  the  Haps- 
burg  era ;  now  the  ideal  was  that  of  secular  education  with- 
out the  intervention  of  the  clergy.  Encyclopedism  and 
monarchism  worked  together  to  this  end,  while  the  expul- 
sion of  the  Jesuits  helped  greatly  to  make  its  attainment 
possible,  although  the  new  attitude  did  not  go  so  far  as  to 
oppose  religion ;  indeed,  that  remained  the  basis  of  primary 
education.  All  this  manifested  itself  with  especial  force 
beginning  with  the  reign  of  Charles  III,  but  precedents 
were  not  lacking  in  earlier  years.  It  made  itself  felt  chiefly 
in  the  sphere  of  professional  training,  in  instruction  in  the 
humanities,  and  in  university  education,  but  it  did  not  fail 
to  produce  effects  of  undoubted  value  on  the  primary  schools. 

Primary  education,  which  had  always  received  scant  atten-  Efforts  for 
tion,  was  the  subject  of  some  legislation  under  Charles  III,   the  better- 
both  to  expand  and  to  better  it.     To  make  certain  of  the  ^i^ntof 
capacity  of  the  teachers  examinations  were  required  of  them  and^^"^^ 
in  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.     In  1768  orders  were  secondary 
given  for  the  establishment  of  primary  schools  for  girls  in  education, 
the  principal  towns  of  Spain,  and  some  of  the  confiscated 
Jesuit  funds  were  applied  to  this  object.     An  important 
law  of  1780  went  into  the  whole  matter  of  primary  educa- 
tion in  the  city  of  Madrid.     In  the  early  years  of  the  reign 
of  Charles  IV  the  corregidores  and  alcaldes  of  all  towns  were 
ordered  to  inspect  schools,  and  were  requested  to  inquire 
what  towns,  including  those  of  the  lords,  the  church,  and 
the  military  orders,  lacked  them  or  were  failing  to  provide 
sufficiently  for  those  which  they  had.     In  1795  the  Cortes  of 
Navarre  voted  in  favor  of  compulsory  education.     Further- 
more, private  individuals  followed  the  example  of  the  public 
authorities,  and  founded  schools.     Nevertheless,  the  census 
of  1787  showed  only  about  a  fourth  of  the  children  between 
the  ages  of  seven  and  sixteen  attending  school.     Condi- 
tions were  still  very  bad  for  the  teachers,  whose  salaries 
were  so  small  that  they  could  not  live  on  them,  while  vexa- 
tious regulations  were  also  a  handicap  to  the  free  develop- 
"nent  of  the  schools.     The  teachers  were  imbued  with  the 


474 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Royal 

attempts 
at  reform 
in  univer- 
sity edu- 
cation. 


pedagogical  ideas  of  Rousseau,  while  Godoy  attempted  to 
bring  about  the  introduction  of  the  methods  of  Pestalozzi. 
Both  Godoy  and  Jovellanos  had  extensive  plans  for  the  spread 
of  primary  education,  but  political  exigencies  interrupted 
the  projects  of  the  former,  while  the  latter's  brief  period  of 
rule  gave  hardly  time  enough  for  the  execution  of  his  ideas. 
The  interest  of  the  government,  of  individuals,  and  of  the 
Amigos  del  Pais  societies  in  popular  technical  education  has 
already  been  discussed.  The  institutions  for  the  study  of 
the  humanities,  roughly  corresponding  with  the  modern 
secondary  schools  (at  least  in  that  they  were  a  grade  below 
the  universities),  were  also  reformed  by  the  government, 
following  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits.  In  the  same  year 
(1767)  it  was  provided  that  the  places  of  the  former  Jesuit 
teachers  in  the  Jesuit-taught  schools  of  nobles  and  in  the 
nineteen  Jesuit  colleges  should  be  filled  by  competitive 
examinations.  In  1768  similar  institutions  were  ordered 
to  be  founded  in  such  villas  and  cities  as  had  no  university. 
Meanwhile,  the  municipal,  conventual,  and  private  schools 
continued  to  exist,  as  in  earlier  times;  Ferdinand  VI  and 
Charles  III  enacted  legislation  with  a  view  to  limiting  their 
numbers  and  alleviating  the  bad  condition  of  some  of  them. 
The  twenty-four  Spanish  universities  of  this  period  were 
leading  a  life  of  languor  and  scant  utility  dowm  to  the  reign 
of  Charles  III,  struggling  against  the  handicaps  of  a  diminu- 
tion in  rents  and  students  and  the  competition  of  the  Jesuits. 
More  serious  still  was  the  decline  of  university  instruction. 
Studies  were  reduced  to  little  more  than  the  memorizing  of 
books,  without  any  attempt  at  scientific  investigation ;  such 
little  effort  was  made  to  keep  abreast  of  the  times  that  the 
great  University  of  Alcala  had  in  a  library  of  seventeen  thou- 
sand volumes  only  some  five  hundred  setting  forth  the  cur- 
rent doctrines  of  other  countries ;  and  many  professorships 
had  become  sinecures  for  indigent  nobles.  The  reformers 
were  eager  to  overcome  these  evils,  and  took  the  course  which 
seemed  most  natural  in  their  day,  that  of  bringing  the 
universities  under  royal  control  so  that  the  benevolent  state 
might  introduce  the  desired  changes.  In  1769  Charles  III 
appointed  a  director  for  each  university,  to  whom  the  life 


INTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITIES,    1700-1808  475 

of  the  particular  institution  was  to  be  subject ;  later  in  the 
same  year  he  gave  orders  for  a  new  and  better  plan  of  studies ; 
in  1770  a  censor  was  added  to  each  university  by  royal 
appointment,  with  the  duty  of  watching  over  the  program 
of  studies  and  assuring  himself  of  the  correctness  of  the 
religious  and  political  views  (favoring  absolutism)  of  pro- 
spective graduates,  and  at  the  same  time  the  universities 
were  asked  to  suggest  further  reforms.  Most  of  them  de- 
layed their  replies  as  long  as  possible,  for  the  greater  number 
of  the  university  officers  were  opposed  to  change,  but  the 
king  proceeded  to  make  reforms,  nevertheless.  Between 
1771  and  1787  the  greater  universities  were  subjected  to 
such  revisions  of  their  former  methods  as  the  following : 
the  presentation  of  new  courses  and  the  amplification  of 
old  ones ;  the  provision  of  a  better  opportunity  to  win 
professorships  by  merit ;  the  introduction  of  new  texts ; 
changes  in  the  methods  of  obtaining  degrees ;  and  the  virtual 
appointment  of  the  rector,  or  president,  by  the  Consejo. 
Godoy  and  Jovellanos  in  the  next  reign  carried  on  the  re- 
forming spirit  of  the  ministers  of  Charles  III.  In  all  of 
these  reforms  attempts  were  made  to  better  the  methods  of 
teaching  as  well  as  the  programs  of  study.  Thus,  in  1774 
professors  were  invited  to  reduce  their  lectures  to  writing 
and  make  a  gift  of  them  to  their  university,  and  prizes  were 
offered  for  the  publication  of  new  texts  or  the  translation  of 
foreign  volumes.  Nevertheless,  the  majority  of  the  reforms 
produced  but  a  slender  result,  for  the  men  charged  with  put- 
ting them  into  effect  were  already  trained  in  the  old  ideas, 
finding  it  impossible  to  enter  into  the  spirit  of  the  new. 

Possibly  because  they  realized  that  the  universities  could  Special  in- 
not  be  depended  upon  to  solve  the  problem  of  higher  educa-  stitutions 
tion   and   scientific  output,   the   reformers   created   a   long  pfiearn- 
series  of  institutions  of  a  special  character  to  attain  these  ge^jj^igc 
ends.     Thus,    schools    of   medicine,    surgery,    the    physical  produe- 
sciences,  mathematics,  jurisprudence,  military  art,  astron-  tian. 
omy,    engineering    of   various   types,    botany,    mineralogy, 
natural  history,  machinery,  and  others  were  founded,  while 
a  number  of  royal   academies,   or  learned  societies,   were 
established,  among  which  may  be  mentioned  those  of  the 


476  A  HISTORY   OF  SPAIN 

Spanish  tongue  (1713),  history  (1738),  and  the  fine  arts 
(1752).  Many  foreign  teachers  and  scientists  were  brought 
to  Spain,  but  since  any  permanent  advantage  had  to  come 
from  the  efforts  of  Spaniards  a  number  of  students  from 
the  peninsuhi  were  sent  abroad.  Similarly,  the  government 
paid  the  expenses  of  numerous  expeditions,  which  were 
largely  or  often  wholly  for  objects  of  a  scientific  character. 
As  examples  of  this  phase  of  the  state's  activity  may  be 
mentioned  the  visit  of  Juan  and  Ulloa  to  South  America 
in  1735  with  several  French  academicians,  to  measure 
various  degrees  of  the  meridian  at  the  equator  in  order  to 
determine  the  shape  of  the  earth ;  that  of  the  astronomers 
Doz  and  Medina  to  Baja  California  in  1769  in  company 
with  the  Frenchman  Chappe  d'Auteroche,  to  observe  the 
transit  of  Venus;  and  the  numerous  Spanish  voyages  to 
the  northwest  coast  of  North  America  in  the  last  quarter 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  of  which  the  best  known,  perhaps, 
is  that  of  jNIalaspina,  who  set  out  in  1791  to  prove  the  exis- 
tence or  non-existence  of  the  alleged  Strait  of  Anian  through 
the  continent  of  North  America.  This  was  an  age,  too, 
of  official  accumulation  of  libraries;  the  royal  library, 
forerunner  of  the  present-day  Biblioteca  Nacional,  was 
thrown  open  to  the  public  in  1714.  Archives,  also,  were 
reorganized  and  their  contents  put  in  order.  Such  was  the 
case  with  those  of  Simancas  and  the  crown  of  Aragon,  while 
many  documents  relating  to  the  Americas  were  taken  from 
the  former  in  1785  to  make  a  beginning  of  the  great  Archivo 
General  de  Indias  at  Seville.  Manuscripts  were  utilized, 
as  well  as  merely  arranged,  resulting  both  in  documented 
volumes  and  in  printed  collections  of  papers,  —  such,  for 
example,  as  the  Espana  sagrada,  or  Sacred  Spain  (1747- 
1773),  a  collection  of  diplomas,  chronicles,  charters,  and 
other  old  manuscripts  in  ecclesiastical  archives,  with  a  view 
to  making  accessible  the  more  important  materials  for  the 
history  of  the  church ;  this  great  work,  begun  by  Father 
Florez,  eventually  reached  fifty-one  volumes.  This  period 
also  marked  the  beginning  of  scientific  periodical  literature 
in  Spain,  occasionally  as  the  result  of  private  initiative, 
but  often  as  a  government  enterprise,  or  at  least  at  state 


INTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITIES,    1700-1808  477 

expense  wholly  or  in  part.  The  outbreak  of  the  French 
Revolution  caused  the  royal  authorities  to  suspend  most 
of  these  periodicals,  but  there  was  a  return  to  a  more  liberal 
policy  under  Godoy. 

All  of  these  efforts  to  rouse  the  nation  from  its  intellect-  Slight 
ual  lethargy  encountered   such  obstacles  as  have  already  effect  of 
been  mentioned  in  dealing  with  other  phases  of  Spanish  ^d"*^^" 
life  in  this  period.     Principal  among  them  was  the  ignorance  reforms 
of  the  people.    Great  as  were  the  endeavors  of  the  reformers, 
they  were  unable  to  make  the  masses  respond  as  quickly 
as  could  have  been  wished,  while  even  on  the  bourgeois  and 
upper  classes  the  effect  of  the  reforms  was  slight.     Many 
interests  directly  opposed  the  new  ideas,   finding  danger 
in  them  for  the  institutions  which  they  represented.     This 
was  particularly  true  of  the  clergy  as  regards  innovations 
in  the  intellectual  life  of  the  country.     The  state  itself, 
prime  mover  in  so  many  of  the  reforms,  drew  back  when 
anything  was  suggested  which  seemed  to  impinge  upon  the 
royal  prerogative.     In  the  reign  of  Charles  IV  a  distinct 
note  of  reaction  began  to  make  itself  felt,  coming  to  its  full 
fruition  at  a  later  time  under  the  autocratic  Ferdinand  VII. 

One  of  the  principal   characteristics   of  the   intellectual  Spanish 
movement  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  the  reawakened  contribu- 
interest   in   the   experimental   sciences,    representing   a   re-  ^^o^^f-^ 
turn  to  the  Spanish  traditions  of  the  sixteenth  century.     If  cental 
Spain  furnished  fewer  great  names  and  achievements  at  science, 
this  time  than  formerly,  nevertheless  she  made  a  notable 
recovery  from  the  low  position  she  held  at  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  in   some   respects,    especially    in 
natural  science,  produced  men  able  to  rank  with  their  con- 
temporaries in  other  lands.     In  keeping  with  the  practical 
bent  of  Spanish  character  Spaniards  were  more  famous  for 
their   applications   of   scientific   discoveries   than   for  their 
contributions  to  pure  science.     Just  as  in  the  previous  era, 
the  Americas  furnished  a  prominent  field  for  scientific  in- 
vestigations.    In  the  realm  of  botany,  perhaps  more  than 
in  anything  else,  Spaniards  distinguished  themselves.     A  list 
of  the  greatest  names  of  the  period  would  include  Mutis, 
Mocino,   Sesse,    Ruiz,    Pavon,   and   Molina,    whose   works 


478  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

dealt  with  the  flora  of  Bogota,  Guatemala,  Mexico,  Peru, 
and  Chile,  especially  in  their  practical  applications  in  medi- 
cine and  otherwise.  To  their  names  should  be  added  those 
of  Cavanillesand  Sarmiento,  whose  writings  had  to  do  with 
the ^ora  of  Valencia  and  Galicia.  Under  Philip  V  a  botanical 
garden  was  projected,  and  it  was  founded  at  Madrid  in  the 
reign  of  Ferdinand  VI.  Other  cities  soon  followed  this 
example.  Zoology  and  mineralogy  were  less  prominently 
studied,  and  in  the  latter  field  Spain  began  to  make  more 
use  of  foreign  specialists  than  in  the  Golden  Age.  A  con- 
siderable impulse  to  the  natural  sciences  was  given  by  the 
founding,  by  Charles  III,  of  the  important  museum  at 
Madrid,  in  which  existing  collections  were  brought  to- 
gether and  to  which  various  specimens  from  the  Americas 
were  added.  Another  factor  was  the  sending  out  of  scien- 
tific expeditions,  mostly  in  or  to  the  Americas,  in  which 
respect,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Humboldt,  Spain 
expended  more  than  any  other  European  government. 
Meritorious  work  in  physics  and  chemistry  was  also  done 
by  Spaniards,  —  for  example,  the  discoveries  of  Ruiz  de 
Luzuriaga  and  Salva  in  the  realm  of  magnetic  fluids  and 
electricity,  the  discovery  of  tungsten  by  the  Elhuyar  brothers, 
and  the  demonstration  by  Antonio  de  Ulloa  of  the  exis- 
tence of  platinum,  —  even  though  foreigners  were  to  carry 
these  findings  still  further.  Medicine  advanced  out  of  the 
stagnation  which  had  characterized  it  in  the  later  seventeenth 
century,  although  it  continued  to  be  in  a  backward  state 
in  the  Americas. 
Mathe-  The  scientific  movement  of  the  eighteenth  century  reached 

matics  ^]^g  ggij  pf  mathematics  and  kindred  branches,  producing 

ranhv^^^'  niuch  Valuable  work,  though  usually  in  the  field  of  their 
practical  applications.  In  the  case  of  mathematics  the 
decline  had  even  reached  the  point  of  the  negation  of  that 
science  as  a  field  for  study.  The  Jesuits  reintroduced  it  in 
their  colleges,  but  it  remained  for  the  ministers  of  Charles 
III  to  restore  it  to  its  earlier  strong  footing  by  creating 
professorships  of  mathematics  in  the  universities  and  in  the 
schools  of  higher  learning  devoted  to  special  fields.  Jorge 
Juan  and  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  better  known  for  their  expedi- 


raphy. 


INTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITIES,   1700-1808  479 

tion  to  South  America  and  their  authorship  of  the  Noticias 
secretas,  or  Secret  notices  (not  published  until  1826),  about 
conditions  there,  were  among  those  who  distinguished  them- 
selves in  this  subject.  Geographical  productivity  was  not 
so  great  as  in  the  preceding  era,  since  colonial  conquests 
were  less  far-reaching  than  before,  but  for  the  single  reign 
of  Charles  III  there  was  almost  as  much  in  the  way  of  geo- 
graphical accounts  and  maps  as  at  any  time  in  the  past. 
The  names  of  Perez,  Heceta,  Bodega,  Ayala,  Arteaga,  Lopez 
de  Haro,  Elisa,  and  Fidalgo  are  only  a  few  of  the  many  who 
commanded  expeditions  in  the  new  world  designed  in  part 
for  the  acquisition  of  geographical  information,  though 
with  political  motives  involved  as  well.  In  1797  the  De- 
posito  Hidrografico  was  founded  in  Madrid  to  serve  as  a 
centre  for  the  preparation  and  storing  of  maps.  This  in- 
stitution published  many  notable  maps  of  the  various  parts 
of  Spain's  colonies. 

Philosophical  studies  were  influenced  by  the  current  ideas  Philos- 
of  the  age.  At  the  outset  educational  institutions  main-  ophy. 
tained  what  they  termed  the  traditional  doctrine,  which 
was  in  fact  no  more  than  the  dry  bones  of  the  past,  serving 
only  as  a  hindrance  to  the  entry  of  anything  new,  even  in 
the  field  which  the  philosophers  pretended  to  represent. 
Men  ambitious  of  knowledge  resorted  to  the  theories  which 
then  enjoyed  high  repute  in  countries  considered  as  leaders 
in  the  world  of  thought,  and  even  churchmen,  who  were  usu- 
ally among  the  more  conservative  elements,  were  influenced 
by  such  of  the  philosophic  systems  as  seemed  least  dan- 
gerous to  orthodox  beliefs,  —  such  as  a  certain  sensation- 
alism and  experimentation  in  philosophy,  —  and  they  were 
even  affected  by  an  infiltration  of  encyclopedic  ideas.  This 
roused  orthodox  thinkers  to  an  active  reaction  which  pro- 
duced many  writings  of  a  polemic  character,  although 
there  may  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  a  veritable  philo- 
sophic renaissance.  It  is  interesting  to  note,  however, 
that  even  those  who  combated  the  new  ideas  showed  by 
their  works  that  their  own  views  were  modified  by  them. 
Only  one  name  stands  out  from  the  rest  as  worthy  to  be 
ranked  with  the  great  thinkers  of  other  lands,  that  of  the 


480 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Juris- 
prudence. 


Economics 

and 

politics. 


Advanced 
state  of 
historical 
studies. 


logician  Andres  Piquer.  In  jurisprudence  this  was  a  par- 
ticularly flourishing  period,  for  juridical  studies  were  more 
in  keeping  with  the  thought  and  i)ropaganda  in  Europe  at 
that  time.  The  writings  of  Spaniards  were  directed  to 
propagating  or  resisting  the  new  juridical  ideas,  to  the  juris- 
dictional struggle  between  state  and  church,  to  the  ques- 
tions arising  concerning  the  government  of  Spain  and  the 
reforms  needed,  and  to  the  preparation  of  manuals  for  the 
teaching  of  law  which  the  introduction  of  fresh  materials 
required.  The  same  activity  was  displayed  in  the  fields 
of  economics  and  politics,  as  has  already  been  pointed  out. 
The  greatest  names  in  these  branches  were  those  of  ministers 
of  state  like  Campillo,  Ward,  Ensenada,  Campomancs, 
Floridablanca,  and  Jovellanos,  who  distinguished  them- 
selves by  their  writings  as  well  as  by  their  acts  in  office. 
In  the  field  of  economics  Spanish  thinkers,  while  strongly 
influenced  by  the  current  physiocratic  ideas,  were  not  so 
completely  given  over  to  them  as  the  economists  of  other 
countries ;  they  inclined  toward  giving  an  equal  considera- 
tion to  industrial  development,  thus  foreshadowing  the 
ideas  which  were  socn  to  become  supreme. 

Many  factors  contributed  to  make  this  a  brilliant  period 
in  Spanish  historical  literature.  Indeed,  in  this  field  of 
studies  more  than  in  any  other  Spaniards  attained  to  re- 
nown, even  though  they  fell  short  of  the  glorious  achieve- 
ments of  the  historians  of  the  preceding  era.  The  disputes 
arising  from  the  various  aspects  of  eighteenth  century 
thought  led  men  to  look  up  precedents  and  to  cite  their 
authorities,  while  the  frequency  with  which  certain  writers 
set  forth  false  documents  necessarily  sharpened  the  instinct 
for  criticism.  A  school  of  critics  sprang  up  which  attacked 
errors  and  false  statements  wherever  they  fomid  them, 
although  the  intensity  of  religious  life  and  the  power  of  the 
church  caused  most  of  the  historians  to  abstain  from  over- 
throwing such  legends  of  a  sacred  character  as  had  become 
firmly  rooted  in  the  popular  mind.  Gregorio  Mayans  and 
the  Jesuit  Masdeu  were  among  the  leading  exponents  of 
this  school.  Books  or  articles  on  historical  method  were 
frequent,  and  most  authors  of  histories  were  wont  to  express 


INTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITIES,    1700-1808  481 

their  views  in  the  preface  to  their  volumes.  These  writers, 
in  addition  to  their  exposition  of  the  rules  for  criticism  and 
style,  displayed  a  broad  concept  as  to  the  content  of  history, 
holding  that  it  should  be  expressive  of  the  civilizations  of 
peoples.  Thus,  IMasdeu  entitled  his  history  Historia  critica 
de  Es'pana  y  de  la  cidhira  espanola  (Critical  history  of  Spain 
and  of  Spanish  culture).  While  these  ideas  had  been  set 
forth  by  the  great  writers  of  the  sixteenth  century  they  were 
now  predominantly  held,  both  in  Spain  and  in  Europe 
generally.  This  was  a  great  age  for  the  collection  and  pub- 
lication of  documents.  The  already  mentioned  Espana 
sagrada  was  a  noteworthy  example.  The  new  Academy 
of  History  began  to  perform  noteworthy  service  in  this 
regard.  Numerous  copies  were  made  and  abundant  notes 
taken  by  writers  like  Burriel  (real  author  of  the  Noticia 
de  la  California,  or  Account  about  California,  ascribed  to 
Venegas,  though  a  prolific  writer  also  on  subjects  having 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Americas)  and  Muiioz  (first  archi- 
vist of  the  Archivo  General  de  las  Indias  and  author  of  an 
Historia  del  niievo  mundo,  or  History  of  the  new  world) 
whose  materials  still  remain  in  great  part  unpublished. 
Reprints  of  old  editions  were  brought  out  and  foreign  works 
translated,  while  vast  gatherings  of  bibliographical  data 
(in  the  shape  of  catalogues,  dictionaries  of  various  types 
of  subject-matter,  and  regional  or  subject  bibliographies) 
were  made.  Many  works  of  original  investigation  were 
written,  like  those  of  Masdeu  and  Muiioz  already  cited, 
or  the  Vida  de  Carlos  III  (Life  of  Charles  HI)  of  Fernan- 
Nuriez.  A  special  group  of  legal  and  economic  historians 
whose  writings  were  very  important  in  their  bearings  on  the 
times  might  be  made  up.  ^lartinez  Marina  was  the  prin- 
cipal historian  of  this  class,  although  Burriel,  Asso,  Cap- 
many,  Jovellanos,  Llorente,  Cornejo,  and  Campomanes 
are  worthy  of  mention.  Literary  history  attracted  the 
erudite.  Among  the  works  of  this  group  were  studies 
concerning  the  origin  and  history  of  the  Castilian  tongue, 
including  the  first  dictionary  of  the  language,  published  by 
the  Academy  (1726-1739),  with  a  statement  of  the  authori- 
ties for  the  sources  of  each  word.     Many  of  the  writings 


482 


A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Neo- 

classic 

influences 

upon 

polite 

literature. 


of  the  historians  already  named,  besides  those  of  numerous 
others,  had  some  reference  to  the  Americas,  but  the  colonies 
themselves  were  the  source  of  a  prolific  historical  literature. 
Kino,  Arlegui,  Mota  Padilla,  Esi)inosa,  Villa-Sefior,  Ortega, 
Burriel,  Alegre,  Baegert,  Beaumont,  Palou,  Clavigero, 
Arricivita,  Revilla  Gigedo,  and  Cavo  (all  dealing  with 
New  Spain,  or  provinces  of  that  viceroyalty)  are  only  a 
few  of  the  writers  (most  of  them  colonials)  who  left  volumes 
which  serve  today  as  a  rich  source  of  materials  and  as  an 
enduring  monument  to  the  names  of  their  authors. 

The  regeneration  of  Spain  made  itself  felt  to  a  certain 
extent  in  the  realm  of  polite  literature,  as  well  as  in  other 
forms  of  Spanish  intellectual  life.  Cultivated  men  of  letters 
were  desirous  of  rescuing  Spanish  literature  from  the  vices 
which  had  fastened  upon  it  at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  they  turned  to  the  so-called  neo-classic  in- 
fluences then  dominant  in  western  Europe,  but  represented 
more  particularly  by  France.  Ronsard,  Montaigne,  Cor- 
neille,  and  others  had  already  begun  to  affect  Spanish  writers 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  in  the  period  of  the  Spanish 
Bourbons  the  works  of  Corneille,  Racine,  Marmontel,  and 
Voltaire  were  offered  to  Spaniards  in  translation.  The 
writings  of  other  foreigners  were  in  like  manner  made  ac- 
cessible, such  as  those  of  Alfieri,  Young,  and  Milton.  So 
devoted  were  the  Spanish  neo-classicists  to  their  trans- 
Pyrenean  models  that  they  were  unable  to  see  any  value 
in  the  great  Spanish  works  of  the  sigh  de  oro,  especially 
those  of  the  dramatists.  They  went  so  far  as  to  propose  the 
expulsion  of  the  national  drama  from  the  Spanish  stage 
(except  such  works  as  could  be  arranged  according  to  neo- 
classic  tastes)  and  the  substitution  of  plays  from  the  French 
and  Italian.  Among  their  tenets  were  that  of  the  three 
unities  (of  time,  place,  and  action)  and  one  which  required 
that  the  action  should  be  reduced  to  the  amount  of  time  it 
took  to  represent  it.  The  greatest  of  the  neo-classicists 
was  Ignacio  de  Luzan,  whose  Poetica,  or  Poetics  (1737),  was 
the  highest  and  most  creditable  example  of  the  doctrine  of 
his  school.  Naturally,  if  only  from  motives  of  patriotism, 
a  group  of  nationalistic  authors  sprang  up  in  opposition  to 


INTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITIES,    1700-1808  483 

the  neo-classicists  and  in  defence  of  the  Spanish  literature  of 
the  preceding  era,  but  the  French  influence  was  so  strong 
that  even  this  group  was  much  affected  by  the  precepts  of 
the  new  school.  The  pubHc  remained  faithful  to  the  national 
writers  of  the  siglo  de  oro,  whose  plays  formed  the  princi- 
pal element  in  theatrical  representations.  Abroad,  Spanish 
writers  of  the  golden  age  still  enjoyed  a  repute  which  their 
countrymen  were  seeking  to  deny  them.  English  and  Ger- 
man writers  continued  to  translate  or  avail  themselves  of 
the  works  of  Cervantes  and  the  picaresque  novels,  while 
the  Gil  Bias  of  the  Frenchman  Lesage  was  a  clear-cut,  if 
brilliant,  imitation  of  Spanish  models.  The  expulsion  of 
the  Jesuits,  who  took  up  their  residence  in  Italy,  helped 
to  convert  Italy  from  the  Hispanophobe  attitude  which  in 
company  with  France  she  had  maintained  with  regard  to 
Spanish  literature,  for  the  more  learned  Jesuits  were  able 
to  demonstrate  the  false  basis  of  this  feeling,  both  by  their 
own  works,  and  by  their  exposition  of  the  merits  of  the 
Spanish  writers  of  the  past.  The  German  Humboldt  and 
the  Frenchman  Beaumarchais,  both  of  them  men  of  wide 
reputation,  also  took  up  cudgels  in  defence  of  Spain. 

Despite  the  vigorous  conflict  of  the  two  schools  of  litera-  Achieve- 
ture,  Spain  was  unable  to  produce  writers  who  could  rank  mentsof 
with  those  of  the  siglo  de  oro.     Epic  poetry  practically  did   the  era  in 
not  exist ;   oratorical  literature,  whether  secular  or  religious,  u+erature 
was  of  slight  account ;   and  only  one  notable  novel  appeared 
in  the  century,  the  Fray  Gerundio  (Brother  Gerund)  of  the 
Jesuit  Isla.     This  work,  which  aimed  to  ridicule  the  sacred 
oratory  of  the  times,  was  nevertheless  defective  in  that  it 
introduced  much  material  foreign  to  the  narrative,  but  it 
was  in  excellent  Spanish  and  teeming  with  witty  passages. 
Both  in  this  work,  and  in  his  translation  of  Lesage's  Gil 
Bias,  Isla  won  a  place  along  with  Feyjoo  as  one  of  the  best 
writers  of  the  day  in  the  handling  of  Spanish  prose.     There 
were  several  notable  lyric  poets,  such  as  Melendez  Valdes, 
Nicolas  Fernandez   de  Moratin    (usually  termed   Moratin 
rather  than  Fernandez),  the  latter's  son  Leandro,  and  Quin- 
tana.     Except  for  the  younger  Moratin  all  belonged  to  the 
patriotic  Spanish  school.     Quintana,  with  his  philanthropic 


484 


A   mSTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Conflict 
between 
the 

baroque 
and  neo- 
classic 
styles  in 
architec- 
ture and 
sculpture. 


and  liberal  note,  his  solemn,  brilliant,  and  pompous  style, 
and  the  rigidity  and  coldness  of  his  classical  rhetoric, 
was  perhaps  the  most  typical  representative  of  the  age. 
The  most  marked  achievements  in  the  field  of  belles 
lettres  were  in  the  drama.  At  the  beginning  of  the  cen- 
tury Spanish  theatres  had  been  closed  as  the  result  of  a 
moral  wave  which  left  only  the  great  cities,  like  Madrid, 
Barcelona,  Cadiz,  and  Valencia,  with  an  opportunity  to 
attend  dramatical  representations.  The  entry  of  French 
influences  and  the  polemics  to  which  they  gave  rise  led  to  a 
revival  of  the  drama,  until  it  became  the  favorite  form  of 
literature  with  both  the  public  and  the  writers.  Only  four 
dramatists  may  be  said  to  have  displayed  unquestioned 
merits :  Garcia  de  la  Huerta,  who  employed  a  mixture  of 
the  old  Spanish  methods  with  the  newer  French ;  the  younger 
Moratin,  the  most  distinguished  representative  of  the  French 
school ;  Ramon  de  la  Cruz,  who  depicted  the  life  of  the 
Spanish  people,  and  for  the  first  time  placed  the  customs 
of  the  Madrid  proletariat  on  the  Spanish  stage ;  and  Gon- 
zalez del  Castillo,  a  worthy  rival  of  the  last-named  in  the 
same  field.  This  was  an  era  of  great  actors,  both  men  and 
women. 

The  fine  arts  experienced  the  same  influences  and  were 
the  subject  of  the  same  conflicts  as  occurred  in  the  field  of 
polite  literature.  At  the  outset  the  baroque  style  in  an  even 
more  exaggerated  form  than  in  the  preceding  era  was  the 
principal  basis  of  architecture.  This  was  vanquished  by  the 
classical  reaction,  born  in  Italy,  and  coming  to  Spain  by  way 
of  France.  The  new  art,  called  neo-classic,  or  pseudo-classic, 
endeavored  to  return  to  Roman  and  what  were  considered 
Greek  elements,  interpreting  them  with  an  artificial  and 
academic  correctness  which  was  entirely  lacking  in  senti- 
ment and  warmth.  The  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  (Bellas 
Aries  de  San  Fernando),  established  in  the  reign  of  Fer- 
dinand VI,  became  the  stronghold  of  the  neo-classic  school, 
and  was  able  to  make  its  views  prevail,  since  it  was  the 
arbiter  as  to  the  style  of  public  buildings  and  the  dispenser 
of  licenses  to  engage  in  the  profession  of  architecture.  The 
museum  of  the  Prado,  Madrid,  the  work  of  Juan  Villanueva, 


rNTELLECTUAL  ACTIVITIES,    1700-1808 


485 


may  be  taken  as  an  example  of  the  neo-classic  edifices.  In 
sculpture  the  traditional  use  of  painted  wood  remained  a 
dominant  factor  throughout  most  of  the  century,  although 
there  were  evidences  presaging  its  abandonment.  While 
some  small  figures  representing  popular  types  were  made, 
the  majority  of  the  works  of  statuary  w^ere  for  the  church, 
which  was  by  far  the  most  important  customer  of  the  sculp- 
tors. Some  of  the  most  notable  results  were  those  obtained 
in  the  groups  for  use  in  the  pasos,  or  floats,  carried  in  the 
processions  of  Holy  Week.  Especially  meritorious  were 
those  of  Salcillo,  greatest  of  the  baroque  sculptors.  The 
profuse  ornamentation  of  baroque  art  helped  to  cause  a 
continuance  of  the  use  of  stone  in  sculptiue,  since  it  was 
difficult,  with  wood,  to  procure  the  effects  of  foliage.  The 
baroque  was  soon  swept  away,  however,  in  favor  of  the  neo- 
classic  style,  of  which  Alvarez  was  the  most  distinguished 
exponent.  The  same  influences,  in  both  architecture  and 
sculpture,  operated  in  the  Americas  as  in  Spain.  Both  arts 
prospered  more  than  they  had  in  the  past. 

At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  Spanish  painting 
had  fallen  away,  until  nothing  of  consequence  was  being 
done.  A  revival  commenced  with  the  accession  of  Philip 
V,  but  the  results  were  not  great.  The  entire  era  was  filled 
with  the  dispute  between  French  and  Italian  influences. 
In  the  reign  of  Charles  III  the  German  painter  Mengs,  who 
represented  a  kind  of  eclecticism  which  endeavored  to  com- 
bine the  virtues  of  the  masters  in  the  various  Italian  schools 
of  the  great  era,  became  the  idol  of  Spanish  artists  and  the 
arbiter  of  the  Academy.  No  Spaniard,  unless  possibly 
Bayeu  and  Menendez,  is  even  worthy  of  mention,  —  with 
one  glorious  exception.  Into  an  age  of  painting  which  had 
sunk  to  mediocrity,  when  artists  were  endeavoring  to  treat 
their  themes  only  according  to  prescribed  rules  and  manners, 
came  Francisco  Jose  Goya  (1746-1828),  the  greatest  painter 
of  his  time  and  one  of  the  greatest  of  all  history,  deserving 
of  a  place  with  Velazquez,  El  Greco,  and  Murillo,  perhaps 
ranking  ahead  of  the  two  last-named  in  the  list  of  superb 
exponents  of  the  pictorial  art  whom  Spain  has  given  to  the 
world.     The  keynote  of  his  work  was  the  free  expression 


Medioc- 
rity of 
Spanish 
painting 
in  this  era. 


Greatness 
of  Goya. 


486  A   HISTORY    OF    SPAIN 

of  his  own  personality,  unhampered  by  convention.  A 
thorough-going  reaHsm,  both  in  subject-matter  and  in 
manner  of  treatment,  was  a  distinctive  feature  of  his  painting, 
which  sought  to  represent  character,  movement,  and  Hfe. 
Even  his  rehgious  pictures  set  forth  matters  as  his  own  eyes 
saw  them,  resulting  in  the  anachronism  of  scenes  from  sacred 
history  in  which  the  figures  and  the  atmosphere  were  Spanish 
of  Goya's  day.  He  was  a  most  prolific  painter,  leaving  a  vast 
number  of  portraits,  ranging  from  those  of  members  or 
groups  of  the  royal  family  from  (^harles  III  to  Ferdinand 
VII  (notably  the  family  of  Charles  IV)  to  persons  of  lesser 
note,  some  religious  paintings  (which  are  not  so  convincing 
as  his  other  works),  an  exceptionally  large  number  of  scenes 
depicting  popular  customs  (an  invaluable  collection,  in  which 
respect  Goya  was  at  his  best),  the  stirringly  patriotic  pic- 
tures of  the  Dos  de  Mayo  in  1808  and  the  executions  of  the 
following  day,  and  the  two  remarkable  majas  (the  one 
dressed  and  the  other  nude,  each  being  the  same  person  in 
the  same  attitude).  Hundreds  of  his  cartoons  are  still 
in  existence,  many  of  them  exliibiting  such  freedom  from 
convention  and  such  unrestraint  as  to  have  shocked  his 
contemporaries  and  many  others  ever  since.  Withal  he  was 
a  most  brilliant,  clear,  and  harmonious  colorist,  able  to  get 
audacious  effects  which  were  extraordinary  in  his  day,  a 
forerunner  of  the  modern  schools.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
the  Americas  stepped  forth  in  this  period  to  supply  several 
notable  artists  comparable  with  those  of  the  age  in  Spain, 
Goya  excepted. 
The  Indus-  As  for  the  various  lesser  arts  of  an  industrial  character, 
trial  arts,  such  as  the  making  of  furniture,  articles  of  gold  and  silver^ 
rich  fabrics,  and  vases,  the  same  succession  of  baroque  and 
neo-classic  styles  is  to  be  noted.  Thus  the  furniture  of  the 
earlier  years  affected  twisted  and  grotesque  forms,  while 
it  was  later  shaped  upon  stiltedly  correct  lines.  The  azule- 
jos  industry  remained  in  existence,  making  use  of  blue, 
yellow,  green,  and  occasionally  rose.  Gold  work  was  of 
scant  importance,  but  the  making  of  tapestries  was  rather 
notable ;  they  were  combined  with  the  paintings  of  leading 
artists,  many  of  which  were  supplied  by  Goya. 


INTELLECTUAL   ACTIVITIES,    1700-1808  487 

In  the  realm  of  music  the  reaUstic  and  popular  indigenous  Spanish 
type  had  to  contend  against  the  Italian  school.  The  latter  music, 
found  favor  at  court  and  among  the  erudite,  but  the  national 
product  held  its  own  with  the  people,  appearing  especially 
in  the  plays  of  dramatists  of  the  Spanish  school,  such 
as  Ramon  de  la  Cruz.  Some  of  the  native  songs  were 
mythological  or  idyllic  in  character,  but  usually  they  were 
satirical  or  funny,  interwoven  with  popular  melodies  and 
even  with  the  musical  cries  with  which  street  vendors  called 
out  their  wares,  admirably  adapted  to  the  realistic  plays 
in  which  they  were  sung.  It  was  to  the  national  Spanish 
music  that  the  great  foreign  masters  looked,  and  this, 
therefore,  was  able  to  contribute  notably  to  the  progress  of 
the  art ;  Mozart  and  Rossini  were  among  the  composers 
affected  by  Spanish  influences.  Despite  the  construction 
at  this  time  of  magnificent  organs,  religious  music  in  Spain 
remained  in  a  state  of  corruption  and  decay.  The  guitar 
continued  to  be  the  favorite  musical  instrument. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX 


THE   GROWTH   OF   LIBERALISM,    1808-1898 


The 

Spanish 
American 
wars  of 
inde- 
pendence 
and  the 
virtual 
comple- 
tion of 
Spain's 
gift  to  the 
Americas. 


With  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish  "War  of  Indepen- 
dence" against  Napoleon  the  interest  of  Spain  proper  as 
affecting  the  Americas  almost  if  not  wholly  ceased.  Her 
gift  to  the  new  world  was  by  this  time  complete  except  as 
regards  the  island  dependencies  of  the  West  Indies  and  the 
Philippines  in  the  Far  East.  She  was  still  to  have  important 
relations  with  the  Americas,  such  as  her  vain  endeavor  to 
suppress  the  revolutions  of  her  colonies  and  her  relations 
with  the  United  States  concerning  Florida  and  Cuba,  but 
those  matters  belong  to  the  field  of  Hispanic  American  his- 
tory rather  than  to  that  of  Spain  as  conceived  in  the  present 
work.  In  1808  the  news  of  the  accession  of  Joseph  Bona- 
parte to  the  throne  of  Spain,  after  Napoleon  had  wrested 
the  abdication  of  their  rights  from  Charles  IV  and  Ferdi- 
nand VII,  was  received  in  the  colonies  with  hostile  demonstra- 
tions, for  the  majority  of  Spanish  Americans  were  loyal  to 
Ferdinand.  When  in  1809  all  the  peninsula  seemed  lost, 
many  began  to  hold  to  the  view  that  relations  with  Spain, 
which  had  always  been  rather  with  the  king  than  with  the 
nation,  were  severed,  and  in  the  next  year  certain  regions 
set  up  governments  of  their  own,  thus  starting  the  move- 
ment for  independence  which  ended  only  with  the  battle  of 
Ayacucho  in  1824.*  Circumstances,  skilfully  directed  by 
separatist  leaders,  had  led  the  Americas  to  proceed  out  of 
what  was  at  first  a  feeling  of  patriotism  to  the  royal  govern- 
ment to  what  eventually  resulted  in  embittered  wars  against 
it.     The  wars  were  fought  largely,  though  not  wholly,  by 

1  There  were  some  relatively  unimportant  combats  after  this  date, 
and  Spain  did  not  acknowledge  defeat  until  1836. 

488 


THE    GROWTH   OF   LIBERALISM,    1808-1898  489 

the  colonists  themselves,  one  faction  supporting  the  newly 
constituted  governmental  machinery  in  the  Americas,  and 
the  other  following  the  lead  of  the  changing  national  regimes 
in  Spain,  —  just  as  if  the  war  of  the  American  Revolution 
had  been  a  conflict  of  Whigs  and  Tories.  It  becomes  per- 
tinent, then,  to  enquire  why  Spain  did  not  make  a  more 
strenuous  effort  to  overcome  the  rebellions  in  her  colonies, 
which  she  had  always  regarded  as  vital  to  her,  and  why  she 
did  not  seriously  attempt  to  reconquer  them  in  the  course 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  answer  lies  in  a  statement 
of  the  internal  affairs  of  Spain,  who  went  through  one  of  the 
most  trying  periods  in  the  annals  of  the  peninsula,  charac- 
terized by  an  incessant  recurrence  of  disturbances  and  even 
civil  war.  For  Spain  herself,  however,  it  was  a  period  of 
advance  along  Liberal  lines.  Spain  gained,  though  it  cost 
her  an  empire. 

The  years  1808  to  1814  are  almost  the  only  time  in  the  Patriotio 
century  to  which  Spaniards  may  look  back  with  satisfaction  Spanish 
and  pride,  but  the  glory  of  their  war  against  Napoleon  may  uprising 
well  be  regarded  by  them  as  compensation  for  their  losses  >fanoleo 
and  degradation  in  other  respects.  It  took  several  weeks 
for  the  news  of  the  treachery  of  Bayonne,  followed  by  the 
events  of  the  Dos  de  Mayo,  to  circulate  throughout  Spain. 
When  at  last  the  people  comprehended  what  had  happened, 
a  wild  outburst  of  rage  against  the  French  swept  the  penin- 
sula. Between  May  24  and  June  10  every  region  in  the 
country  rose  in  arms  against  the  invaders,  each  district 
acting  independently,  but  all  actuated  by  the  same  motives. 
As  an  English  writer  (Oman)  has  expressed  it :  "The  move- 
ment was  spontaneous,  unselfish,  and  reckless ;  in  its 
wounded  pride,  the  nation  challenged  Napoleon  to  combat, 
without  any  thought  of  the  consequences,  without  counting 
up  its  own  resources  or  those  of  the  enemy."  Juntas,  or 
governing  groups,  for  the  various  provinces  hastily  consti- 
tuted themselves  and  prepared  for  the  conflict.  There  were 
some  100,000  widely  scattered  Spanish  troops,  between  men  of 
the  regular  army  and  the  militia,  but  they  were  almost  wholly 
unfit  to  take  the  field,  and  as  events  proved  were  badly 
officered.     Against  them  were  about  117,000  French  soldiers 


490  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

in  the  peninsula  (including  28,000  in  Portugal),  and  though 
these  were  far  from  equalling  Napoleon's  best  military  units 
they  were  vastly  superior  in  every  technical  respect  to  the 
Spaniards.  If  it  had  been  a  mere  question  of  armies  in  the 
field  there  could  have  been  no  doubt  as  to  the  outcome  in 
the  shape  of  a  decisive  French  victory,  but  something  was 
going  on  in  Spain  which  Napoleon  had  never  dreamed  of 
and  seemed  unable  to  understand ;  in  a  land  stirred  by  the 
furor  of  patriotism  such  as  had  permeated  all  Spain  the 
ordinary  rules  of  military  science  had  to  be  left  in  abeyance. 
Napoleon  thought  that  all  was  over,  when  things  were  just 
about  to  begin;  flying  patrols  here  and  there,  a  species  of 
mounted  police,  would  be  enough,  he  believed,  in  addition 
to  the  existing  garrisons,  to  keep  the  peninsula  under  control. 
It  was  of  a  piece  with  this  estimate  that  he  should  send  Gen- 
eral Dupont  with  a  column  of  13,000  men,  later  reinforced 
up  to  22,000,  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Andalusia.  Dupont 
found,  what  other  French  commanders  were  to  learn  after 
him,  that  the  only  land  he  could  conquer  was  that  actually 
occupied  at  a  given  time  by  his  soldiers ;  the  country  in  his 
rear  rose  behind  him  as  surely  as  the  armies  before  him  stood 
ready  at  the  first  opportunity  to  oppose  his  advance.  Get- 
ting into  a  difficult  position  at  Baylen,  he  surrendered  to 
the  Spanish  general,  Castaiios,  on  June  23,  with  18,000  men. 
In  less  than  two  months  the  disorganized  Spanish  forces  had 
been  able  to  strike  a  blow  such  as  French  arms  had  not  re- 
ceived for  nine  years.  Meanwhile,  Joseph  Bonaparte,  who 
had  been  designated  by  Napoleon  for  the  crown  of  Spain  as 
early  as  in  the  month  of  March,  had  been  offered  the  throne 
on  May  13  by  the  French-dominated  Junta  of  the  Regency, 
of  Madrid,  and  on  June  15  at  Bayonne  by  a  deputation  of 
Spanish  nobles  who  had  been  ordered  to  go  there  for  pre- 
cisely that  purpose.  Joseph  had  entered  Madrid  in  July, 
but  the  capitulation  of  Baylen  caused  him  to  leave  that  eity 
and  retire  with  most  of  his  forces  behind  the  Ebro.  Thus 
had  the  patriots  won  in  their  first  trial  of  arms,  and  the 
moral  effect  of  the  victory  made  it  certain,  henceforth,  that 
the  Spaniards  would  fight  to  the  end. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  the  details  of  the  six  year 


THE   GROWTH   OF   LIBERALISM,    1808-1898  491 

conflict,  which  ended  only  with  the  fall  of  Napoleon  in  1814,  The 
although  the  French  had  been  expelled  from  Spain  by  the  Spanish 
close  of  the  preceding  year.  English  historians,  with  a  ^^^ 
pardonable  pride,  have  been  wont  to  make  it  appear  that  ^ence. 
this  achievement  was  primarily  a  British  feat  of  arms  under 
the  leadership  of  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley,  the  later  Duke  of 
Wellington,  and,  to  be  sure,  English  history  does  not  record 
a  more  brilliant  series  of  campaigns  than  that  of  the  so-called 
Peninsula  War.  It  is  unlikely  that  the  Spaniards,  unaided, 
could  have  driven  the  French  from  Spain,  for  their  armies 
almost  invariably  proved  unable  to  defeat  the  enemy  in  the 
open  field,  even  though  they  displayed  fanatical  courage  in 
the  defence  of  their  homes,  —  as  witness  the  two  sieges  of 
Saragossa,  desperately  resisted  by^  General  Palafox,  and  the 
stubborn  opposition  of  General  Alvarez  in  Gerona  to  the 
French,  who  had  to  waste  20,000  men  to  take  that  post. 
On  the  other  hand  Wellington's  victories  would  have  been 
impossible  but  for  the  indirect  aid  of  the  Spanish  soldiery. 
Speaking  of  the  situation  at  the  close  of  the  year  1810  Oman 
says:  "Enormous  as  was  the  force  —  over  300,000  men  — 
which  the  Emperor  had  thrown  into  Spain,  it  was  still  not 
strong  enough  to  hold  down  the  conquered  provinces  and 
at  the  same  time  to  attack  Portugal  [where  the  British  army 
was  stationed].  For  this  fact  the  Spaniards  must  receive  due 
credit;  it  was  their  indomitable  spirit  of  resistance  which 
enabled  Wellington,  with  his  small  Anglo-Portuguese  army, 
to  keep  the  field  against  such  largely  superior  numbers. 
No  sooner  had  the  French  concentrated,  and  abandoned 
a  district,  than  there  sprang  up  in  it  a  local  Junta  and  a 
ragged  apology  for  an  army.  Even  where  the  invaders  lay 
thickest,  along  the  route  from  Bayonne  to  Madrid,  guerilla 
bands  maintained  themselves  in  the  mountains,  cut  off 
couriers  and  escorts,  and  often  isolated  one  French  army 
from  another  for  weeks  at  a  time.  The  great  partisan 
chiefs,  such  as  Mina  in  Navarre,  Julian  Sanchez  in  Leon, 
and  Porlier  in  the  Cantabrian  hills,  kept  whole  brigades  of 
the  French  in  constant  employment.  Often  beaten,  they 
were  never  destroyed,  and  always  reappeared  to  strike  some 
daring  blow  at  the  point  where  they  were  least  expected. 


492 


A    HISTORY    OF    SPAIN 


Spanish 
govern- 
ment in 
the  early 
years  of 
the  war 
and  the 
caUing  of 
the  Cortes. 


Half  the  French  army  was  ahvays  employed  In  the  fruitless 
task  of  guerilla-hunting.  This  was  the  secret  which  explains 
the  fact  that,  with  '>00,000  men  under  arms,  the  invaders 
could  never  concentrate  more  than  70,000  to  deal  with  Wel- 
lington." This  is  a  fair  statement  of  the  general  situation 
throughout  the  war.  It  would  seem  that  the  Spaniards 
accounted  for  rather  more  than  half  of  the  French  troops, 
even  when  practically  every  province  of  the  kingdom  was 
theoretically  occupied  by  the  enemy.  In  so  doing  they 
rendered  a  service  not  only  to  themselves  but  also  to  Europe, 
for  they  detached  enough  troops  from  the  main  body  of 
Napoleon's  armies  to  enable  the  allies  to  swing  the  balance 
against  the  emperor  in  his  northern  European  campaigns. 
Incidentally  it  was  quite  evident  that  Spain  could  give  scant 
attention  to  her  American  colonies  while  fighting  for  her 
very  existence  as  an  independent  nation ;  indeed,  it  was  not 
until  1815  that  Spain  tiu-ned  to  a  consideration  of  the 
American  wars. 

Meanwhile,  events  of  a  political  nature  had  been  going  on 
in  Spain  which  were  to  determine  the  whole  course  of  Spanish 
history  in  the  nineteenth  century.  It  was  several  months 
after  the  original  outbreak  before  the  various  local  juntas 
were  able  to  agree  upon  a  supreme  authority  during  the  en- 
forced absence  of  Ferdinand  VII,  who  was  regarded  as  the 
legitimate  king.  Late  in  September  the  somewhat  unwieldy 
Junta  Central  of  at  first  twenty-four,  afterward  thirty-five, 
members  was  created,  sitting  at  Aranjuez,  Two  months 
later  when  Napoleon  himself  advanced  upon  the  capital 
the  Junta  fled  to  Seville,  and  joining  with  the  junta  of  that 
city  remained  in  session  there  for  over  a  year.  It  was  there 
that  the  Junta  declared,  in  January,  1809,  that  the  overseas 
possessions  of  Spain  were  an  integral  part  of  the  kingdom, 
refuting  the  colonial  claim  of  a  connection  merely  through 
the  crown.  Driven  out  again  by  the  French  the  Junta  took 
refuge  in  Cadiz,  where,  in  January,  1810,  it  appointed  a 
Regency  of  five  men  to  arrange  for  the  calling  of  a  Cortes 
representative  of  Spain  and  the  Americas.  The  Junta 
thereupon  resigned.  Fearful  of  the  radical  tone  that  a 
Cortes  might  adopt,  the  Regency  postponed  its  summons 


THE    GROWTH    OF   LIBERALISM,    1808-1898  493 

as  long  as  it  could,  but  at  last  issued  the  call,  and  the  Cortes 
met  in  September,  1810.  Very  little  was  known  at  the  time 
as  to  the  exact  status  and  powers  of  the  various  Cortes  of 
earlier  centuries,  but  nothing  was  more  certain  than  that 
the  Cortes  of  1810  was  like  no  other  which  had  ever  met  in 
the  peninsula.  It  was  a  single  chamber  body,  designed  to 
consist  of  elected  deputies  from  the  towns  with  a  traditional 
right  of  representation,  from  the  provincial  juntas,  from 
groups  of  50,000  population,  and  from  the  Americas.  Since 
the  American  deputies  could  not  arrive  in  time,  and  since  a 
still  greater  number  of  Spanish  deputies  could  not  be  chosen 
by  the  complicated  elective  machinery  provided,  with  the 
land  mostly  in  the  possession  of  the  French,  their  places 
were  supplied  by  persons  from  those  regions  happening  to 
be  resident  in  Cadiz.  Thus  the  Cortes  came  to  be  made  up 
of  men  who  did  not  in  fact  reflect  the  conservative  tempera- 
ment of  the  interior  districts,  but,  rather,  stood  for  the  radi- 
cal views  of  the  people  of  the  coast.  Most  of  them  dreamed 
of  founding  a  representative  body  which  should  combine 
the  supposed  virtues  of  the  French  Revolutionary  Assembly 
with  those  of  the  British  House  of  Commons  and  the  earlier 
Cortes  of  the  peninsula  kingdoms. 

One  of  the  earliest  acts  of  the  Cortes  was  to  accept  the  The 
resignation  of  the  conservative  Regency  and  to  appoint  a  Liberal 
new  body  of  three  of  that  name  responsible  and  subser-     i* ^ofr^ 
vient  to  the  Cortes.     Soon  the  Cortes  declared  itself  to  be  ^^^  ^.j^g 
the  legislative  power,  and  turned  over  the  executive  and  constitu- 
judicial   authority  to  the  Regency,   following   this  up  by  tionof 
declaring  itself  to  have  sovereign  power  in  the  absence  of  1812. 
the  king.     When  it  became  clear  that  these  measures,  which 
were  bitterly  opposed  by  the  church  and  the  other  conserva- 
tive elements,  were  also  distasteful  to  Ferdinand,  the  Cortes 
decided  that  all  acts  or  agreements  of  the  king  during  his 
captivity   were   to   be   regarded   as   invalid.     The   greatest 
innovation  of  all,  however,  was  the  famous  constitution  of 
1812.     Under  a  belief  that  they  were  returning  to  the  system 
of  the  past  the  members  of  the  Cortes  broke  sharply  from 
all  the  precedents  of  Spanish  history,  enthroning  the  people 
through   their   representatives,    and   relegating   the   crown 


494 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Despotic 
rule  of 
Ferdinand 
VII  and 
the  revolu- 
tion of 
1820. 


and  the  church  to  a  secondary  place  in  the  state.  Among 
the  several  hundred  items  of  this  ultra-democratic  docu- 
ment were  the  following :  sovereignty  was  declared  to  rest 
with  the  people,  to  whom,  therefore,  was  reserved  the  right  of 
legislation ;  the  laws  were  to  be  made  through  the  popularly 
elected  Cortes;  the  king  was  to  be  the  executive,  but  was 
prevented  from  doing  much  on  his  own  initiative  by  the 
requirement  that  his  decrees  should  be  countersigned  by  the 
ministers  of  state,  who  were  responsible  to  the  Cortes;  all 
Spaniards  in  both  hemispheres  were  declared  a  part  of  the 
Spanish  nation ;  all  Spanish  men  over  twenty-five  years  of 
age  were  entitled  to  vote  for  members  of  the  Cortes,  of  whom 
there  was  to  be  one  for  each  group  of  60,000  people ;  various 
paragraphs  included  a  Bill  of  Rights,  a  complicated  elective 
machinery,  and  the  abolition  of  exemptions  from  taxation. 
In  only  one  respect  did  a  conservative  tone  appear  in  the 
document,  —  the  Catholic  faith  was  declared  to  be  the  reli- 
gion of  Spain,  and  the  exercise  of  any  other  was  forbidden. 
Nevertheless,  both  before  and  after  the  adoption  of  the  con- 
stitution, the  Cortes  had  shown  itself  to  be  distinctly  anti- 
clerical, as  witness  its  overthrow  of  the  Inquisition,  its  re- 
striction of  the  number  of  religious  communities,  and  the 
expulsion  of  the  papal  nuncio  when  he  protested  against 
some  of  these  laws.  It  was  not  by  their  workings  in  practice, 
however,  that  the  constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  Cortes 
became  important;  rather  it  was  that  they  constituted  a 
program  which  became  the  war-cry  of  the  democratic  faction 
in  Spain  for  years  to  come.  The  constitution  of  1812  even- 
tually got  to  be  regarded  as  if  it  would  be  the  panacea  for 
all  the  ills  of  mankind,  and  was  fervently  proclaimed  by  glib 
orators,  who  could  not  have  stated  the  exact  nature  of  its 
provisions. 

Early  in  1814  Ferdinand  VIT  was  freed  by  Napoleon,  and 
allowed  to  return  to  Spain.  It  was  inevitable  that  he  should 
adopt  a  reactionary  policy,  toward  which  his  own  inclina- 
tions, the  attitude  of  other  continental  monarchs,  and  the 
overwhelming  majority  of  the  clergy,  nobles,  and  the  people 
themselves  of  Spain  impelled  him.  He  had  hardly  reached 
the  peninsula  when  he  declared  the  constitution  of  1812  and 


THE   GROWTH  OF  LIBERALISM,    1808-1898  495 

the  decrees  of  the  Cortes  of  no  effect.  This  was  followed  by 
the  arrest  of  the  Liberal  deputies  and  by  the  beginning  of  a 
series  of  persecutions.  All  might  have  been  well,  but  the  per- 
sonal character  of  the  rancorous,  cruel,  disloyal,  ungrateful, 
and  unscrupulous  king  and  the  blindness  of  the  absolutists 
drove  the  reaction  to  extremes.  Ferdinand  not  only  restored 
absolutism,  but  also  attempted  to  undo  the  enlightened 
work  of  Charles  III  for  the  economic  and  intellectual  better- 
ment of  the  people.  Liberalism  in  every  form  was  crushed, 
and  in  accomplishing  it  such  ferocious  severity  was  displayed 
that  the  government  of  Ferdinand  was  discredited  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  even  in  countries  where  the  reactionary 
spirit  was  strongest.  Back  of  the  established  forms  of  the 
restored  absolutism  stood  the  unofficial  camarilla  (small 
room),  or  "kitchen  cabinet,"  of  the  king's  intimate  friends, 
but  back  of  all  was  the  king.  So  suspicious  was  Ferdinand 
that  more  than  thirty  royal  secretaries,  or  ministers,  were 
dismissed  from  office  between  1814  and  1820,  and  dismissal 
was  usually  accompanied  by  a  sentence  of  exile  or  imprison- 
ment. Periodical  literature  of  a  political  character  was 
suppressed,  although  the  bars  began  to  be  let  down  for 
magazines  of  a  scientific  or  literary  type.  Despite  the  rigors 
of  the  administration  —  in  a  measure  because  of  them  — 
there  were  insurrections  each  year  from  1814  to  1817,  all 
led  by  military  chieftains  of  Liberal  ideas.  They  were  put 
down,  for  in  no  case  was  there  a  popular  uprising;  the 
people  were  as  yet  little  affected  by  the  new  doctrines. 
Meanwhile,  secret  plots  against  the  government  were  fos- 
tered, in  part  as  the  result  of  Spanish  American  influences 
which  desired  to  prevent  the  sending  of  troops  to  suppress 
the  revolutions  of  the  new  world,  but  more  largely  related 
to  the  Liberal  ideal  in  Spain.  This  activity  seems  mainly 
to  have  been  the  work  of  societies  of  Freemasons,  in  which 
military  men  were  strongly  represented.  Many  other  ele- 
ments had  also  become  pro-Liberal  by  this  time,  including 
prominent  representatives  of  the  middle  class,  almost  all  of 
the  patriots  who  had  organized  the  resistance  to  the  French 
in  1808,  and  the  young  men  of  education.  The  storm  broke 
when  orders  were  given  in  1819  for  the  assembling  of  an  army 


496 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The 
Liberal 
Cortes  of 
1820  and 
the 

triumph 
of  the 
reaction. 


at  Cadiz  for  the  extremely  unpopular  service  of  the  wars  in 
the  Americas.  Colonel  Riego  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  on 
January  1,  1820,  proclaiming  the  constitution  of  1812,  The 
government  seemed  paralyzed  by  the  outbreak.  Uncertain 
what  to  do  it  waited.  Then  late  in  February  the  example 
set  by  Riego  was  followed  in  the  larger  cities  of  northern 
Spain.  The  king  at  once  yielded,  and  caused  an  announce- 
ment to  be  made  that  he  would  summon  a  Cortes  immediately 
and  would  swear  his  adhesion  to  the  constitution  of  1812. 
Thus,  without  a  battle,  it  seemed  as  if  the  revolution  had 
triumphed. 

In  July,  1820,  the  Cortes  met.  Its  earliest  measures 
aimed  to  restore  the  legislation  of  the  Cortes  of  1810,  together 
with  other  laws  of  a  similar  character.  The  Cortes  of  1820 
has  been  charged  with  being  anti-clerical,  as  indeed  it  was, 
for  the  chtu'ch  was  the  most  serious  opponent  of  Liberalism, 
still  able  to  dominate  the  opinions  of  the  masses.  Not- 
withstanding all  it  accomplished,  the  Cortes  of  1820  satisfied 
nobody.  Like  most  new-born  democracies  Spain  found 
herself  splitting  on  the  rock  of  divergent  opinions.  The 
Liberals  broke  up  into  various  well-defined  groups :  the 
Radicals  felt  that  the  Cortes  had  been  too  moderate  and  cau- 
tious; the  Moderates  found  the  new  laws  dangerously 
radical ;  still  others  wished  for  a  reform  of  the  constitution 
in  the  direction  of  yet  greater  moderation  than  most  of  the 
Moderates  desired.  These  were  only  a  few  of  the  groups 
to  spring  up.  Meanwhile,  the  king  and  the  absolutists, 
who  had  never  intended  to  abide  by  the  revolution ,  began 
to  turn  these  divisions  to  account.  Armed  bands  favorable 
to  the  king  were  formed,  while  others  representing  other 
factions  also  came  into  existence,  and  a  state  of  anarchy 
ensued.  The  crisis  was  settled  from  abroad,  however. 
From  the  first,  Ferdinand  had  sent  appeals  to  the  reactionary 
kings  of  Europe,  representing  himself  to  be  a  prisoner, 
much  as  Louis  XVI  had  been  at  the  outbreak  of  the  French 
Revolution.  At  length  his  appeals  were  listened  to,  and 
France,  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia  joined  together  to 
restore  matters  to  the  situation  they  were  in  prior  to  1820. 
It  was  as  a  result  of  this  decision  that  a  French  army  invaded 


THE   GROWTH   OF   LIBERALISM,    1808-1898  497 

the  peninsula  in  the  spring  of  1823.  No  effective  resistance 
was  offered;  indeed,  the  country  seemed  rather  to  second 
the  French  efforts  and  to  facihtate  their  advance.  No 
better  proof  could  be  furnished  that  the  revolution  of  1820 
did  not  represent  the  sentiment  of  the  people;  the  masses 
were  yet  steeped  in  ignorance  and  weighed  down  by  tra- 
ditional influences,  so  that  they  rejected  a  system  intended 
for  their  benefit  in  favor  of  one  which  had  lost  even  the 
benevolent  disposition  of  the  eighteenth-century  Bourbons; 
the  intellectual  elements  which  had  promoted  the  revolution 
had  shown  an  incapacity  to  face  realities  or  to  compromise 
with  the  full  meed  of  their  ideals.  Thus  had  the  revolution 
of  1810  been  re-enacted.  The  example  was  to  be  many 
times  repeated  in  the  course  of  the  next  two  generations. 
The  constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  Cortes  were  abolished, 
and  savage  persecution  of  Liberalism  began.  From  1823 
to  1829  the  political  history  of  Spain  was  a  series  of  alterna- 
tions between  terrorism  and  a  relaxation  of  coercive  measures, 
according  as  one  group  or  another  prevailed  with  the  king, 
but  the  dominant  note  was  at  all  times  that  of  absolutism. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  Spain  had  scarcely  had  a  moment's 
respite  from  domestic  difficulties  since  the  invasion  of  Na- 
poleon in  1808.  In  the  meantime,  between  1810  and  1824, 
the  American  colonies  of  the  mainland  had  seized  their  oppor- 
tunity to  separate  from  the  mother  country  forever. 

Reactionary  as  Ferdinand  had  sho^vTi  himself  to  be,  he  did  Maria 
not  go  far  enough  to  suit  the  extremists  in  the  absolutist  Cristina 
faction  headed  by  the  king's  brother  Don  Carlos  (Charles).  Jf^*^® 
This  group  soon  formed  a  party,  which  believed  that  its  -w^ars. 
principles  could  be  secured  only  through  the  accession  of 
Don  Carlos  to  the  throne,  wherefore  its  members  came  to  be 
known  as  Carlists.     The  king  was  childless  and  in  feeble 
health,  but  the  hopes  of  the  Carlists  received  a  setback  when 
in  1829  he  married  again.     The  new  queen,  Maria  Cristina 
of  Naples,  was  reactionary  by  instinct,  but  was  forced  by 
Carlist  opposition  to  lean  toward  the  Liberal  faction  in  order 
to  find  some  element  on  which  she  could  depend  for  support. 
As  it  soon  became  clear  that  she  was  about  to  give  birth  to 
a  child,  the  chances  of  Don  Carlos'  succession  were  gone  in 
2k 


498  A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 

case  the  infant  should  prove  to  be  a  boy,  but  the  Carlists 
reHed  upon  the  so-called  Spanish  Salic  Law  of  Philip  V 
to  exclude  the  enthronement  of  a  girl.  The  exigencies  of 
the  political  situation  in  1713  had  led  Philip  V  to  declare 
that  the  male  line  should  always  succeed  to  the  Spanish 
throne.  In  1789  Charles  IV  in  agreement  with  the  Cortes 
abrogated  the  law,  but  the  decision  seems  not  to  have  been 
published.  To  meet  every  contingency  Cristina  persuaded 
Ferdinand  in  1830  to  publish  the  law  of  1789.  Henceforth 
the  struggle  turned  on  the  question  of  the  validity  of  the  law 
of  1789.  In  October,  1830,  Cristina  gave  birth  to  a  daughter, 
Maria  Isabel,  who  was  crowned  as  Queen  Isabel,  or  Isabella  II, 
with  her  mother  as  regent,  on  the  death  of  the  king  in  1833. 
This  was  the  signal  for  the  outbreak  of  the  Carlist  wars, 
fought  principally  in  the  north  and  east  of  Spain,  where  the 
Progress  party  of  Don  Carlos  had  a  strong  following.  Meanwhile, 
of  Liberal-  a  Liberal  policy  had  been  inaugurated,  but  in  the  main  it 
*^°^'  was  of  a  half-hearted  type,  for  Cristina  was  both  illiberal 

by  temperament  and  unreliable  in  government ;  she  would 
promise  reforms,  only  to  withdraw  them,  and  would  perhaps 
re-enact  them  in  the  very  next  breath.  Nevertheless,  the 
I)eriod  of  her  regency  was  one  of  distinct  gain  for  the  prin- 
ciple of  limited  monarchy.  A  wider  and  wider  circle  of  the 
people  came  to  believe  in  that  ideal,  the  Cortes  met  frequently. 
Liberal  legislation  was  passed  which  was  not  to  be  so  lightly 
tossed  aside  as  formerly,  and  the  constitutional  principle 
was  definitely  established.  To  be  sure,  the  same  divisions 
as  before  tore  the  Liberal  element  asunder,  and  even  led  to 
insurrections  at  the  very  time  that  the  Carlist  wars  were  in 
their  most  dangerous  stage;  Spain  still  had  a  long  road  to 
travel  to  achieve  democracy.  The  most  important  piece 
of  legislation  was  the  constitution  of  1837,  overthrowing  the 
impossible  instrument  of  1812,  though  agreeing  with  it  in 
many  respects,  including  its  recognition  of  the  sovereignty 
of  the  people,  and  establishing  a  Cortes  of  two  houses,  with 
an  absolute  veto  by  the  crown,  and  a  restricted  suffrage,  — 
a  compromise  between  the  position  of  the  Moderates,  or 
conservative  element  of  the  Liberals,  and  that  of  the  Pro- 
gressives, or  radicals.     Neither  party  was  satisfied,  and  as 


THE   GROWTH  OF  LIBERALISM,    1808-1898  499 

a  working  instrument  the  constitution  was  not  long-lived, 
but  henceforth  this,  and  not  the  idolized  1812  document, 
was  to  serve  as  a  basis  in  constitution  making.  The  year  Rule  of 
1837  marked  the  first  appearance  in  power  of  Espartero,  Espartero. 
who  had  distinguished  himself  as  a  general  in  the  war  against 
the  Carlists,  thus  beginning  an  era  in  which  successful  mili- 
tary men  were  to  be  the  virtual  rulers  of  Spain,  more  or  less 
under  constitutional  forms,  but  in  reality  depending  upon 
the  army  as  the  only  force  which  all  elements  would  recog- 
nize. Espartero's  credit  reached  still  higher  when  he  was 
able  to  bring  the  Carlist  war  to  a  close  in  1840,  following 
his  negotiations  with  the  leading  enemy  generals.  In  the 
same  year,  Cristina,  who  had  long  maintained  a  precarious 
hold  on  the  regency  as  a  result  of  her  insincerity  and  her 
affiliations  with  the  Moderates,  was  at  length  compelled  to 
abdicate.  Espartero  stepped  into  the  breach,  becoming 
regent  in  1841,  and  for  another  two  years  maintained  him- 
self as  a  veritable  dictator,  but  proclaiming  Liberal  principles, 
fighting  the  Moderates,  defending  himself  against  the  in- 
trigues of  Cristina,  and  resisting  the  Progressives,  who  were 
dissatisfied  with  his  policy  or  jealous  of  his  preponderance. 
In  1843  the  storm  broke,  and  Espartero  fled  to  England. 

The  overthrow  of  Espartero  had  been  accomplished  by  a  Isabella  II 
combination  of  the  extreme  conservative  and  the  radical  and  the 
elements,  which  aimed  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  a  regencv  ^  ot  the 
by  illegally  proclaiming  the  thirteen-year-old  Isabella  II 
to  be  of  age.  Such  widely  divergent  groups  could  not  long 
remain  harmonious,  and  the  conservatives  were  soon  in  the 
saddle.  The  twenty-five  year  period  of  Isabella's  active 
reign,  from  1843  to  1868,  was  one  in  which  reactionary  forces 
were  almost  constantly  in  control  under  constitutional 
forms.  Except  for  the  discredited  Carlists,  who  engaged 
in  several  minor  outbreaks  during  these  years,  no  party 
stood  frankly  for  absolutism,  although  that  form  of  govern- 
ment was  in  fact  the  wish  of  many  and  the  virtual  t}^e  of 
rule  employed.  The  real  master  was,  not  the  queen,  but 
the  army  through  its  generals.  The  saving  factor  in  the 
situation  was  that  the  latter  were  not  united  ;  while  certain 
of  them  were  ultra-reactionary,  others  were  Liberal,  though 


500 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


Narvfiez 

and 

O'Doimell. 


Rise  of 

General 

Prim. 


Character 
of  the 
queen. 


none  of  those  who  attained  to  power  went  the  lengths  of  the 
radicals.  In  the  numerous  ministries  of  the  era  an  occasional 
non-military  individual  was  at  the  head  of  the  state,  —  such 
as  the  reactionary  Gonzalez  Bravo,  or  the  clerically  backed 
Bravo  Murillo,  but  the  terms  of  these  and  other  civilian 
ministers  were  brief.  The  two  principal  rulers  of  the  times 
were  General  Narvaez  and  General  O'Donnell.  Narvaez, 
who  had  won  notoriety  for  his  severity  against  the  Carlists, 
was  six  times  in  office  (1844-1846,  1846  again,  1847-1851, 
1856-1857,  1864-1865,  and  1866-1868).  It  became  the 
habit  of  the  queen  to  send  for  him  whenever  the  monarchy 
was  in  danger,  not  only  because  he  could  control  the  army, 
but  also  because  he  invariably  struck  hard  and  success- 
fully against  Liberalism  at  the  same  time  that  he  upheld 
constitutional  government,  though  disregarding  its  mandates 
as  suited  his  pleasure.  Execution  or  exile  followed  swiftly 
where  Narvaez  was  displeased  with  an  individual.  Mean- 
while, he  made  meritorious  reforms  which  tended  to  restore 
good  order  and  check  anarchy,  such  as  his  success  in  stamp- 
ing out  brigandage  and  revolution.  The  ability  of  this 
despotic  veteran  was  well  displayed  when  he  saved  Spain 
from  the  storm  which  shook  other  European  thrones  in  1848. 
O'Donnell,  who  came  into  prominence  in  the  temporarily 
successful  Liberal  revolution  of  1854,  was  three  times  in 
office  (1856,  1858-1863,  1865-1866),  once  holding  power  for 
five  years.  While  far  more  liberal  than  Nar^•aez  he  was  a 
staunch  supporter  of  the  Bourbons.  He  sought  to  divert  pub- 
lic attention  from  domestic  affairs  by  laying  stress  upon  for- 
eign policy,  as  witness  his  well-advertised  refusal  to  sell  Cuba 
to  the  United  States ,  his  plans  to  join  France  in  the  latter's 
intervention  in  Mexico,  and  especially  his  engaging  in  a  war 
with  Morocco  (1859-1860).  The  chief  political  result  of 
the  war  was  to  make  a  popular  hero  of  General  Prim,  a  man 
of  Liberal  tendencies  and  of  less  resolute  devotion  than 
O'Donnell  to  the  Bourbons.  Prim  was  the  third  of  the  great 
military  figures  who,  together,  explain  this  era.  Beside  them 
must  be  considered  the  queen.  The  former  regent,  Maria 
Cristina,  had  not  been  free  from  charges  of  immorality,  but 
her  daughter  Isabella  was  notorious  for  her  bad  conduct. 


THE   GROWTH   OF   LIBERALISM,    1808-1898 


501 


Furthermore,  she  was  perfidious,  selfish,  superstitious,  and 
lacking  in  principle.  Withal  she  was  devoutly  religious. 
The  result  was  that  her  opinions  were  swayed  by  her  numer- 
ous transitory  lovers  or  by  her  confessors,  and  ministries 
rose  and  fell  according  to  the  dictates  of  the  camarilla. 
Even  O'Donnell  declared  it  was  impossible  to  govern  under 
her,  for  no  dependence  could  be  placed  upon  her  word. 

The  character  of  the  period  was  reflected  in  the  new  con- 
stitutions which  were  drawn  up.  The  constitution  of  1845 
included  the  following  provisions :  the  introduction  of  a 
property  qualification,  narrowing  the  franchise  of  those 
electing  deputies  to  the  Cortes;  the  nomination  of  senators 
by  the  crown ;  life  tenure  of  senators ;  the  packing  of  the 
senate  with  grandees,  ecclesiastics,  successful  soldiers,  and 
financial  magnates,  —  reactionary  elements ;  emphasis  on 
the  recognition  of  the  Catholic  Church  as  the  established 
religion ;  an  assent  to  the  theory  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people,  but  in  such  an  attenuated  form  as  to  deprive  the 
right  of  its  vitality ;  restrictions  on  the  freedom  of  the  press ; 
and  the  reduction  of  the  national  militia  —  the  hope  of 
Liberalism  —  to  an  innocuous  state  by  making  it  subject 
to  the  central  executive.  The  church  was  strengthened 
still  further  upon  the  fall  of  Narvaez  in  1851,  for,  reactionary 
though  he  was,  he  did  not  go  far  enough  in  ecclesiastical 
matters  to  suit  the  clergy.  The  brief  term  in  office  of  their 
candidate.  Bravo  Murillo,  resulted  in  the  restoration  of  part 
of  their  former  endowment  as  a  result  of  the  concordat  of 
1851,  but  their  acceptance  of  this  document  was  denounced 
by  the  Carlists  and  absolutists  in  general,  including  the 
pseudo-constitutional  reactionaries,  as  a  betrayal  of  the 
cause  for  which  the  churchmen  had  stood.  Bravo  Murillo 
proposed  a  constitution  in  1852  which  amounted  to  a  virtual 
abrogation  of  parliamentary  government,  granting  the  crown 
the  right  to  enact  the  budget  by  royal  decree  and  to  propose 
legislation  which  must  be  accepted  or  rejected  by  the  Cortes 
without  amendment,  together  with  other  provisions  of  a 
like  character.  It  was  Narvaez  who  pointed  out  to  the 
queen  that  the  Bravo  constitution  would  result  in  disaster 
to  the  government,  and  the  instrument  was  only  productive 


Constitu- 
tional 
changes  in 
the  reign 
of  Isa- 
beUa  II. 


502 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Revolu- 
tion of 
General 
Prim  and 
dethrone- 
ment of 
Isabella  II. 


of  its  proposer's  fall.  During  the  period  of  Liberal  control, 
from  1854  to  1856,  at  which  time  Espartero  retm-ned  to 
head  the  ministry,  a  fresh  constitution  was  presented  to  the 
Cortes  in  1855.  The  former  provision  for  life  senators  was 
abolished ;  financial  control  was  vested  in  the  Cortes,  which 
was  to  meet  at  least  once  a  year;  liberty  of  the  press  was 
granted;  and  it  was  decided  that  nobody  should  be  perse- 
cuted for  his  religious  views  contrary  to  the  Catholic  faith, 
provided  he  should  not  manifest  them  publicly.  The  con- 
stitution of  1855  remained  an  ideal  only,  for  the  Cortes  sepa- 
rated without  promulgating  it.  In  the  next  year  O'Donnell 
brought  about  a  restoration  of  the  constitution  of  1845, 
with  added  enactments  providing  for  the  control  of  national 
finances  by  the  Cortes  and  for  an  elected  senate.  When 
Narvaez  returned  to  power  late  in  the  same  year,  he  caused 
such  reform  measures  of  the  Liberals  as  had  not  already 
been  done  away  with  to  be  rescinded,  and  reinforced  the 
constitution  of  1845. 

Nevertheless,  very  important  gains  were  made  for  democ- 
racy in  this  period,  in  addition  to  the  recognition  of  the  con- 
stitutional principle.  Most  vital  of  all  was  that  a  large 
proportion  of  the  people  had  now  joined  with  the  intellec- 
tual class  among  the  civDian  element  in  a  desire  for  a  more 
liberal  government.  The  reaction  had  at  first  been  wel- 
comed as  assuring  the  country  of  peace,  but  the  promise 
was  not  fulfilled.  Insurrections  soon  began  to  occur  on 
behalf  of  Liberalism,  and  people  got  to  believe  that  there 
would  be  no  security  from  anarchy  until  the  policies  of  that 
party  triumphed.  The  Liberal  opposition  more  and  more 
directed  its  attacks  against  the  queen,  whose  instability  of 
character  seemed  to  preclude  the  attainment,  or  at  least 
the  continued  practice,  of  any  political  ideal.  Prim  at 
length  became  convinced  that  the  dynasty  must  be  swept 
away,  and  headed  an  unsuccessful  revolution  in  1866.  The 
queen's  position  was  steadily  weakened,  however.  Radical 
newspapers  had  been  founded  which  exposed  her  immorality, 
and  the  government  was  unable  to  suppress  these  publica- 
tions. The  deaths  of  O'Donnell  in  1867  and  of  Narvaez 
in  1868  were  also  fatal  to  her.     The  last-named  was  sue- 


THE   GROWTH   OF   LIBERALISM,    1808-1898  503 

ceeded  by  Gonzalez  Bravo,  who  had  held  the  leadership  of 
the  ministry  from  1843  to  1844,  only  to  lose  it  because  he  was 
not  a  soldier,  and  could  not  control  the  army.  This  time 
he  proposed  to  defeat  the  generals,  and  sought  to  do  so  by 
banishing  all  of  them  known  to  hold  Liberal  views.  But 
the  generals  returned  with  Prim  at  their  head,  though 
Serrano  was  the  nominal  leader.  At  last  the  blow  had  fallen, 
and  as  the  year  1868  drew  toward  a  close  the  long,  corrupt 
reign  of  Isabella  II  came  to  an  end  with  the  dethronement 
of  the  queen.  The  first  question  now  to  resolve  was  that 
of  the  type  of  government  to  be  established.  This  was  left 
to  the  Cortes,  which  voted  for  a  continuance  of  monarchy; 
it  is  significant  of  the  advance  of  democratic  ideas  that  71 
votes  in  a  total  of  285  favored  the  establishment  of  a  republic. 
The  next  problem  was  to  find  a  monarch.  Prince  after 
prince  was  approached,  but  it  seemed  as  if  nobody  cared 
to  be  king  of  Spain.  Leopold  of  Hohenzollern  consented 
to  become  king,  but  later  withdrew  his  candidacy,  and  it  was 
this  trifling  incident  which  served  as  the  occasion,  hardly 
the  cause,  for  the  outbreak  of  war  in  1870  between  France 
and  Prussia.  Finally,  after  a  search  which  had  lasted  two 
years,  the  Duke  of  Aosta,  Amadeo  of  Savoy,  gave  a  reluc- 
tant consent.  On  the  very  day  when  Amadeo  touched 
Spanish  soil,  December  30,  1870,  General  Prim  died  of 
wounds  received  a  few  days  before  from  a  band  of  assassins. 
It  meant  that  the  new  king  (who  was  crowned  a  few  days 
later,  in  January,  1871)  was  to  lack  the  support  of  the  only 
individual  who  might  have  saved  him  from  the  difficulties 
of  his  position. 

Amadeo  found  himself  king  in  a  country  where  he  had   Troubled 
no  party.     At  his  accession  there  were  three  well-defined  ^^is°  ^^ 
groups,  the  Alfonsists,  the  Republicans,  and  the  Carlists.   ^^^^^^ 
The  first-named  favored  the  principle  of  limited  monarchy, 
under  Alfonso  of  Bourbon,  son  of  Isabella  II.     This  party 
as  yet  had  a  meagre  following,  owing  to  the  hatred  of  her 
family  which  Isabella  had  inspired  among  Spaniards.     Re- 
publicanism was  loudly  proclaimed,  but  was  untried  and  not 
trusted.     The  Carlist  faction,   standing  for  absolutism  as 
well  as  for  the  accession  of  the  heir  of  the  earlier  Don  Carlos, 


504  A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 

was  by  all  odds  the  strongest  group  of  the  day.  Its  backbone 
was  the  clergy,  who  were  especially  influential  in  the  coun- 
try districts  of  the  north  and  east.  They  were  deeply 
offended  by  the  choice  of  a  monarch  from  the  House  of  Savoy, 
which  had  just  occupied  the  last  remnant  of  the  Papal  States 
and  made  the  pope  a  "prisoner  of  the  Vatican."  They 
also  feared  that  the  new  government  might  withdraw  its 
financial  support  of  the  church,  leaving  them  to  the  uncertain 
contributions  of  the  faithful.  Carlism  was  aided  by  the 
disintegration  of  the  regular  army,  growing  out  of  Prim's 
promise  to  abolish  compulsory'  service,  a  policy  which  the 
Republicans  included  in  their  program,  although  no  definite 
enactment  to  this  effect  was  made.  The  morale  of  the  army 
was  thus  destroyed,  depriving  the  state  of  its  only  sure  resort, 
disgusting  the  officers,  and  leading  to  a  renewal  of  brigandage, 
anarchy,  and  an  aggressive  type  of  socialism.  Altogether 
there  was  a  recrudescence  of  grave  disorder.  There  were 
six  changes  in  ministry  and  three  general  elections  in  two 
years.  At  last  Amadeo  was  told  that  he  must  suspend  the 
constitution  and  rule  with  an  iron  hand.  This  he  refused 
to  do,  seizing  the  first  opportunity  which  offered  to  resign 
his  crown,  leaving  the  country  once  more  without  a  king, 
in  February,  1873. 
The  The  Republicans  now  had  their  innings,  but  the  time  could 

Spanish  hardly  have  been  worse  for  the  trial  of  their  ideas.  The 
repubUc.  Carlists  had  under  arms  a  force  of  45,000  men  in  1873, 
which  swelled  to  75,000  by  the  close  of  1875.  The  south 
received  the  proclamation  of  the  republic  with  a  resort  to 
self-governing,  jealous  particularism,  as  if  the  day  of  demo- 
cratic taifa  states  had  dawned,  for  they  were  able  to  agree 
on  one  thing  alone,  —  that  of  refusing  to  pay  taxes  to  the 
central  government.  One  Figueras  had  been  proclaimed 
ad  interim  president  until  a  Cortes  could  be  elected,  but  he 
became  terrified  by  the  republic  when  he  saw  it,  and  fled 
before  the  Cortes  could  meet.  There  were  three  more  presi- 
dents in  1873.  Pi  y  Margall  was  a  federalist  who  believed 
that  the  newly  won  freedom  would  provide  a  remedy  for  the 
prevailing  disorder,  —  but  it  did  not.  He  was  therefore 
put  aside,  and  Salmeron,  a  unitary  Republican,  took  the 


THE   GROWTH   OF   LIBERALISM,    1808-1898 


505 


helm.  Saymeron  initiated  vigorous  measures  to  crush  the 
forces  of  disintegration,  but,  as  he  was  about  to  succeed, 
drew  back  before  the  fear  of  mihtarism.  Castelar  was  put 
in  his  place,  and  he  revived  the  army.  This  measure 
strengthened  the  central  authority,  but  it  killed  Republican- 
ism, which  had  made  the  abolition  of  enforced  military 
service  one  of  the  cardinal  tenets  of  its  creed.  It  was  now 
only  a  question  of  time  before  the  Alfonsists  would  take 
control.  Carlists  of  constitutional  leanings  went  over  to 
that  side  as  did  many  Republicans,  since  it  now  seemed  clear 
that  the  accession  of  Alfonso  was  the  only  alternative  to  the 
enthronement  of  the  Carlist  representative.  In  December, 
1874,  Alfonso  issued  a  proclamation,  promising  an  amnesty 
and  constitutional  government.  With  hardly  a  struggle 
the  republic  fell. 

The  reign  of  Alfonso  XII  (1874-1885)  marked  the  be- 
ginning of  a  new  era,  based  upon  the  acceptance  of  pseudo- 
democracy  under  constitutional  forms,  and  accompanied 
by  a  growing  tendency  toward  internal  peace.  Minor  out- 
breaks in  Spain,  now  of  Carlists,  now  of  Republicans,  con- 
tinued to  require  military  attention  down  to  1SS6,  but  no 
such  disorder  as  had  so  long  been  the  rule  again  prevailed. 
A  new  constitution  was  promulgated  in  1876  which  had  the 
effect  of  conciliating  the  clergy,  since  it  provided  for  state 
support  of  the  church,  although  that  institution  did  not 
receive  all  it  had  been  promised  ;  indeed,  it  protested  bitterly 
against  the  grant  of  toleration  to  other  faiths.  The  con- 
stitution of  1876,  which  w^ith  some  modifications  is  still 
operative,  was  patterned  after  that  of  1845,  with  the  addition 
of  certain  of  the  more  recent  reforms.  Some  of  its  provisions 
were  the  following :  the  Cortes  was  to  be  composed  of  two 
houses,  respectively  the  senate  and  the  congress ;  the  senate 
was  to  contain  eighty  members  in  their  own  right,  such  as 
princes  of  the  royal  family,  grandees,  presidents  of  the  great 
councils,  archbishops,  and  captain-generals,  one  hundred 
more  by  royal  appointment,  and  one  hundred  and  eighty 
elected  for  a  term  of  five  years  by  municipal  and  provincial 
assemblies,  universities,  and  taxpayers  of  the  highest  class; 
congress  was  to  be  made  up  of  431  deputies,  representing 


Alfonso 
XII  and 
the  estab- 
lishment 
of  a  con- 
servative 
monarchy. 


506 


A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 


The  war 

of  1898 
and  dis- 
appear- 
ance of 
Spain  as  a 
colonial 
power. 


districts  of  50,000  people  each,  chosen  by  an  electorate 
which  was  limited  by  the  imposition  of  a  property  qualifica- 
tion, —  changed  in  1889  by  the  restoration  of  universal 
manhood  suffrage ;  legislative  power  was  vested  in  the  Cortes 
with  the  king ;  the  king  was  made  irresponsible,  but  his 
decrees  had  to  be  countersigned  by  a  responsible  minister; 
and  the  jury  system  was  abolished,  —  although  it  was  re- 
stored early  in  the  next  reign.  The  net  residt  was  a 
centralized  monarchy  in  the  control  of  the  conservative 
elements.  Many  principles  of  the  Liberal  program,  taken 
especially  from  the  constitution  of  1869  when  Prim  was  in 
power,  have  since  been  added.  The  death  of  the  king,  who 
had  ruined  his  health  as  the  result  of  excesses  which  recalled 
the  scandals  of  his  mother's  reign,  seemed  likely  to  raise 
fresh  difficulties  at  the  close  of  the  year  1885.  The  queen 
was  then  pregnant,  and  it  was  not  until  1886  that  her  son, 
the  present  Alfonso  XIII,  was  born.  The  ex-queen,  Isabella 
II,  attempted  to  intervene,  but  only  succeeded  in  strength- 
ening the  position  of  the  queen-mother,  Maria  Cristina  of 
Austria,  who  ruled  henceforth  as  regent  until  Alfonso  at- 
tained his  majority  in  1902. 

It  was  primarily  in  Spain's  colonial  policy  that  the  evils 
of  the  old  era  continued.  The  lesson  of  the  Spanish  American 
wars  of  independence  had  not  taught  Spain  how  to  govern 
her  few  remaining  colonies.  Indeed,  corrupt  methods  were 
if  anything  worse  than  before,  as  the  opportunities  for  en- 
gaging in  them  became  fewer.  Spanish  civilians  in  Cuba 
preyed  upon  the  island,  and  political  office  there  was  re- 
served for  those  seeking  reward  for  party  service  at  home. 
A  revolution  broke  out  in  1868  which  lasted  ten  years. 
The  government  then  made  promises  which  were  not  fulfilled, 
and  a  second  uprising  occurred,  but  it  was  severely  put  down- 
Once  again  there  was  a  revolution,  in  1895.  This  time  the 
United  States  intervened,  and  in  the  brief  war  of  1898  Cuba 
became  independent,  and  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines 
passed  over  to  the  United  States.  Thus  was  the  last  ves- 
tige of  Spain's  trans-Atlantic  dominion  swept  away.  This 
was  the  final  stroke  in  a  century  of  disasters.  And  yet 
the  total  result  was  one  of  internal  progress  for  Spain.     She 


THE   GROWTH   OF  LIBERALISM,    1808-1898  507 

had  paid  a  heavy  price  in  her  gropings  for  liberty,  but 
she  had  reached  a  stage  which,  while  not  yet  satisfactory, 
was  incomparably  ahead  of  that  with  which  she  had  begun 
the  century. 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE   DAWN   OF   A    NEW   DAY,    1898-1917 

Revival  of  SPANIARDS  are  in  the  habit  of  discussing  their  recent  na- 
economic  tional  development  with  reference  to  the  year  1898,  which 
prosper!  y.  j^  recognized  as  a  turning-point  in  Spanish  life,  a  change  held 
by  them  to  have  been  decidedly  for  the  better.  Nevertheless, 
the  way  had  begun  to  be  prepared  with  the  accession  of 
Alfonso  XII  to  the  throne ;  the  splendid  monument  to  that 
king  in  the  Retiro  at  Madrid  can  be  explained  only  on  the 
ground  that  he  symbolizes  the  re-establishment  of  good 
order  in  the  peninsula,  with  a  government  based  on  what 
the  Spanish  people  will  stand,  rather  than  on  the  full  meed 
of  an  unworkable  ideal.  The  country  was  tired  of  domestic 
strife,  and  asked  only  to  be  left  in  peace,  with  an  opportunity 
to  give  attention  to  its  material  resources.  This  wish  the  gov- 
ernment granted,  and  all  Spain  profited.  Roads,  railways, 
and  irrigation  ditches  were  built,  and  mining  and  the  wine 
trade  developed,  while  more  recent  times  have  witnessed 
a  notable  industrial  growth  in  some  of  the  northern  cities. 
These  matters  were  left  very  largely  in  the  hands  of  foreigners, 
with  Spaniards  either  wasting  their  blood  and  treasure  in 
the  colonies,  or  merely  failing  to  participate  in  the  economic 
enterprises  of  the  peninsula.  After  1898,  however,  Span- 
iards began  to  join  with  Englishmen,  Germans,  and  French- 
men in  investing  their  capital  in  Spain.  Many  evils  re- 
mained to  be  overcome,  but  the  country  recuperated  to  such 
an  extent  that  its  present  wealth  would  compare  favorably 
with  that  of  the  past  at  almost  any  stage  of  Spanish  history, 
although  the  rate  of  economic  progress  has  probably  not 
equalled  that  of  other  countries. 
On  the  surface  the  old  politico-social  ideas  of  Liberalism 

508 


THE   DAWN   OF  A   NEW   DAY,    1898-1917  509 

seemed  for  a  while  to  have  died,  and  the  country  came  Conserva- 
to  be  ruled  by  parties  which  supported  the  conservative  tivenilein 
constitution    of    1876,    although    there    was   a   widespread  ^.pseudo- 

....  '   '         -e       4.  ■  A  J-  ^u  i  X-         Laberal 

opposition  m  opinions  ii  not  m  power.     At  tne  present  time  g^ate. 

there  is  a  Liberal  and  a  Conservative  party,  but  the 
difference  between  the  two  is  recognized,  even  by  many 
Spaniards,  as  being  very  slight.  In  1911  there  was  a 
strike  on  the  government-owned  railways,  whereupon  the 
authorities  suspended  the  constitutional  guarantees,  on 
the  ground  that  the  nation  was  in  danger.  One  result 
was  that  bodies  of  men  could  not  congregate,  —  and 
the  strikers  were  helpless.  In  1912  a  general  railway 
strike  was  threatened.  The  premier,  Canalejas,  called  out 
the  military  reserves,  and  put  them  on  the  trains  not  only 
as  guards  but  also  as  train  operatives,  —  for,  since  all  Span- 
iards who  have  served  their  term  in  the  active  army  are  in 
the  reserves,  the  strikers  were  employed  as  military  trainmen 
to  put  down  their  own  strike,  —  a  thing  which  they  could  not 
refuse  to  do,  as  they  were  under  martial  law.  An  early 
Cortes  was  promised,  at  which  the  questions  of  increase  in 
wages  and  decrease  in  the  hours  of  labor  would  be  taken  up. 
The  Cortes  was  called,  —  and  the  matter  of  the  strike  was 
dropped.  The  interesting  thing  is  that  all  of  this  took  place 
while  a  Liberal  government  was  in  power!  It  is  also  said 
that  the  Liberals  and  Conservatives  agreed,  a  few  years  ago, 
to  alternate  in  office,  thus  showing  their  contempt  for  the 
spirit  of  representative  institutions,  but  the  Liberals  did  not 
retire  from  their  control  of  the  government  in  1913,  where- 
fore not  a  little  ill-concealed  resentment  was  displayed  by 
the  organs  of  the  Conservative  party.  In  fact,  parties  are 
divided  on  lines  of  the  allegiance  of  individuals  to  the  chief- 
tain (cacique)  of  their  group.  National  policies  and  projects 
of  reform  on  the  part  of  those  in  power  get  little  beyond  the 
stage  of  rhetoric,  while  government  is  too  largely  given  over 
to  the  interplay  of  personal  ambitions.  To  many  the  young 
king,  Alfonso  XIII,  has  seemed  the  most  liberal-minded  of 
the  higher  oflBcers  of  the  Spanish  state,  and  in  both  word  and 
deed  he  has  appeared,  until  recently  at  least,  to  merit  the 
characterization.     Attaining  to  his  majority  at  the  age  of 


510 


A   fflSTORY    OF   SPAIN 


Under- 
lying re- 
sentment 
against  the 
govern- 
ment and 
growth  of 
elements 
in  opposi- 
tion. 


sixteen,  in  1902,  he  married  the  grandchiughter  of  the 
English  Queen  Victoria  in  1906,  —  an  augury  in  itself  of 
liberal  views.  A  savage  attempt  was  mado,  without  suc- 
cess, to  murder  the  young  couple  on  their  wedding  day ;  on 
that  occasion  and  two  others  when  later  assassinations  were 
tried,  Alfonso  displayed  such  courage  and  coolness  as  to 
win  for  himself  an  immense  popularity;  "the  valiant  king" 
{El  rey  vaUente)  he  is  often  called. 

The  political  views  of  the  Spanish  people  have  been  under^ 
going  a  change  in  recent  years.  Whereas  the  mass  of  the 
people  were  totally  unready  for  the  democratic  constitution 
of  1812,  or  even  for  that  of  1S37,  they  are  today  becoming 
more  and  more  radical  in  feeling.  Everywhere  there  is 
discontent  with  the  present  management  of  state  affairs, 
and  it  is  customary  to  charge  even  the  untoward  incidents  of 
daily  life  to  the  fault  of  "the  bad  government"  {el  mal  go- 
bierno),  —  for  example,  when  a  train  is  late,  or  over-crowded, 
both  of  which  eventualities  are  of  frequent  occurrence. 
Many  factors  have  combined  to  bring  about  this  state  of 
mind :  much  is  traceable  to  social  causes,  to  which  allusion 
will  be  made  presently;  the  very  material  progress  of  the 
country,  resulting  in  a  betterment  of  the  condition  of  the 
poor,  though  their  lot  is  still  far  from  being  an  enviable  one, 
has  awakened  desires  among  the  masses  of  which  their 
ancestors  never  dreamed  ;  and  the  relative  prosperity  of  many 
of  the  indianos  (nabobs  of  the  Indies),  as  returned  Spanish 
emigrants  are  called,  has  led  to  a  widespread  belief  that  men 
can  do  better  anywhere  than  under  the  ^^mal  gobierno"  of 
Spain.  The  average  Spaniard  of  the  working  classes  takes 
little  interest  in  his  right  of  suffrage  (although  this  is  more 
particularly  true  of  the  country  districts  than  it  is  of  the 
cities),  for  he  is  convinced  that  it  makes  no  difference;  he  is 
helpless  and  hopeless  in  the  face  of  a  government  which 
seems  quite  apart  from  him.  IMany  believe,  however,  that 
there  is  a  panacea  for  existing  conditions,  and  groups  have 
sprung  up  representing  a  variety  of  social,  economic,  and 
political  ideas,  such  as  single  tax  {georgismo,  —  from 
Henry  George),  socialism,  and  republicanism.  The  desire 
for  a  republic  has  grown    steadily  since   its   first   public 


THE   DAWN   OF  A   NEW   DAY,    1898-1917  511 

expression  in  1854,  and  has  now  swept  across  the 
northern  provinces  of  Spain,  from  Galicia  to  Catalonia, 
cutting  through  the  formerly  Carlist,  or  absolutist,  country, 
although  manifesting  itself  more  in  the  cities  than  elsewhere. 
If  no  serious  outbreak  for  the  establishment  of  a  republic 
has  taken  place,  it  is  in  large  degree  a  tribute  to  the  king. 
Alfonso  has  frequently  declared  himself  ready  to  accept 
the  wishes  of  the  Spanish  people  in  this  matter,  saying 
only  a  few  years  ago  that  if  Spain  should  so  decide  he 
"would  be  the  first  to  draw  his  sword  in  defence  of  the 
republic."  Too  much  weight  should  not  be  given  to 
these  political  gropings  of  the  Spanish  people,  for  the 
forces  of  conservatism,  —  such  as  the  nobles  and  the 
wealthy,  the  clergy,  and  the  devoutly  faithful  (notably  in 
the  rural  districts),  —  are  still  very  powerful.  Even  the 
king  has  recently  been  charged  with  a  tendency  to  become 
reactionary.  In  1917  serious  internal  disturbances  occurred, 
and  it  is  said  that  Alfonso  did  not  rise  to  the  situation  in  the 
same  liberal  spirit  as  formerly.  Whether  this  is  the  mere 
unfounded  expression  of  party  feeling,  or  whether  the  king 
has  in  truth  experienced  a  change  of  heart,  it  is  as  yet  too 
early  to  say.  Whatever  may  be  the  exact  composition  of  the 
elements  against  them,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  majority 
of  the  people  feel  a  deep  resentment  against  the  prevailing 
government.  In  one  respect  this  has  led  to  consequences  of 
a  serious  character.  The  old  regional  spirit  of  the  Catalans 
has  reasserted  itself,  and  a  distinct  Catalan  national  feeling, 
sustained  by  a  revival  of  Catalan  as  a  literary  tongue,  has 
manifested  itself.  One  event  stands  out  from  the  rest  in 
recent  times,  with  regard  to  which  all  elements  in  Spanish 
life  have  had  occasion  to  express  their  political  views.  That 
is  the  celebrated  Ferrer  case. 

In  June,  1909,  when  a  Conservative  government  was  in  The  Ferref 
power,  with  Antonio  Maura  at  its  head,  credits  were  voted  case  and 
for  a  campaign  in  Morocco  against  some  tribesmen  who  had  ..^ 
attacked  a  railway  leading  to  mines  in  the  control  of  Spanish  gj  j..  ^^^' 
capitalists.     There  was  an  immediate  outbreak  of  hostile  "Maura, 
public  opinion  in   Spain,   which   in    Catalonia  resulted   in  no!" 
serious    riots.     The    strange    thing    about    the    Catalonian 


512  A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 

manifestations,  which  were  most  pronounced  in  Barcelona, 
was  that  they  developed  into  what  seemed  to  be  an  organized 
assault,  not  on  the  government  or  on  capitalists,  but  on  the 
Catholic  Church.  Churches,  monasteries,  convents,  and 
shrines  were  attacked  —  and  nothing  else.  The  government 
soon  had  the  situation  in  hand,  and  a  number  of  arrests  were 
made,  followed  in  some  cases  by  sentences  of  death  or 
imprisonment.  Public  attention  ff)cused  itself  on  the  case 
of  one  Ferrer.  Francisco  Ferrer  was  born  in  1859,  the  son  of 
a  poor  Catalan  farmer.  As  a  youth  he  was  an  anarchist, 
pronouncing  bitterly  against  the  ideal  of  patriotism  and 
against  the  church.  Having  participated  in  a  Catalonian 
rebellion  of  1885,  he  fled  to  Paris,  where  he  entered  into 
relations  with  a  Parisian  spinster,  who  soon  died  and  left  him 
a  fortune.  Later,  he  returned  to  Barcelona,  and  increased 
his  possessions  as  the  result  of  successful  stock  speculation. 
He  founded  a  number  of  schools,  which  represented  his  ideas, 
—  still  uncompromisingly  against  the  church.  Ferrer  was 
also  a  high  official  of  the  Freemasons  and  other  secret  so- 
cieties. It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  either,  in  view  of  his 
rebellious  attitude  toward  society,  that  his  regard  for  the 
marriage  bond  and  for  sexual  morality  was  clearly  not  in 
accord  with  prevailing  views.  At  the  time  of  the  Catalonian 
outbreak  of  1909  he  was  charged  with  being  one  of  the  ring- 
leaders. A  military  court-martial  was  held,  at  which  he 
was  confronted  with  scores  of  witnesses,  and  it  would  seem 
that  the  prosecution  established  its  case.  Ferrer  was 
convicted,  and  on  October  13,  1909,  was  shot.^  The  case 
of  Ferrer  has  been  taken  up  internationally  by  various  secret 
societies,  but  it  has  had  a  special  significance  in  Spain. 
There,  opinion  has  divided,  not  about  Ferrer  or  the  merits 
of  his  case,  but  with  regard  to  the  Conservative  chieftain, 
Maura,  whose  government  was  responsible  for  his  death. 
Maura  is  taken  as  the  personification  of  the  existing  regime. 
"Maura,  si!"  and  "Maura,  no!"  ("Maura,  yes!"  and 
"Maura,    no!")    have   come   to   be   popular    watchwords, 

1  Beiloc,  Hilaire,  ''The  International,'"  in  The  Dublin  Review,  v. 
CXLVI,  nos.  292-293,  pp.  167-181,  396-411.  London.  Jan. 
and  Apr.,  1910.     This  is  an  article  about  the  Ferrer  case. 


THE   DAWN   OF   A   NEW  DAY,    1898-1917  513 

indicating  whether  one  approves  of  things  as  they  are,  or 
whether  one  stands  for  a  new  and  UberaUzed,  truly  demo- 
cratic Spain. 

Spain's  foreign  poHcy  since  1898  has  very  nearly  reduced  Foreign 
itself  to  three  factors.  First  of  these  is  the  policing  of  a  policy  of 
small  strip  of  the  Moroccan  coast,  where  Ceuta  and  other  •  ^^"logo 
posts  are  still  held  by  Spain.  This  has  involved  the  country  ^^^^  ^^^^j. 
in  wars  of  a  minor  character  with  the  traditional  enemy  in  tude  to- 
Moslem  Northwest  Africa.  Of  greater  interest  is  the  con-  ward  the 
scious  policy  of  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the  American  ^^^^ 
countries  which  were  once  colonies  of  Spain,  based  largely 
on  a  wish  to  develop  a  market  for  Spanish  goods,  but  not 
devoid  of  a  sentiment  which  makes  Spain  desire  to  associate 
herself  with  the  growing  lands  to  which  she  gave  the  first 
impulse  to  civilization.  Finally,  Spain's  relations  with  the 
two  groups  of  European  powers  which  entered  upon  the 
Great  War  in  1914  have  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
country  continuously  in  recent  years,  and  have  been  an 
issue  which  has  divided  Spaniards.  Many  of  the  conservative 
elements  of  Spain  have  long  been,  not  so  much  pro-German, 
as  anti-French,  and  they  have  been  supported  by  those 
parts  of  the  masses  which  follow  the  lead  of  the  church  or 
else  take  no  great  interest  in  politics.  The  causes  of  this 
Francophobe  feeling  are  numerous.  The  Dos  de  Mayo, 
Spain's  national  holiday,  stands  for  an  uprising  against  the 
French,  followed  by  the  glorious  War  of  Independence, 
although,  to  be  sure,  this  has  of  late  exercised  but  little 
influence ;  many  French  writers  have  written  disparagingly 
or  in  a  patronizing  manner  of  Spain,  causing  a  natural 
feeling  of  resentment ;  Spanish  American  countries  have 
asserted  that  France  is  their  intellectual  mother,  not  Spain, 
and  this  may  have  had  an  effect,  though  comparatively 
little,  on  the  minds  of  some ;  mere  propinquity  with  France, 
which  is  the  only  great  power  bordering  upon  the  peninsula, 
has  brought  about  a  certain  hostility  which  neighboring 
peoples  so  often  feel  with  regard  to  each  other ;  the 
affronts  which  Spain  claims  to  have  received  at  French 
hands  in  Morocco  have  had  great  weight ;  and  the  already 
hostile  attitude  of  the  clergy  against  republican  France 
2l 


514  A    HISTORY    OF    SPAIN 

was  enhanced  when  that  country  broke  with  the  Catholic 
Church  a  few  years  ago.  As  regards  England,  Spain 
has  never  forgotten  Gibraltar.  With  Germany,  on  the 
other  hand,  there  has  been  little  occasion  for  friction, 
and  German  commercial  competition  with  England  for 
Spanish  markets  has  been  welcomed  as  beneficial  to  the 
country.  The  radical  and  liberal  elements,  which  include 
the  intellectuals,  and,  generally  speaking,  the  Liberal  party 
have  favored  the  Entente  as  against  the  Central  Powers,  and 
their  position  has  been  very  greatly  strengthened  by  the 
evident  support  of  the  king.  In  part,  pro-Entente  feeling 
has  been  a  matter  of  political  principle,  because  of  the  liberal 
types  of  government  in  France  and  England,  the  only  two 
countries  of  the  Entente  allies  (prior  to  American  entry  in  the 
Great  War)  to  whom  Spaniards  have  paid  attention.  In 
large  measure,  however,  the  Spanish  point  of  view  has  been 
the  result  of  a  certain  practical,  materialistic  trait  which  is 
ingrained  in  Spanish  character.  Thus  Spaniards  have 
pointed  out  that  it  would  be  fatal  for  Spain  to  side  with 
Germany,  since  her  wide  separation  from  the  latter,  coupled 
with  British  naval  supremacy,  would  make  it  unlikely  that 
German  arms  could  be  of  any  assistance  to  Spain.  Com- 
mercial and  other  reasons  have  also  been  adduced  to  show 
that  Spain  could  gain  nothing  by  an  alliance  with  Germany. 
These  views  have  developed  in  the  course  of  the  Great  War 
until  Spain  has  become  rather  more  inclined  to  the  allies 
than  to  the  Germans.  It  is  not  improbable,  however, 
that  an  allied  disaster  might  be  seized  upon  by  the  pro- 
German  military  element  to  swing  Spain  the  other  way, 
for  the  army  is  still  a  factor  to  be  reckoned  with  in  Spanish 
politics.  On  the  other  hand,  many  leading  Spaniards  have 
argued  that  there  would  be  no  advantage  for  Spain  if  she 
should  enter  the  war,  whereas  there  has  thus  far  been  a 
distinct  benefit  for  certain  elements  in  the  population,  in  the 
shape  of  abnormal  war  profits,  through  remaining  neutral. 
Lately,  however,  great  misery  has  been  occasioned  as  a 
result  of  Spain's  inability  to  procure  needed  supplies  from 
the  allies  and  the  danger  from  the  German  submarines. 
In  no  element  of  the  national  life  has  the  well-being  of 


THE   DAWN   OF  A   NEW  DAY,    1898-1917  515 

Spain  since  1898  been  more  clearly  demonstrated  than  in  the  Spain's 
realm  of  things  intellectual.  On  the  educational  and  scien-  intellec- 
tific  side  (with  one  exception,  presently  to  be  noted),  the  . 

achievement  has  not  been  great  enough  to  attract  attention,  gance. 
but  in  those  branches  of  human  knowledge  which  are  akin 
to  the  emotions  Spain  has  embarked  upon  a  new  siglo  de  oro 
which  has  already  placed  her  in  the  forefront  of  the  nations 
in  the  wealth  and  beauty  of  her  contemporary  literature  and 
art.  Many  writers  or  artists  of  note  did  their  work  before 
1898,  while  others  stand  athwart  that  year,  but  the  most 
remarkable  development  has  come  in  the  more  recent 
period  —  a  growing  force  which  is  far  from  having  run  its 
course.  Thus,  before  1898,  there  were  such  poets  as  Becquer, 
Campoamor,  Nunez  de  Arce,  Rosalia  de  Castro,  and  Salva- 
dor Rueda;  novelists  like  Alarcon,  Pereda,  Valera,  "Clarin," 
Picon,  Palacio  Valdes,  Pardo  Bazan,  and  Perez  Galdos; 
dramatists  including  Ayala,  Tamayo,  Echegaray,  Perez 
Galdos,  Guimera,  and  Dicenta ;  critics  and  philologists 
like  Mila  Fontanals,  Valera,  "Clarin,"  and  Menendez 
y  Pelayo ;  essayists  such  as  Alfredo  Calderon,  Morote, 
Picavea,  Ganivet,  and  Unamuno;  painters  like  Pradilla, 
Ferran,  and  Munoz  Degrain ;  and  composers  of  music 
including  Arrieta,  Gastambide,  Chueca,  Chapi,  Breton, 
and  Fernandez  Caballero,  Some  of  the  more  notable  of 
these  belong  also  in  the  post-1898  group,  and  to  them 
should  be  added,  among  others,  the  following :  poets  — 
Ruben  Dario  (who  is  included  in  this  list,  though  he  is  a 
Nicaraguan,  because  of  his  influence  on  Spanish  poetry), 
Villaespesa,  Marquina,  Ramon  D.  Peres,  the  two  Machados, 
Mesa,  Diez  Canedo,  Mufioz  San  Roman,  and  Maragall ; 
novelists  —  Blasco  Ibafiez,  Pio  Baroja,  "Azorin,"  Silverio 
Lanza,  Valle  Inclan,  Ricardo  Leon,  Alberto  Insua,  Perez 
de  Ayala,  Martinez  Sierra,  Miro,  and  Felipe  Trigo; 
dramatists  —  Benavente,  Martinez  Sierra,  the  brothers 
Alvarez  Quintero,  Carlos  Arniches,  Linares  Rivas,  Mar- 
quina, Rusifiol,  and  Iglesias;  critics  and  philologists  — 
Menendez  Pidal,  Bonilla,  Rodriguez  INIarin,  Said  Armesto, 
Americo  Castro,  Cejador,  Alomar,  Tenreiro,  and  Gonzalez 
Blanco;    essayists  —  Ortega    Gasset,     Maeztu,    "Azorin," 


516  A  HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

Gomez  de  Baquero,  Manuel  Bueno,  Maragall,  and  Zulueta ; 
painters  —  Zuloaga,  Sorolla,  the  brothers  Zubiaurre,  Bene- 
dito,  Chicharro,  Villcgas,  Nieto,  Beruete,  Moreno  Carbonero, 
Bilbao,  Sotomayor,  Anglada,  de  la  Gandara,  Juan  Lafita, 
and  Rusinol ;  sculptors  —  Blay,  Benlliure,  Marinas,  Clara, 
and  Julio  Antonio;  architects  —  Gaudi,  Puig,  Velazquez, 
and  Palacios;  composers  —  Albeniz,  Pedrell,  Turina, 
Granados,  Falla,  Yives,  Serrano,  and  Quinito  Valverde; 
and  educators  —  Giner  de  los  Rios  and  Cossio.  Spain  has 
also  produced  historians  and  historical  scholars  of  note  in 
recent  j^ears  (though  several  of  them  belong  in  the  pre-1898 
group),  among  whom  should  be  reckoned  Canovas  del 
Castillo,  Danvila  y  Collado,  Hinojosa,  Rafael  Altamira, 
Colmeiro,  Fidel  Fita,  Fernandez  Duro,  Menendez  y  Pelayo, 
Torres  Lanzas,  and  Fernandez  Guerra.  Special  mention 
should  be  made  of  the  novelists  Perez  Galdos  (author  of  the 
famous  Episodios  nacionales,  or  National  episodes,  —  a 
series  of  historical  novels  from  the  Liberal  point  of  view, 
covering  the  history  of  Spain  from  the  time  of  Godoy  to  the 
present,  —  and  esteemed  by  many  as  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  literary  geniuses  of  modern  times)  and  Blasco 
Ibaiiez  (who  has  used  the  novel  as  a  vehicle  for  an  attack  on 
the  old  order  of  Spanish  life) ;  of  the  dramatists  Jacinto 
Benavente  (a  man  whom  many  regard  as  deserving  to  rank 
with  the  greatest  names  of  all  time  in  Spanish  literature), 
Perez  Galdos  (who  is  almost  equally  notable  in  the  drama  as 
in  the  novel),  the  brothers  Alvarez  Quintero  (who  have  so 
clearly  depicted  modern  Andalusian  life),  and  Martinez 
Sierra  (whose  comedies  reach  to  the  very  roots  of  truth  and 
beauty) ;  of  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  most  famous  as  a  critic, 
said  to  have  been  the  dominant  figure  of  recent  years  in 
Spanish  literature ;  of  the  painters  Zuloaga  (successor  of  El 
Greco,  Velazquez,  and  Goya,  whose  works  embrace  both  the 
mysticism  and  the  austerity  of  the  Spanish  national  spirit) 
and  Sorolla  (a  symbolist,  who  has  done  with  the  brush  what 
Blasco  Ibafiez  did  with  the  pen,  and  whose  paintings,  mainly 
of  Valencian  scenes,  are  full  of  realism  and  naturalism,  bril- 
liant in  expression  and  color) ;  and  of  Giner  de  los  Rios, 
opponent  of  the  church,  but  a  man  of  tremendous  influence 


are  not. 


THE   DAWN   OF   A   NEW   DAY,    1898-1917  517 

on  the  thought  of  modern  Spain.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the 
leading  names  in  the  realm  of  art  are  all  in  the  post-1898 
period;  indeed,  this  form  of  intellectual  manifestation  was 
not  in  a  flourishing  state  before  that  time.  And  in  the 
midst  of  all  these  names  one  must  not  forget  that  of  Santiago 
Ramon  y  Cajal,  whose  discoveries  in  histology  have  made 
him  famous  throughout  the  world.  Many  characterize 
him  as  the  greatest  Spaniard  of  the  present  day. 


Spain  clearly  has  entered  upon  a  new  era  of  her  history.  Things 
No  man  can  predict,  with  safety,  toward  what  goal  she  is  which 
tending,  although  there  is  some  ground  for  a  feeling  of  ^f^'^^'*^^ 
optimism.  With  the  leading  facts  of  Spanish  history  already 
before  the  reader,  it  is  perhaps  well  at  this  point  to  give 
a  summary  account  of  contemporary  Spanish  traits  and 
social  problems,  thus  providing  a  further  basis  for  estimates 
with  regard  to  the  possibilities  of  the  future.  It  is  best  to 
begin  with  a  statement  of  some  of  the  things  which  Span- 
iards are  not,  —  with  a  view  to  controverting  certain  widely 
circulated  notions.  Spaniards  are  not  unusually  cruel  or 
vindictive.  The  notion  that  they  are  has  arisen  in  various 
ways.  Spaniards  are  emotional,  and  under  the  stress  of 
excitement  are  capable  of  acts  of  great  violence,  but  on  the 
other  hand  they  very  rarely  plan  a  crime  in  cold  blood.  The 
bull-fight  has  been  charged  to  an  innate  cruelty  of  Span- 
iards, but  whatever  one  may  think  of  the  game,  the  aficionado^ 
or  bull-fight  "fan,"  is  appealed  to  by  the  skill  of  the  bull- 
fighter and  the  courage  of  the  bull,  rather  than  by  the  flow 
of  blood.  As  regards  treatment  of  animals,  the  evidence  is 
somewhat  against  the  Spaniard.  The  superficial  tourist  is 
apt  to  think  that  the  majority  of  Spaniards  in  third  class  of 
the  railway  coaches  are  double-dyed  brigands,  for  they  wear 
wretched  clothing  and  carry  huge  knives,  —  but  the  former 
is  the  result  of  economic  necessity,  and  the  latter  is  to  cut 
bread  with  —  and  not  each  others'  throats.  The  historians, 
however,  are  very  largely  to  blame,  especially  those  who 
maligned  the  dominant  and  hated  Spaniards  of  the  sixteenth 
century.    Spaniards    themselves,    with    their   fierce   party 


518  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

spirit  and  rhetorical  gifts,  products  of  their  emotional  make- 
up, have  provided  the  arfi;unients  which  have  been  used 
against  them,  —  notably  in  the  case  of  Las  Casas'  con- 
demnation of  the  Spanish  treatment  of  the  Indians.  In  the 
second  place,  they  are  not  lazy ;  rather,  they  make  excellent 
laborers,  and  work  long  hours  without  complaint.  The 
idea  that  they  are  indolent  arises  in  part  from  the  fact  that 
the  titled  classes  still  retain  some  of  the  traditional  aversion 
to  manual  labor;  in  part  from  a  certain  lack  of  ambition, 
such  that  many  Spaniards,  notably  those  of  the  south,  do 
not  work,  after  they  have  gained  enough  to  live  on  for 
perhaps  only  a  little  while ;  partly  because  of  a  lack  of 
responsibility  which  many  of  them  display,  with  the  result 
that  they  do  not  do  well  when  not  under  supervision ;  and 
partly,  again,  because  histories  have  so  described  Spaniards 
of  the  past,  and  this  time  with  some  truth.  Many  of  the 
factors  which  once  made  manual  labor  unpopular  are  not 
any  longer  operative,  such  as  the  prevalence  of  slaves,  serfs, 
and  Moslems  in  industry  or  agriculture,  wherefore  the 
earlier  stigma  attaching  to  those  occupations  has  been 
removed.  In  the  third  place,  Spaniards  are  not  proud  and 
arrogant  to  the  extent  of  being  haughty,  although  they  do 
have  a  sense  of  personal  pride  which  is  rather  to  be  com- 
mended than  condemned.  In  the  fourth  place,  to  call  a  man  a 
"Spaniard"  is  not  a  sufficient  definition,  for  there  are  wide 
differences  in  blood  and  language  as  well  as  in  feelings  in  the 
various  regions  of  Spain ;  the  serious-minded,  progressive, 
European-blooded  Catalan  is  certainly  farther  apart  from 
the  easy-going,  pleasure-loving,  improvident,  part  Moslem- 
blooded  Andalusian  than  is  the  Englishman  from  the 
American,  or  perhaps  the  southern  Frenchman  from  the 
North  Italian.  In  addition  to  Castilian,  or  Spanish,  there 
are  the  distinct  languages  of  the  Catalans  and  Basques,  with 
a  great  many  variants,  or  dialects,  from  the  Castilian  and 
Catalan.  Nevertheless,  it  is  true  that  all  are  "Spaniards." 
Castilian  is  generally  understood,  and,  until  the  recent  re- 
appearance of  Catalan,  was  the  only  literary  language ;  the 
people  are  patriotic  to  the  country,  even  though  the  fire  of 
local  attachments  is  still  uncommonly  strong  in  them ;  the 


THE  DAWN   OF  A   NEW  DAY,    1898-1917 


519 


emotional 
traits  of 
Spaniards. 


bull-fight  and  the  national  lottery  are  popular  in  all  parts  of 
Spain ;  Spaniards  read  the  same  books,  have  the  same 
government,  and,  in  fine,  have  been  brought  together, 
though  widely  divergent  in  traits,  by  the  circumstances  of 
history.  ; ' 

The  keynote  to  an  understanding  of  Spanish  character  lies  Intellec- 
in  an  appreciation  of  the  fact  that  Spaniards  generally  com-  tualand 
bine  an  intense  individualism  and  marked  practicality  with 
an  emotional  temperament.  Enough  has  already  been 
intimated  with  regard  to  the  two  first-named  traits.  As 
for  that  of  emotionalism  it  becomes  more  operative  the 
farther  south  one  goes.  Some  Spaniards  say  that  the 
English,  who  are  taken  as  representative  of  the  northern 
peoples,  are  in  the  forefront  of  the  nations  as  concerns 
matters  of  the  Iiead,  but  that  the  Spaniards  lead  in  heart, 
and  they  are  well  content  to  have  it  that  way.  Yet  it  is 
far  from  true  that  Spaniards  are  lacking  in  Jiead;  rather, 
they  are  brilliantly  intellectual,  and  even  the  man  in  the 
street  often  seems  to  have  a  faculty  for  seeing  and  expressing 
things  clearly,  with  little  or  no  study ;  their  logical-minded- 
ness  is  displayed  in  the  rhetorical  skill  with  which  they  set 
forth  their  opinions.  It  is  true,  however,  that  there  is  a 
certain  lack  of  intellectual  stamina  in  Spaniards ;  they  will 
not  use  the  brains  with  which  nature  has  abundantly  en- 
dowed them.  Thus,  big  business  and  scientific  discoveries 
(except  in  the  practical  realm  of  their  applications)  have 
been  left  to  the  foreigners.  On  the  emotional,  or  heart,  side 
one  encounters  numerous  evidences.  Spaniards  are  de- 
votedly fond  of  children,  —  almost  too  much  so,  for  they 
seem  unable  to  refuse  them  anything.  Thus,  a  child  gets 
milk  by  crying,  toys  galore,  and  stays  up  at  night  until  he 
wants  to  go  to  bed ;  the  effects  on  national  discipline  are 
possibly  not  of  the  best,  but  the  error,  if  such  it  is,  springs 
from  the  heart.  Spaniards,  past  and  present,  have  been 
great  in  emotional  expression,  in  the  fields  of  literature  and 
art.  It  is  a  novelty  for  Americans  to  find  that  the  educated 
young  men  of  Spain  talk  quite  as  easily  about  literature  and 
art  as  they  do  about  women,  —  and  they  move  from  one 
subject  to  the  other  without  any  marked  change  in  the  tenor 


520  A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 

of  the  conversation.  Spanish  crimes  are  usually  the  result 
of  an  emotional  impulse.  Similarly,  the  emotions  play 
rather  too  prominent  a  part  in  the  Spaniard's  associations 
with  women!  Courtesy  is  almost  universal  among  Span- 
iards, who  will  go  to  considerable  personal  inconvenience  in 
order  to  assist  a  stranger ;  to  be  sure,  one  is  not  safe  in 
reckoning  on  the  promises  to  render  favors  later,  —  for  by 
that  time  the  impulse  may  have  passed.  The  Spanish 
fondness  for  the  bull-fight  and  the  lottery  also  springs  from 
the  emotional  stir  which  goes  with  them. 
Spanish  The  above  applies  principally  to  the  men.     The  women 

women.  should  be  considered  apart,  and  this  is  much  more  neces- 
sary in  dealing  with  Spain  than  it  would  be  in  treating  of  the 
United  States,  where  women  come  nearer  to  having  an  equal 
liberty  with  men.  Opinions  differ  as  to  the  personal  ap- 
pearance of  Spanish  women,  and  first  impressions  of  the 
foreigner  are  apt  to  be  against  them.  This  is  largely  be- 
cause the  people  of  the  wealthy  or  moderately  well-to-do 
classes  do  not  appear  in  the  street  nearly  so  frequently  as 
in  the  United  States  or  in  northern  Europe.  The  women  of 
the  working  classes  toil  harder,  on  the  average,  than  do  ours, 
—  for  more  of  them  have  to  help  earn  the  family  living  as 
well  as  bring  up  and  take  care  of  the  children,  —  and  they  are 
not  able  to  dress  well,  with  the  natural  result  that  they  are 
rarely  prepossessing.  This  in  part  accounts  also  for  the 
belief  of  foreigners  that  Spanish  beauty  fades,  —  which  is 
not  the  case  with  those  who  are  able  to  live  in  fairly  easy 
circumstances  any  more  than  it  is  in  other  countries. 
Among  Spaniards  it  is  often  said  that  the  Valencian  women 
are  the  handsomest,  closely  followed  by  the  Andalusians, 
who  rank  as  the  most  witty.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the 
Moslem  element  in  Spanish  blood  is  very  strong  in  these 
sections.  Another  popular  misconception  as  to  Spanish 
senoritas  (young  ladies)  is  that  they  are  so  dainty  that  they 
would  almost  melt  in  one's  hand.  In  fact  they  are  unusually 
self-contained  in  manner,  and  if  they  have  any  pronounced 
defect  it  is  one  which  does  not  go  with  daintiness,  —  that 
of  a  loud,  often  metallic  voice.  On  the  other  hand  there 
is   most  decidedly  an   all-pervading,  unconscious  grace  in 


THE   DAWN   OF  A  NEW  DAY,    1898-1917  521 

Spanish  women.  Women  other  than  those  of  the  working 
classes  find  very  httle  to  do.  Servants  are  extraordinarily 
cheap,  —  one  can  get  a  nurse-girl  in  Seville  for  about  ten 
cents  a  day;  so  there  is  little  occasion  to  do  housework. 
Spanish  women  are  not  assiduous  readers,  do  not  even 
sew  or  knit  to  any  marked  degree,  and  comparatively  few 
of  them  sing  or  play  the  piano.  They  are  fond  of  a  walk  or 
ride  in  the  afternoon,  accompanied  by  the  children  and  the 
nurse-girls,  and  enjoy  social  gatherings  at  night.  In  fine, 
their  life  is  passed  largely  in  pleasant  conversation,  with  very 
little  variety;  indeed,  they  require  little  that  is  novel,  for 
they  are  simple  in  their  tastes,  and  are  easily  entertained. 
The  Spanish  husband  is  not  nearly  so  domesticated  as  the 
American  species.  Instead  of  remaining  at  home  at  night  he 
quite  regularly  goes  out,  —  and  even  may  occupy  a  different 
place  at  the  theatre  from  the  group  of  seats  where  his  wife 
and  daughter  are  found.  This  is  the  expected  thing,  and 
Spanish  women  do  not  appear  to  wish  it  otherwise.  They 
seem  to  consider  that  the  men  have  done  them  a  great 
favor  by  marrying  them,  and  take  the  attitude  of  desiring 
to  repay  them  for  the  rest  of  their  lives.  The  husband  is 
devoted  to  his  wife  and  the  children,  but  he  would  commit 
suicide  before  he  would  carry  a  baby  in  the  street.  Despite 
the  fact  that  the  brains  of  most  Spanish  women  may  be  said 
to  lie  fallow,  they  are  often  brilliant  talkers,  sharing  with  the 
men  the  intellectual  potentialities  of  the  race.  They  rarely 
travel,  and  know  very  little  beyond  the  bounds  of  their 
home  town  or  city  and  the  nearest  watering-place.  They 
are  usually  very  religious,  but  not  in  an  aggressive  way ;  in 
a  country  where  there  is  virtually  no  competition  with  the 
Catholic  Church  there  is  no  stimulus  to  make  their  religion 
anything  but  a  purely  personal  matter  for  the  individual. 
This  helps  to  account  for  the  almost  complete  lack  of  re- 
ligious discussion  in  the  Spanish  circles  one  meets  with. 
Young  ladies  rarely  go  into  the  street  unless  accompanied 
by  their  mother  or  some  older  person.  Whenever  they  do 
appear  they  are  stared  at  by  the  men,  but  the  practice  seems 
to  be  regarded  as  proper  and  in  a  measure  complimentary. 
They  are  hedged  around  with  safeguards  which  prevent 


522 


A   HISTORY   OF   SPAIN 


The  aris- 
tocracy 
and  the 
latifundia. 


Life  of 
men  of  the 
better 
classes. 


their  seeing  the  young  man  of  their  choice  alone,  except 
perhaps  as  separated  by  the  narrow  grating  of  a  window, 
until  the  day  of  their  marriage.  According  to  all  reports 
these  measures  fulfill  their  intended  purpose,  for  the  ma- 
terial bars  are  supplemented  by  the  inherited  instincts  of 
the  women  themselves.  Aside  from  prostitutes  Spanish 
women  have  a  nation-wide  reputation  for  good  moral  con- 
duct. Once  married  the  size  of  the  family  depends,  as 
many  put  it,  "As  God  wills!"  A  family  of  from  five  to 
seven  children  is  not  considered  large,  and  there  are  many 
families  which  are  very  much  larger. 

Assuming  that  it  would  be  desirable,  can  Spain  advance 
any  farther  along  the  highway  of  democracy  ?  If  she  would 
do  so,  she  must  contend  with  the  aristocracy,  which  in  fact 
rules  the  country.  The  modern  Spanish  aristocracy  is 
composed  of  the  nobility,  their  relatives,  rich  merchants, 
the  clergy,  and  the  military.  The  richer  members  of  the 
aristocracy,  especially  those  of  central  and  southern 
Spain,  control  the  greater  part  of  the  best  Spanish  lands, 
which  they  cultivate  just  enough  to  ensure  wealth  to  them- 
selves. Thousands  of  acres  are  given  over  to  the  raising  of 
bulls  for  the  bull-fights,  and  even  the  late  Duke  of  Veragua, 
a  descendant  of  Columbus,  was  engaged  in  this  industry. 
One  often  wonders  why  Spanish  towns  are  so  far  away  from 
the  railway  station,  especially  in  level  tracts  where  it  would 
be  normal  to  expect  a  growth  toward  the  railroad.  The 
usual  answer  is  that  the  land  belongs  to  a  personage  of  the 
realm,  who  would  not  think  of  selling  it,  and  does  not  care 
to  develop  it  himself.  The  agrarian  problem  is  particularly 
acute  in  Andalusia,  where  the  evil  of  latifundia,  springing 
out  of  the  later  reconquests  from  the  Moslems,  is  more  in 
evidence  than  elsewhere. 

The  life  of  the  men  of  the  better  classes  is  singularly  free 
from  care.  They  arise  late,  and  go  to  their  favorite  cafe 
or  club  to  read  the  newspaper.  In  the  afternoon  they 
frequent  their  club,  passing  the  time  in  discussion  or  in 
general  conversation.  Late  in  the  afternoon  they  go  for  a 
drive  along  the  paseo,  or  driveway,  the  same  place  every  day, 
where  the  principal  object  is  to  see,  or  be  seen  by,  the  others 


THE   DAWN   OF  A   NEW  DAY,    1898-1917  523 

who  are  doing  the  same  thing.  In  the  evening  they  return 
to  the  club.  Perhaps  at  9  :  30  or  10  o'clock  they  go  to  a  play, 
for  the  theatre  begins  late,  following  this  by  a  visit  to  their 
favorite  cafe  and  a  late  departure  for  home.  The  program 
varies  little  from  day  to  day.  In  the  summer  they  go  to  a 
watering-place,  but  it  usually  amounts  only  to  a  change  of 
cafes.  These  men  rarely  drink  to  excess,  and  they  are  the 
most  charming  people  in  the  world  to  talk  to,  but  they 
never  study  and,  if  possible  to  avoid  it,  never  do  any 
work.  Unknowingly  perhaps,  for  they  are  bred  to  this 
type  of  life  by  centuries  of  training,  they  are  a  drain  on 
the  land,  the  most  serious  element  in  the  vested  interests 
which  stand  in  the  way  of  effective  reform.  Those  of  this 
class  who  have  to  work  are  provided  with  sinecures  at 
state  expense.  The  social,  economic,  and  political  better- 
ment of  Spain  cannot  proceed  very  far  while  the  aristocracy 
is  in  control.  On  the  other  hand  the  experience  of  the 
past  has  not  demonstrated  that  democracy  could  main- 
tain order,  and  this  the  present  regime  does.  Furthermore, 
the  aristocracy  is  by  no  means  an  exclusive  caste,  but  is 
open  to  the  entry  of  all. 

In  addition  to  the  wealth  and  political  influence  of  the  Social 
aristocracy  other  factors  in  Spanish  life  abound  to  aid  and  problems 
abet    in   their   maintenance   of   control.     One   of   these    is  of  con- 
emigration.     Spaniards  do  not  expect  to  rise  from  poverty  g^j^ 
to  great  wealth,  as  men  do  in  America,  for  so  few  of  them 
rarely  can,  under  the  existing  system,  that  there  is  not  the 
stimulus  of  other  men's  successes  to  spur  them  on.     The 
more  ambitious  of   the    poor   and  moderately  well-to-do, 
therefore,   make  their  way  to  the  Americas,   especially  to 
Argentina,   and,   prior  to    the  recent  era  of   civil   war,  to 
Mexico.      The  poorest  and  the  least  ambitious,  who  are 
less  likely  than  the  others  to  give  trouble,  remain  behind. 
A  second   aid  is  the  lottery.      The  lottery,  which  has  its 
agencies  in  every    hamlet  and   city  of   Spain,  is   govern- 
ment  owned    and   operated,    paying    some  of  the   highest 
prizes   offered   in   the  world   at  the    present   time.      Few 
human  passions  are  so  strong  as  that  of  gambling,  and 
Spain  has  surrendered  to  the  lottery.     The  poor  people 


524  A   HISTORY    OF   SPAIN 

welcome  this  Insidious  system,  believing  it  to  be  almost  the 
only  avenue  of  advance  to  the  envied  ease  of  the  wealthy, 
and  invest  their  spare  savings  in  a  ticket.  Hope  and  even 
expectation  of  getting  a  lucky  number  have  come  to  be  a 
national  disease.  A  third  abettor  of  the  aristocracy  is  the 
bull-fight.  It  is  not  the  cruelty,  but  rather  the  corrupting 
influence  of  this  sport  which  should  occupy  those  who  pro- 
test against  it.  The  game  is  so  emotional,  so  wildly  exciting, 
that  it  grips  the  people  to  the  exclusion  of  almost  every  other 
interest;  in  Seville,  one  can  almost  be  certain,  if  he  hears 
men  quarreling  at  the  top  of  their  voices,  that  they  are 
disputing  the  merits  of  this  bull-fighter  or  that,  for  that  is 
the  absorbing  factor  in  life,  every  hour  in  the  day,  in  every 
day  of  the  year.  Men  who  have  caught  the  fever  of  the 
bull-fight  rarely  have  interest  in  national  reform ;  they  do 
not  want  it,  as  it  might  sweep  away  the  sport  which  is  the 
major  part  of  their  life.  A  fourth  factor  would  seem  to  be 
the  extensive  character  of  charitable  enterprises.  Thou- 
sands depend  upon  the  unused  food  of  the  army,  and  line 
up  each  day  to  receive  it.  Enormous  sums  are  also  provided 
by  the  church  or  by  charitable  organizations  to  enable  the 
poor  to  get  meals  free  or  at  slight  cost.  The  object,  no 
doubt,  is  benevolent,  but  the  result  is  that  many  men  will 
not  work.  Especially  is  this  true  in  the  mild  climate  of 
southern  Spain,  where  not  a  few  contrive  to  exist  without 
homes  to  sleep  in  and  on  the  dispensations  of  charity.  A 
fifth  factor  is  the  extreme  poverty  of  the  masses.  Wages 
are  unthinkably  low.  Men  who  can  barely  keep  body  and 
soul  together  are  not  the  ones  who  agitate  reform.  A  sixth 
aid  in  the  maintenance  of  things  as  they  are  is  the  lack  of 
a  good  public  school  system.  Schools  are  inadequate  and 
teachers  poorly  paid.  Few  Spaniards  get  beyond  the 
primary  grade,  and  many  do  not  even  go  that  far.  The 
need  of  education  is  undoubtedly  the  sine  qua  non  of  any 
effective  Spanish  advancement.  To  change  the  form  of 
government,  without  an  accompanying  or  a  preliminary  in- 
struction of  the  masses,  would  be,  as  a  French  wTiter  puts 
it,  "to  change  the  label  of  a  bottle,  without  transforming 
the  contents."    It  is  also  necessary  if  any  appreciable  reform 


THE   DAWN   OF   A   NEW  DAY,    1898-1917  525 

is  to  be  made  in  the  social  and  economic  system  of  the 
country.  None  realizes  this  better  than  the  men  who,  like 
Altamira,  Azcarate,  Costa,  Giner  de  los  Rios,  Posada,  and 
Unamuno,  stand  for  the  new  Spain,  as  distinct  from  the  old, 
—  for  a  country  which  shall  break  with  the  past  to  the 
extent  which  may  be  required  in  order  to  place  itself  in 
the  current  of  modern  world  progress.  Their  ideal  is  not 
impossible  of  achievement,  despite  the  forces  which  are 
against  them,  for  the  Spanish  people,  at  bottom,  are  ad- 
mirable material,  still  virile  and  altogether  sane. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES 


The  principal  aim  of  this  volume  is  to  be  of  service  to  the  general 
reader  in  English-speaking  America.  On  this  account  the  entries  which 
appear  below  have  been  restricted  rigidly  to  works  in  English.  It  was 
a  temptation  to  include  some  of  the  more  notable  foreign  works,  such 
for  example  as  those  by  Altamira,  Bonilla,  Canovas  del  Castillo,  Col- 
meiro,  Danvila,  Desdevises  du  Dezert,  Diercks,  Dozy  (the  Recherches), 
Fernandez  de  Navarrete,  Fernandez  Duro,  Fernan-Nunez,  Ferrer  del 
Rio,  Fita,  Foulche-Delbosc,  Haebler,  Hinojosa,  Lafuente,  Lembke, 
Mariejol,  Marvaud,  Menendez  Pidal,  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  Mignet, 
Morel-Fatio,  Oliveira  Martins,  Ranke,  Romey,  Rosseeuw  St.  Hilaire, 
Rousseau,  Salcedo,  and  Tapia,  but  the  reader  will  be  able  to  go  to  their 
works  and  to  many  others  by  using  the  aids  which  are  provided  here. 

A  complete  bibliography  of  the  works  in  English  on  the  history  of 
Spain  would  reach  enormous  proportions.  It  has  therefore  been  deemed 
advisable  to  narrow  the  field  by  excluding  the  following  classes  of  mate- 
rial :  catalogues  of  books  and  manuscripts ;  volumes  of  source  material ; 
periodicals  about  Spain  not  devoted  primarily  to  history;  articles  in 
periodicals ;  works  on  other  subjects  (such  for  example  as  the  writings 
of  Mommsen  and  other  historians  of  the  Roman  Empire)  which,  how- 
ever, contain  much  material  on  the  history  of  Spain;  works  (such  as 
those  of  Motley  or  Helps)  on  the  activities  of  Spain  outside  the  penin- 
sula, whether  in  Europe  or  the  Americas;  and  books  which  may  be 
regarded  as  out  of  date.  Works  published  many  years  ago  are  not 
omitted,  however,  if  they  are  translations  of  important  foreign  works, 
the  writings  of  notable  historians,  or  volumes  which  are  unique  in  their 
field.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  give  an  exhaustive  list  of  all  the 
items  coming  within  the  classes  eligible  for  entry.  Thus  there  might 
be  additions  to  the  lives  of  notable  persons,  to  the  histories  of  art  and 
literature,  or  to  the  already  long  list  of  recent  descriptive  works.  The 
plan  has  been  rather  to  be  representative,  giving  some  of  the  works 
which  will  serve  to  introduce  the  reader  to  the  subject.  No  claim  is 
made  that  the  works  cited  cover  the  subject  of  Spanish  history  ade- 
quately ;  indeed,  if  the  most  broadly  inclusive  basis  for  entry  of  works 
in  English  had  been  chosen  they  would  not  do  so.  They  are  particularly 
disappointing  to  the  American  reader,  in  that  they  represent  the  point 
of  view  of  England  or  continental  Europe  rather  than  that  of  the  Span- 
ish gift  to  America.  Furthermore,  many  periods  are  but  scantily 
covered  from  any  standpoint,  while  others,  such  as  those  of  the  Catholic 

527 


Writers  on 
the  history 
of  Spain 
whose 
works  are 
in  Spanish, 
PYench, 
and 
German. 


Bases  for 
selection 
and  ex- 
clusion of 
works  in 
English. 


Relation 
of  the 
works 
cited  to 
the  field  of 
Spanish 
history. 


528  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 

Kings  and  the  House  of  Austria,  have  an  over-supply  of  wTitings  upon 
them.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  books  of  a  given  period  have  a 
number  of  preUminary  chapters  on  the  years  immediately  preceding 
it.  Thus,  Coppee  has  some  two  hundred  pages  on  the  Visigothic  era, 
Plunket  nearly  a  hundred  pages  on  the  reign  of  Henry  IV,  and  most  of 
the  histories  of  the  nineteenth  century  begin  with  the  accession  of 
Charles  IV.  Concluding  chapters,  too,  will  often  reach  over  into  the 
next  succeeding  period,  —  as  in  the  case  of  Scott,  who  devotes  sixty- 
nine  pages  to  the  Moriscos  under  the  kings  of  the  House  of  Austria. 
Moreover,  many  of  the  volumes  in  the  section  devoted  to  works  of  travel 
and  description,  especially  those  dealing  with  particular  localities,  give 
much  of  their  space  to  the  record  of  the  past,  thus  supplementing  the 
writings  which  are  more  properly  historical  in  character. 
Methods  In  the  works  selected  for  entry  an  indication  is  given  of  the  dates  of 

of  entry.  the  first  and  the  latest  editions.  In  the  case  of  translations  the  date 
of  the  original  publication  in  the  foreign  tongue  is  also  stated.  The 
place  of  publication  is  not  given  for  the  latest  edition  if  it  is  the  same  as 
that  of  the  first.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  record  minor  variations 
in  title  in  different  editions,  such  for  example  as  "Philip  the  Second" 
for  "Philip  II,"  but  striking  changes  have  been  noted.  The  presence 
of  bibliographical  apparatus  in  the  works  cited  is  indicated  by  the  ab- 
breviation "Bib,"  thus  enabling  the  reader  to  know  what  are  the  vol- 
umes which  may  take  him  to  materials  not  mentioned  here.  Not  only 
are  the  books  with  formal  bibliographies  or  lists  of  works  so  character- 
ized, but  also  those  which  have  fairly  ample  bibliographical  data  in  the 
preface.  The  practice  has  not  been  followed,  however,  where  the  in- 
formation as  to  sources  is  confined  to  footnotes,  although  many  writers. 
Lea  for  example,  have  valuable  references  scattered  through  their 
volumes. 

I.  Bibliographical  Aids 

Aside  from  the  partial  bibliographies  in  the  books  listed  below  and 
the  single  periodical  mentioned  in  this  section  there  is  no  work  in 
English  on  the  bibliography  of  Spanish  history.  The  bibliographical 
sections  of  the  Cambridge  medieval  history  and  the  Cambridge  modern 
history  (items  10  and  29  below)  will  be  found  particularly  helpful. 
Three  works  in  foreign  tongues  are  worth  noting.  The  bibliography 
in  Altamira's  Historia  de  Espana  is  perhaps  the  best  general  list  in 
Spanish.  The  two-volume  Catalogue  de  I'histoire  d'Espagne  et  de 
Portugal  (Paris.  1883-85)  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  of  Paris, 
based  on  the  works  at  the  disposition  of  readers  in  the  great  national 
library  at  the  French  capital,  is  valuable  for  the  older  books.  The 
■     •  sections  on  Spain  in  the  German  annual  bibliography  of  historical 

writings,  the  Jahresberichte  der  geschichtswissenschoft  (published  at 
Berlin  since  1880)  cover  publications  since  1878.  The  only  item  in 
English  follows : 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  529 

1.  Hispanic  American  historical  review.  Baltimore.  1918.  Quar- 
terly. 

This  periodical  begins  publication  in  February,  1918.  Will 
contain  material  on  Spain  and  Portugal,  including  biblio- 
graphical notices,  though  primarily  devoted  to  Hispanic 
America. 

II.  General  Histories  of  Spain 

In  addition  to  the  items  of  this  paragraph,  attention  is  directed  to 
the  works  on  special  subjects,  in  section  IX,  many  of  which  range 
over  several  or  all  of  the  various  periods  of  Spanish  history. 

2.  Dunham,  Samuel  Astley.     .  .  .  Spain  and  Portugal.     5v.     Lon- 

don.    1832[-33].     Takes  to  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

3.  Hale,   Edward   Everett,    and   Susan   Hale.     .  .  .  Spain.     New 

York,     [c  1886]. 

4.  Harrison,  James  Albert.    Spain.    Boston,     [c  1881].    Republished 

under  title  Spam  in  history.     New  York  and  Akron,  O.     [1898]. 

5.  Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     The  Spanish  people,  their  origin, 

growth  and  influence.  London  and  New  York.  1901.  1914. 
Bib. 

6.  Mariana,  Juan  de.     The  general  history  of  Spain.     From  the  first 

peopling  of  it  by  Tubal,  till  the  death  of  King  Ferdinand,  who 
united  the  crowns  of  Castile  and  Aragon.  With  a  continuation 
to  the  death  of  King  Philip  III.  Tr.[fr.the  Sp.ed.of  1669  or 
1670]  ed.by  Capt.John  Stevens.  London.  1699.  Orig.ed.in 
Latin.  Toledo.  1592.  First  Sp.ed.  Toledo.  1601.  Later 
editions  have  continuations,  all  except  the  first  by  other  writers, 
bringing  the  history  to  the  date  of  publication.  Latest  Sp.ed. 
Madrid.     1854. 

7.  Perkins,  Clara  Crawford.    Builders  of  Spain.   2v.ini.    New  York. 

1911. 

III.  Ancient  Spain,  to  711 

8.  Bouchier,  Edmund  Spencer.     Spain  under  the  Roman  Empire. 

Oxford.     1914.     Bib. 

9.  Biu"ke,  Ulick  Ralph.     A  history  of  Spain,  from  the  earliest  times 

to  the  death  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic.     2 v.     London.     [1894-] 
1895.     1900. 

10.  Cambridge  medieval  history.      3v.      New  York.      1911-18.     Bib. 

11.  Van  Nostrand,  John  James.     The  reorganization  of  Spain  by 

Augustus.     (University  of  California,  Publications  in  history, 
v.IV,no.2).     Berkeley.     1916.     Bib. 


2m 


530  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 

IV.  Medieval  Spain,  711-1479 

Items  9  and  10  belong  also  in  this  section. 

12.  Beazley,  Charles  Raymond.     James  the  First  of  Aragon.    Oxford. 

1890. 

13.  Clarke,  Henry  Butler.     The  Cid  Campeador,  and  the  waning  of 

the  crescent  in  the  west.     New  York  and  London.     1902. 

14.  Conde,  Jose  Antonio.     History  of  the  dominion  of  the  Arabs  in 

Spain.  Tr.ed.by  Mrs.  Jonathan  Foster.  3v.  London. 
1854-55.  Orig.Sp.ed.  Madrid.  1820-21.  Usually  regarded 
as  untrustworthy. 

15.  Coppee,  Henry.     HiMory  of  the  conqziest  of  Spain  by  the  Arab- 

Moors.     2v.     Boston.     1881. 

16.  Dozy,  Reinhart  Pieter  Anne.     Spanish  Islam:   a  history  of  the 

Moslems  in  Spain.  Tr.ed.bv  Francis  Griffin  Stokes.  London. 
1913.     Bib.     Orig.Fr.ed.     Leyde.     1861. 

17.  Drane,  Augusta  Theodosia.     The  history  of  St.  Dominic,  founder 

of  the  Friars  Preachers.     London  and  New  York.     1891. 

18.  Guiraud,  Jean.     Saint  Dominic.      Tr.ed.by  Katharine  de  Mattos. 

London.  1901.  New  York,  Cincixmati,  and  Chicago.  1913. 
Bib.     Orig.Fr.ed.     Paris.     1899. 

19.  Ibn'Abd  al-Hakam.     Ibn  Abd-el-Hakem's  History  of  the  conquest 

of  Spain.  Tr.[fr.the  Arabic]  ed.by  John  Harris  Jones.  Got- 
tingen.     1858.     Orig.ms. written  in  ninth  century. 

20.  Lane-Poole,  Stanley.     .  .  .  The  Moors  in  Spain.     New  York  and 

London.     [1886].     New  York.     1911. 

21.  Makkari,  Ahmed  ibn  Mohammed  al.     The  history  of  the  Moham- 

medan dynasties  in  Spain.  Ext.and  tr.[fr.ms.copies  in  the 
British  Museum]  ed.by  Pascual  de  Gayangos.  2v.  London. 
1840-43.  Orig.ms.in  Arabic  WTitten  early  in  the  seventeenth 
century. 

22.  Merriman,  Roger  Bigelow.     The  rise  of  the  Spanish  empire  in  the 

old  world  and  the  new.  4v.  New  York  and  London.  1918-. 
Bib.  Two  volumes  are  announced  for  publication  in  1918 
(The  middle  ages  and  The  Catholic  Kings).  Two  more  will 
follow  (The  Emperor  and  Philip  the  Prudent). 

23.  Miron,  E.  L.     The  queens  of  Aragon,  their  lives  and  times.     Lon- 

don.    1913.     Bib. 

24.  Scott,  Samuel  Parsons.     History  of  the  Moorish  empire  in  Europe. 

3v.     Philadelphia  and  London.     1904.     Bib. 

25.  Swift,  Francis  Darwin.     Life  and  times  of  James  I.,  the  conqueror, 

king  of  Aragon,  Valencia,  and  Majorca.     Oxford.     1894. 

26.  Watts,  Henry  Edward.     .  .  .   The  Christian  recovery  of  Spain, 

being  the  story  of  Spain  from  the  Moorish  conquest  to  the  fall  of 
Granada  (711-1492  A.D.).     New  York.     1901. 

27.  Whishaw,  Bernhard  and  Ellen  M.     Arabic  Spain,  sidelights  on 

her  history  and  art.     London.     1912.     Bib. 

28.  Yonge,  Charlotte  INIary.     The  story  of  the  Christians  and  Moors 

of  Spain.     London  and  New  York.     1903. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  531 

V.  Era  of  the  Catholic  Kings,  1479-1517 

Items  9, 14, 15,  20-22,  24,  26,  and  28  belong  also  in  this  section.  Many 
of  the  items  of  section  IX  are  appHcabie  here. 

29.  Cambridge    modern    history.     14v.     New    York    and    London. 

1902-12.     Bib. 

30.  Hare,  Christopher.     A  queen  of  queens  [Isabella  (1474-1504)]  & 

the  making  of  Spain.     New  York.     1906. 

31.  Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     Queens  of  old  Spain.     New  York. 

1906.     London.     1911. 

32.  Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     Spain,  its  greatness  and   decay 

(1479-1788).     Cambridge.     1898.     1913.     Bib. 

33.  Irving,  Washington.     Conquest  of  Granada.     New  York.     1829. 

1910.  Bib.  Orig.ed. entitled  A  chronicle  of  the  conquest  of 
Granada. 

34.  Lea,  Hem-y  Charles.     The  Moriscos  of  Spain;   their  conversion 

and  expulsion.     Philadelphia.     1901. 

35.  Plunket,  lerne  L.     Isabel  of  Castile  and  the  making  of  the  Spanish 

nation,  14-51-1504-     New  York  and  London.     1915.     Bib. 

36.  Prescott,  William  Hickling.     History  of  the  reign  of  Ferdinand 

and  Isabella  the  Catholic.  2v.in  1.  New  York.  1838.  3v. 
Philadelphia.     [1902]. 

37.  Sabatini,    Rafael.     Torquemada    and   the   Spanish    inquisition. 

London.     [1913].     Bib. 

VI.  The  House  of  Austria,  1516-1700 

Items  22,  29,  31,  32,  and  34  belong  also  in  this  section.     All  of  the 
items  in  section  IX  have  a  bearing  here. 

38.  Armstrong,   Edward.     The  Emperor  Charles   V.     2v.     London 

and  New  York.     1902.     London.     1910.     Bib. 

39.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     The  life  of  Cervantes.     London  and 

New  York.     1905.     Bib. 

40.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Murillo,  a  biography  and  apprecia- 

tion.    London  and  New  York.     1907. 

41.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick,  and  Mrs.  Catherine  Gasquoine  (Hart- 

ley) Gallichan.  El  Greco;  an  account  of  his  life  and  works. 
London  and  New  York.     1909. 

42.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick,  and  Mrs.  Catherine  Gasquoine  (Hart- 

ley) Gallichan.  Velazquez;  an  account  of  his  life  and  works. 
London  and  New  York.     1908. 

43.  Castro  y  Rossi,  Adolfo  de.     The  Spanish  Protestants  and  their  per- 

secution by  Philip  II;  a  historical  work.  Tr.ed.by  T.  Parker. 
London  and  Edinburgh.  1851.  (History  of  religious  intoler- 
ance in  Spain).     1853.     Orig.Sp.ed.     Cadiz.     1851. 

44.  Coloma,  Luis.     The  story  of  Don  John  of  Austria.     Tr.ed.by 

Lady  Moreton.    London  and  New  York.     1912. 


532  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 

45.  Colvill,  Helen  Hester.     Saint  Teresa  of  Spain.     New  York  and 

London.     1909.     Bib. 

46.  Dunlop,  John  Colin.     Memoirs  of  Spain  during  the  reigns  of 

Philip  IV  and  Charles  II,  from  1621  to  1700.     2v.     1834. 

47.  Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  James.     The  life  of  Miguel  de  Cervantes  de 

Saavedra.     London.     1892.     Bib. 

48.  Fitzmaiirice-Kelly,   James.     Miguel  de  Cervantes  Saavedra:    a 

memoir.     O.xford.     1913.     Bib. 

49.  Froude,  James  Anthony.     The  Spanish  story  of  the  Armada  and 

other  essays.     New  York.     1892.     London.     1901. 

50.  Gardiner,  Samuel  Rawson.     Prince  Charles  and  the  Spanish  mar- 

riage.    2v.     London.     1869. 

51.  Gayarre,  Charles  Etienne  Arthur.     Philip  II  of  Spain.     New 

York.     1866. 

52.  Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de.     Annals  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 

Tr.[fr.an  unpublished  ms.of,  probably,  1557-58]  and  Sp.orig.ed. 
by  Roger  Bigelow  Merriman.     Oxford.     1912. 

53.  Graham,   Mrs.   Gabriela   (de  La  Balmondiere)    Cunninghame. 

Santa  Teresa,  being  some  account  of  her  life  and  times.     2v. 
London.     1894.     1907. 

54.  Hughes,  Thomas  Aloysius.     Loyola  and  the  educational  system  of 

the  Jesuits.     New  York.     1892.     Bib. 

55.  Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     The  court  of  Philip  IV.     Spain 

in  decadence.     New  York.     1907. 

56.  Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     Philip  II.  of  Spain.     London. 

1897.     1911.     Bib. 

57.  Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     Two  English  queens  and  Philip. 

London.     [1898]. 
68.   Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     The  year  after  the  Armada,  and 
other  historical  studies.     London  and  New  York.     1896. 

59.  Joly,  Henri.     Saint  Ignatius  of  Loyola.     Tr.ed.by  Mildred  Par- 

tridge.    London.     1899.     1906.     Orig.Fr.ed.     Paris.     1898. 

60.  Justi,  Karl.       Diego  Velasquez  and  his  times.       Tr.ed.by  A.H. 

Keane.     London.     1889.     Orig.Ger.ed.     Bonn.     1889. 

61.  Lovat,  Alice  Mary  (Weld-Blundell)  Fraser,  baroness.     The  life 

of  Saint  Teresa,  taken  from  the  French  of  "A  Carmelite  nun." 
London.     1912. 

62.  Loyola,   Saint   Ignacio   de.     The   autobiography  of  StJgnatius. 

Tr.ed.by  J.F.X.O'Conor.     Naw  York.     1900.     Original  com- 
pleted in  1555. 

63.  Lyon,  F  H.     Diego  de  Sarmiento  de  Acuna,  conde  de  Gon- 

d/ymar.     Oxford.     1910. 

64.  McCrie,  Thomas.     History  of  the  progress  and  suppression  of  the 

Reformation  in  Spain  in  the  sixteenth  century.     Edinburgh. 
1829. 

65.  Prescott,  William  Hiekling.     History  of  the  reign  of  Philip  the 

Second.     3v.     Boston.     1855-58.     Philadelphia.     1916. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  533 

66.  Rennert,  Hugo  Albert.     The  life  of  Lope  de  Vega  (1562-1635). 

Glasgow  and  Philadelphia.     1904.     Bib. 

67.  Robertson,  William.     The  history  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 

Charles  the  Fifth.  3v.  [Philadelphia].  1770.  Philadelphia. 
[1902]. 

68.  Rose,  Stewart.     Ignatius  Loyola  and  the  early  Jesuits.     London. 

1870.     1891.     Bib. 

69.  Sandoval,  Prudencio  de.     The  history  of  Charles  the  vth,  emperor 

and  king  of  Spain,  the  great  hero  of  the  House  of  Austria :  con- 
taining the  most  remarkable  occurrences  that  happen'd  in  the 
world  for  the  space  of  56  years.  Tr.ed.by  Capt.John  Stevens. 
London.     1703.     Orig.Sp.ed.     Antwerp.     1681. 

70.  Stevenson,   Robert  Alan  Mowbray.     Velasquez.     London   and 

New  York.     1899.     Bib. 

71.  Stirling-Maxwell,  Sir  William.     The  cloister  life  of  the  Emperor 

Charles  the  Fifth.     London.     1852.     1891. 

72.  Stirling-Maxwell,  Sir  William.     Don  John  of  Austria;   or  Pas- 

sages from  the  history  of  the  16th  century,  1547-1578.  2v.  Lon- 
don.    1883. 

73.  Stirling-Maxwell,  Sir  William.     Velazquez  and  his  works.     Lon- 

don.    1855. 

74.  Teresa,  Saint.     Saint  Theresa.     The  history  of  her  foundations. 

Tr.[fr.the  Sp.]  ed.by  Sister  Agnes  Mason.  Cambridge.  1909. 
Orig.Sp.ed.     Antwerp.     1630. 

75.  Teresa,  Saint.     The  life  of  St.  Teresa  of  Jesus,  of  the  Order  of  Our 

Lady  of  Carmel.  Tr.ed.by  David  Lewis.  London.  1870. 
1904.     Orig.Sp.ed.     Salamanca.     1588. 

76.  Teresa,  Saint.     St.  Teresa  of  Jesus  of  the  Order  of  Our  Liady  of 

Carmel,  embracing  the  life,  relations,  maxims  and  foundations 
written  by  the  saint,  also,  a  history  of  St.  Teresa's  journeys  and 
foundations.  Tr.ed.by  John  J.  Burke.  New  York.  1911. 
Orig.Sp.ed.  {except  the  Foundations).  Salamanca.  1588.  Orig. 
Sp.ed.of  the  Foundations.     Antwerp.     1630. 

77.  Thompson,   Francis.     Saint  Ignatius  Loyola.     London.     1909. 

1910. 

78.  Watson,  Robert,  and  William  Thomson.     The  history  of  the  reign 

of  Philip  the  Third,  king  of  Spain.    2v.    London.    1783.    1808. 

VIL  The  House  of  Bourbon,  1700-1808 

Items  29  and  32  belong  also  in  this  section.     Many  of  the  items  in 
section  IX  are  applicable  here. 

79.  Addison,  Joseph.     Charles  the  Third  of  Spain.     Oxford.     1900. 

80.  Armstrong,    Edward.     Elizabeth    Farnese,    "the    Termagant    of 

Spain."     London.     1892.     Bib. 

81.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Goya,  an  account  of  his  life  and  works. 

London  and  New  York .     1 908 . 


534  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 

82.  Coxe,  William.     Memoirs  of  the  kings  of  Spain  of  the  House  of 

Bourbon,  from  the  accession  of  Philip  the  Fifth  to  the  death  of 
Charles  the  Third.     3v.     London.     1813.     5v.     1815. 

83.  D'Auvergne,  Edmund  B.     Godoy ;  the  queen  s  favorite.     Boston. 

[1913]. 

84.  Hill,  Constance.     Story  of  the  Princess  des  Ursins  in  Spain.     New 

York.     1899. 

85.  Parnell,  Arthur.     The  war  of  the  succession  in  Spain  during  the 

reign  of  Queen  Anne,  1702-1711.     London.     1888.     Bib. 

86.  Ripperda,  Joan  Willem  van.     Memoirs  of  the  Duke  de  Ripperdd: 

1st.  embassador  from  the  states-general  to  his  most  catholick  ma- 
jesty, then  duke  and  grandee  of  Spain;  afterwards  bashaw  and 
prime  minister  to  Midy  Abdalla,  emperor  of  Fez  and  Morocco, 
etc.  containing  account  of  the  remarkable  events  .  .  .  between  1715 
and  1736.     London.     1740. 

87.  Stokes,  Hugh.     Francisco  Goya;  a  study  of  the  work  and  person- 

ality of  the  eighteenth  century  Spanish  painter  and  satirist.  New 
York.     1914.     Bib. 

Vin.  The  Dawn  of  Liberalism,  1808  to  Date 

Item  29  belongs  also  in  this  section. 

88.  Bollaert,  William.     Wars  of  succession  of  Portugal  and  Spain, 

from  1826  to  ISIfi  :  with  resume  of  the  political  history  .  .  .to  the 
present  time.     2v.     London.     1870. 

89.  Challice,  Rachel.     The  secret  history  of  the  court  of  Spain  during 

the  last  century.     London.     1909.     Bib. 

90.  Clarke,  Henry  Butler.     Modem  Spain,  1815-1898.     Cambridge. 

1906.     Bib. 

91.  D'Auvergne,  Edmund  B.     A  qu£en  at  bay;  the  story  of  Christina 

and  Don  Carlos.     London.     1910.     Bib. 

92.  Hannay,  David.     Don  Emilio  Castelar.     London.     1896. 

93.  Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     .  .  .  Modem  Spain,  1788-1898. 

New  York  and  London.     1900. 

94.  Latimer,  ifr.?.Elizabeth  (Wormeley).     Spain  in  the   nineteenth 

century.     Chicago.     1897.     1898. 

95.  Oman,  Charles  William  Chadwick.     A  history  of  the  peninsular 

war.     5v.     Oxford.     1902-14.     Bib. 

96.  Oman,  Charles  William  Chadwick.    Wellington's  army, 1809-1814. 

London.     1912.     Bib. 

97.  Strobel,  Edward  Henry.     Spanish  revolution,  1868-1875.    Bos- 

ton.    1898. 

98.  White.  George  F.     A  century  of  Spain  and  Portugal  (1788-1898). 

London.     [1909].     Bib. 

99.  Whitehouse,  Henry  Remsen.     The  sacrifice  of  a  throne,  being  an 

account  of  the  life  of  Amxideu^,  duke  of  Aosta,  sometime  king  of 
Spain.    New  York.     1897. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES  535 


IX.  Historical  Works  on  Special  Subjects 

Many  of  the  items  in  sections  III  to  VIII  might  appropriately  be 
entered  here.  Conversely,  as  already  indicated,  the  items  of  this  sec- 
tion have  a  bearing  on  various  or  all  of  the  periods  of  Spanish  history, 
but  it  has  been  deemed  best  to  give  them  separate  entry,  because  of  the 
obviously  restricted  character  of  the  subject-matter  of  these  volumes. 

100.  CafSn,  Charles  Henry.     The  story  of  Spanish  painting.     New 

York.     1910. 

101.  Castro  y  Rossi,  Adolfo  de.     The  history  of  the  Jews  in  Spain, 

from  the  time  of  their  settlement  in  that  country  till  the  commence- 
ment of  the  present  century.  Tr.ed.by  Edward  D.G.M.KLrwan. 
Cambridge  and  London.     1851.     Orig.Sp.ed.     Cadiz.     1847. 

102.  Clarke,  Henry  Butler.     Spanish  literature;  an  elementary  hand- 

book.    London.     1893.     1909.     Bib. 

103.  Dieulafoy,  Marcel  Auguste.     .  .  .  Art  in  Spain  and  Portugal. 

New  York.     1913. 

104.  Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  James.       Chapters    on   Spanish    literature. 

London.     1908. 

105.  Fitzmaurice-Kelly,    James.       A    history  of  Spanish  literature. 

New  York.     1898.     New  York  and  London.     1915.     Bib. 

106.  Hume,  Martin  Andrew  Sharp.     Spanish  influence  on  English 

literature.     London.     1905. 

107.  Lea,  Henry  Charles.     Chapters  from  the  religious  history  of  Spain 

connected  with  the  Inquisition.     Philadelphia.     1890. 

108.  Lea,  Henry  Charles.     A  history  of  the  Inquisition  of  Spain.     4v. 

New  York  and  London.     1906-7. 

109.  Lindo,  Elias  Hiam.     The  history  of  the  Jews  of  Spain  and  Portu- 

gal, from  the  earliest  times  to  their  final  expulsion  from  those 
kingdoms,  and  their  subsequent  dispersion.     London.     1848. 

110.  Markham,  Sir  Clements  Robert.     The  story  of  Majorca  and 

Minorca.     London.     1908. 

111.  Sayer,  Capi. Frederick.     The  history  of  Gibraltar  and  of  its  politi- 

cal relation  to  events  in  Europe.     London.     1862. 

112.  Stirling-Maxwell,  Sir  William.     Stories  of  the  Spanish  painters 

until  Goya.     London.     1910. 

113.  Stirling-Maxwell,  Sir  William.     Annals  of  the  artists  of  Spain. 

3v.     London.     1848.     Bib. 

114.  Ticknor,    George.     History   of  Spanish    literature.     3v.     New 

York.     1849.     Boston.     [1891]. 

115.  Webster,  Wentworth.     Gleanings  in  church  history,  chiefly  in 

Spain  and  France.     London.     1903.     Bib. 

116.  Williams,  Leonard.     The  arts  and  crafts  of  older  Spain.    3v. 

London.     1907.    Bib. 


536  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 


X.  Works  of  Travel  and  Description 

Of  works  published  prior  to  1900,  only  those  of  unusual  reputation, 
whether  because  of  the  high  station  of  the  men  who  wrote  them  or  the 
remarkable  character  of  the  books  themselves,  have  been  included. 
No  attempt  has  been  made  to  enter  all  works  published  in  English  since 
1900,  but  the  list  is  long  enough  and  the  scope  of  the  material  covered 
sufficiently  broad,  it  is  believed,  for  the  purposes  of  the  general  reader 
who  wishes  to  know  something  about  contemporary  Spain. 

117.  Amicis,  Edmondo  de.     Spain  and  the  Spaniards.     Tr.[fr.lOth 

It.ed.Jed.by  Stanley  Rhoads  Yarnall.  2v.  Philadelphia. 
1895.     Orig.It.ed.     Florence.     1873. 

118.  Andiijar,  Manuel.     Spain  of  to-day  from  within.     New  York 

and  Chicago.     [1909]. 

119.  Baedeker,  Karl.     Spain  and  Portugal.     Leipsic.     1898.     1913. 

Bib. 

120.  Bates,  Katharine  Lee.     Spanish  highways  and  byways.     New 

York  and  London.     1912. 

121.  Bell,  Aubrey  F  G.     The  magic  of  Spain.     London  and  New 

York.     1912(1911]. 

122.  Bensusan,  Samuel  Levy.     Home  life  in  Spain.     New  York  and 

London.     1910. 

123.  Borrow,  George  Henry.     The  Bible  in  Spain.     London.     1843. 

New  York.     1908. 

124.  Borrow,  George  Henry.     Zincali;  or,  An  account  of  the  gypsies 

of  Spain.  2v.  London.  1841.  Iv.  London  and  New  York. 
[1914]. 

125.  Boyd,  l/r.?.Mary  Stuart.     The  fortunate  isles;  life  and  travel  in 

Majorca,  Minorca  and  Iviza.     New  York.     1911. 

126.  Browne,  Edith  A.     ...  Spain.     London.     1910. 

127.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     The  Alhambra,  being  a  brief  record 

of  the  Arabian  conquest  of  the  peninsula  with  a  particular  ac- 
count of  the  Mohammedan  architecture  and  decoration.  London 
and  New  York.     1907. 

128.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Catalonia  &  the  Balearic  Isles;  an 

historical  and  descriptive  account.  London  and  New  York. 
1910. 

129.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     The  Escorial;   a  historical  and  de- 

scriptive account  of  the  Spanish  royal  palace,  monastery  and 
mausoleum.     London  and  New  York.     1907. 

130.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Granada,  present  and  bygone.     Lon- 

don.    1908. 

131.  Calvert,   Albert  Frederick.     Impressions  of  Spain.     London. 

1903. 

132.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Leon,  Burgos  and  Salamanca;    a 

historical  and  descriptive  account.  London  and  New  York. 
1908. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES  537 

133.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Madrid;   an  historical  description 

and  handbook  of  the  Spanish  capital.  London  and  New  York. 
1909. 

134.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Moorish  remains  in  Spain;    being 

a  brief  record  of  the  Arabian  conquest  of  the  peninsula  with  a 
particular  account  of  the  Mohammedan  architecture  and  decora- 
tion in  Cordova,  Seville  &  Toledo.  London  and  New  York. 
1906. 

135.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Royal  palaces  of  Spain ;  d^ historical 

&  descriptive  account  of  the  seven  principal  palaces  of  the  Span- 
ish kings.     London  and  New  York.     1909. 

136.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Sculpture  in  Spain.     London  and 

New  York.     1912. 

137.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Seville;    an  historical  and  descrip- 

tive account  of  "the  Pearl  of  Andalusia."  London  and  New 
York.     1907. 

138.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Southern  Spain.     London.     1908. 

139.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Spanish  arms  and  armour,  being  a 

historical  and  descriptive  account  of  the  royal  armoury  of  Madrid. 
London  and  New  York.     1907. 

140.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Toledo,  an  historical  and  descriptive 

account  of  the  "City  of  generations."  London  and  New  York. 
1907. 

141.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Valencia  and  Murcia,  a  glance  at 

African  Spain.     London  and  New  York.     1911. 

142.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick.     Valladolid,  Oviedo,  Segovia,  Zamora, 

Avila,  &  Zaragoza;  an  historical  &  descriptive  account.  Lon- 
don and  New  York.     1908. 

143.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick,  and  il/rs. Catherine  Gasquoine  (Hart- 

ley) Gallichan.  The  Prado;  a  description  of  the  principal 
pictures  in  the  Madrid  gallery.    London  and  New  York.     1907. 

144.  Calvert,  Albert  Frederick,  and  Walter  M. Gallichan.     Cordova, 

a  city  of  the  Moors.     London  and  New  York.     1907. 

145.  Chapman,  Abel,  and  Walter  J. Buck.     Unexplored  Spain.     Lon- 

don.    1910. 

146.  Chapman,  Abel,  and  Walter  J. Buck.     Wild  Spain  .  .  .  Records 

of  sport  with  rifle,  rod,  and  gun;  natural  history  and  explora- 
tion.    London.     1893. 

147.  Chatfield-Taylor,  Hobart  Chatfield.     The  land  of  the  castanet. 

Chicago.     1896.     New  York.     1906. 

148.  Clark,  Keith.     The  spell  of  Spain.     Boston.  1914.     Bib. 

149.  Collier,  William  Miller.     At  the  court  of  His  Catholic  Majesty. 

Chicago.     1912. 

150.  Collins,  W         W.     Cathedral  cities  of  Spain.     London  and  New 

York.     1909. 

151.  Crockett,  Samuel  Rutherford.     The  adventurer  in  Spain.     Lon- 

don.    1903. 


538  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES 

152.  D'Este,  Margaret.     With  a  camera  in  Majorca.     New  York. 

1907. 

153.  Dickinson,  Duncan.     Through  Spain.     London.     [1914]. 

154.  Elliott,  Mrs.Maud  (Howe).     Sun  and  shadow  in  Spain.     Bos- 

ton.    1908.     1911. 

155.  Ellis,  Henry  Havelock.     The  soul  of  Spain.     Boston  and  New 

York.     [1908]. 

156.  Fitz-Gerald,  John  Driscoll.     Rambles  in  Spain.     New  York. 

[1910]. 

157.  Flitch,  John  Ernest  Crawford.     A  little  journey  hi  Spain;  notes 

of  a  Goya  pilgrimage.     London.     1914. 

158.  Flitch,  John  Ernest  Crawford.     Mediterranean  moods,  footnotes 

of  travel  in  the  islands  of  Mallorca,  Menorca,  Ibiza,  arid  Sar- 
dinia.    London.     1911. 

159.  Ford,  Richard.     Gatherings  from  Spain.    London.     1846.     Lon- 

don and  New  York.     [1906].     Bib.     Also  issued  under  the 
title  The  Spaniards  and  their  country. 

160.  Ford,  Richard.     Handbook  for  travellers  in  Spain.     2v.     Lon- 

don.    1845.     1898. 

161.  Franck,  Harry  Alverson.     Four  months  afoot  in  Spain.     New 

York.     1911. 

162.  Gade,  John  Allyne.     Cathedrals  of  Spain.     Boston  and  New 

York.     1911.     Bib. 

163.  Gallichan,  Mr^.Catherine  Gasquoine  (Hartley).     The  cathedrals 

of  southern  Spain.     London[n.d.     Not  earlier  than  1912]. 

164.  Gallichan,  ilfra. Catherine  Gasquoine  (Hartley).     Moorish  cities 

in  Spain.     London.     1906. 

165.  Gallichan,    Mr^.Catherine    Gasquoine    (Hartley).      Spain  re- 

visited, a  summer  holiday  in  Galicia.     London.     [1911?]. 

166.  Gallichan,  ilfrs. Catherine  Gasquoine  (Hartley).     The  .story  of 

Santiago  de  Compostela.     London  and  New  York.     1912. 

167.  Gallichan,  Walter  M.     The  story  of  Seville.     London.     1903. 

168.  Gautier,   Theophile.     Wanderings  in  Spain.     London.     1853. 

Orig.Fr.ed.(rra  los  monies)  Paris.     1843.     2A.¥v.ed.{Voyage 
en  Espagne)  Paris.     1845. 

169.  Hart,  Jerome  A.     Two  Argonauts  in  Spain.     San  Francisco. 

1904[1903]. 

170.  Hay,    John.     Castilian   days.      Boston.       1871.      Cambridge. 

1903. 

171.  Higgin,  L.     Spanish  life  in  town  and  country.     London.     1902. 

New  York  and  London.     [1911]. 

172.  Howells,  William  Dean.     Familiar  Spanish  travels.    New  York 

and  London.     1913. 

173.  Irving,  Washington.     The  Alhambra.    2v.    Philadelphia.    1832. 

Iv.     Boston  and  New  York,     [c  1915]. 

174.  Kennedy,  Bart.     A  tramp  in  Spain,  from  Andalusia  to  Andorra, 

London.     1892.     1904. 


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175.  Llewellyn,  Owen,  and  L.R.Hill.     The  south-bound  car.     Lon- 
.;,  -     don.     1907. 

176.  Lomas,  John.     In  Spain.     London.     1908. 

177.  Lowell,  James  Russell.     Impressions  of  Spain.     Boston  and 

New  York.     1899. 

178.  Luffmann,  Charles  Bogue.     Quiet  days  in  Spain.      London. 

1910. 

179.  Luffman,  Charles  Bogue.     A  vagabond  in  Spain.     London  and 

New  York.     1895. 

180.  Lynch,  Hannah.     Toledo,  the  story  of  an  old  Spanish  capital. 

London.     1898.     1910. 

181.  Marden,  Philip  Sanford.     Travels  in  Spain.     Boston  and  New 

York.     1910. 

182.  Marriott,  Charles.     A  Spanish  holiday.     New  York.     1908. 

183.  Meakin,  Annette  M  B.     Galicia,  the  Switzerland  of  Spain. 

London.     [1909].     Bib. 

184.  Nixon-Roulet,  Mary  F.    The  Spaniard  at  home.    Chicago.    1910. 

185.  O'Connor,  Vincent  Clarence  Scott.     Travels  in  the  Pyrenees, 

including  Andorra  and  the  coast  from  Barcelona  to  Carcassone. 
London.     1913. 

186.  O'Reilly,  Eliza  Boyle.     Heroic  Spain.     New  York.     1910. 

187.  Penfield,  Edward.     Spanish  sketches.     New  York.     1911. 

188.  Rudy,  Charles.     The  cathedrals  of  northern  Spain,  their  history 

and  their  architecture.     Boston.     1906. 

189.  Seymour,  Frederick  H  A.     Saunterings  in  Spain;    Bar- 

celona, Madrid,  Toledo,  Cordova,  Seville,  Granada.     London. 
1906. 

190.  Shaw,  Rafael.     Spain  from  within.     New  York.     1910. 

191.  Slater,    Ernest,    pseud.VsbvX    Gwynne.       The    Guadalquivir,  its 

personality ,  its  people  and  its  associations.     London.     1912. 

192.  Street,  George  Edmund.     .  .  .  Some  account  of  Gothic  architecture 

in  Spain.     2v.     London.     1865.     1914. 

193.  Tyler,  Royall.     Spain,  a  study  of  her  life  and  arts.     New  York. 

1909.     Bib. 

194.  Villiers-Wardell,  if  rs.  Janie.     Spain  of  the  Spanish.     New  York. 

1909.     1914. 

195.  Ward,  G  H  B.     The  truth  about  Spain.     London,  New 

York,  Toronto,  and  Melbourne.     1911. 

196.  Wigram,  Edgar  T  A.     Northern  Spain,  painted  and  de- 

scribed.    London.     1906. 

197.  Williams,  Leonard.     Granada,  memories,  adventures,  studies  and 

impressions.     Philadelphia.     1906. 

198.  Williams,  Leonard.     The  land  of  the  Dons.     London.     1902. 

199.  Williams,  Leonard.     Toledo  and  Madrid,  their  records  and  ro~ 

Tnances.     London.     1903. 

200.  Wood,  Charles  William.     Glories  of  Spain.     London  and  New 

York.     1901. 


540  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTES 

201.  Wood,  Ruth  Kedzie.     The  tourist's  Spain  and  Portugal.     New 

York.     1913. 

202.  Wood,  Walter.     A  corner  of  Spain.     New  York  and  London. 

1910. 

203.  Zimmerman,  Jeremiah.     Spain  and  her  people.     Philadelphia. 

1902.     London.     1906. 


INDEX 


Abbasside  family,  42,  43. 

Abdallah,  45. 

Abd-er-Rahman  I,  42,  43,  49,  50. 

Abd-er-Rahman  II,  44. 

Abd-er-Rahman  III,  45,  47,  49,  50,  64,  57. 

Abdul  Malik,  46,  58. 

Aben-Hayydn,  103. 

Abu  Abdallah.     See  Boabdil. 

Abul  Cassim  Mohammed,  69. 

Abul  Hassan,  204. 

Academy,  the.  See  Real  Academia  Es- 
panola. 

Academy  of  Fine  Arts.  See  Real  Academia 
de  Bellas  Artes  de  San  Fernando. 

Academy  of  History.  See  Real  Academia 
de  la  Historia. 

Achila,  32. 

Acosta,  347. 

Acquaviva,  356. 

Acuna,  Fernando  de,  203. 

Adelantados,  90,  93,  154-156,  197,  199,  200, 
222. 

Adrian,  Cardinal.     See  Adrian  VI. 

Adrian  VI,  Pope,  238,  239,  317. 

Affonso  Enrlquez  of  Portugal,  75,  76. 

Africa,  6,  8,  10,  17,  19,  28,  32,  39,  40,  42- 
45,  69-71,  77,  121,  136,  172,  196,  205, 
206,  208,  214,  217,  223,  235,  236,  241,  242, 
249,  250,  252,  260,  265,  268,  277,  279, 
280,  379,  390,  513.  See  Algiers,  Morocco, 
Tripoli,  Tunis. 

Agreda,  Maria  de  Jesds,  310. 

Agrippa,  18. 

Alans,  26-28. 

Alarc6n,  the  navigator,  349. 

Alarcon,  the  novelist,  515. 

Alarcos,  battle  of,  71,  76. 

Alaric,  27. 

Alava.  117,  134,  135,  197-200. 

Alba,  dukes  of,  251,  252,  323,  428. 

Alb6ni2,  516. 

Alberoni,  374,  375,  377,  434,  439,  444,  451. 

Albigenses,  79,  80. 

Alburquerque,  118,  119. 


Alcabala,  the,  157,  175,  216,  225,  227,  237, 

278,  295,  297,  336,  453. 
Alcald,   ordinance  of,    142,    160,    163,    226, 

441 ;   university  of,  230,  312,  340,  474. 
Alcaldes,   92,   93,   154,   159,   174,  222,  432, 

433,  446,  473. 
Alcantara,  order  of,  94,  219,  220. 
Alcaraz,  450. 

Alcudia,  430 ;   Duke  of :  See  Godoy. 
Alegre,  482. 

Alexander  III,  Pope,  76. 
Alexandrian  school,  102,  103. 
Alfieri,  482. 
Alfonso,  Prince,  115. 
Alfonso  (another).  Prince,  123,  124. 
Alfonso  I  of  Aragon,  74,  75,  78,  79. 
Alfonso  II  of  Aragon,  79,  110. 
Alfonso  III  of  Aragon,  127,  128. 
Alfonso  IV  of  Aragon,  129. 
Alfonso  V  of  Aragon,  132, 148,  167,  170, 188- 

191,  207,  212. 
Alfonso  I  of  Asturias  and  Leon,  54,  55. 
Alfonso  II  of  Asturias  and  Leon,  55,  56. 
Alfonso  III  of  Asturias  and  Leon,  57. 
Alfonso  IV  of    Asturias    and    Leon    (925- 

930).     Omitted. 
Alfonso  V  of  Asturias  and  Leon,  58. 
Alfonso  VI  of  Leon  and  Castile,  70-74,  95. 
Alfonso  VII  of  Leon  and  Castile,  74-76. 
Alfonso    VIII    of    Castile,    71,    75-77,    79, 

106,  112,  135. 
Alfonso  IX  of  Leon,  76,  77,  106. 
Alfonso  X  of  Castile  (and  Le6n),  112-116, 

142,   144,   146,   152,   153,   155,   156,    160- 

164,  174,  181,  185,  226. 
Alfonso  XI  of  Castile  (and  Le6n),  116-119, 

129-131,    135,    138,    153,    156,    157,    159, 

162,  163,  165,  174. 
Alfonso  XII  of  Spain,  503,  505,  506,  508. 
Alfonso  XIII  of  Spain,  506,  509-511. 
Algarve,  113,  407;    Prince  of:   See  Godoy. 
Algeciras,  10,  32. 
Algiers,  242,  356,  390. 
Alhambra,  the,  201,  205. 


541 


542 


INDEX 


Alicante,  450,  468. 
Aljubarrota,  battle  of,  121. 
Almansor,  45.  46.  48,  51,  54,  57,  58. 
Almeria,  city  and  province  of,  2,  69,  71. 
Almohades,    ix,    70,  71,  75-77,  84,  85,    87, 

102,  104,  113.     See  Moslems. 
Almoravides,  69,  70,  72,  73,  84,  87,  102,  104. 

See  Moslems. 
Alomar,  515. 

Altamira,  Rafael,  335,  516,  525. 
Alvarado,  347. 
Alvarez,  General,  491. 
Alvarez,  the  sculptor,  485. 
Alvarez  Quintero.  the  brothers,  515,  516. 
Amadeo,  King,  of  Spain,  503,  504. 
Amadls  de  Gaula,  145.  185.  232,  355. 
Amalia,  Queen,  of  Spain.  472. 
Amelot,  374,  434. 

American  Revolution,  383,  384,  399. 
Americans.     See  United  States. 
Americas,  the.     See  Spanish  America. 
Amigos  del  Pais,  462,  474. 
Andalusia   and    the   Andalusians,    2,    3,    9, 

II,  19,  38,  39,  44,  67,  71,  79,  138,  156,  180, 
203,  204,  211,  229,  268,  280,  284,  327, 
364,  365,  431,  460,  462,  464,  466,  490, 
516,  518,  520,  522. 

Anglada,  516. 

Anian,  Strait  of,  476. 

Anjou,  House  of,  128,  132,  207.     See  Charles 

of  Anjou. 
Anson,  George,  381. 
Antonio,  Julio,  516. 
Antonio,  Nicolds,  347. 
Antonio  of  Crato,  251-253. 
Arabs,  the,  32,  39-52,  59,  71,  84,  107,  108, 

182,  183,  185,  188,  200,  248,  277,  278,  309, 

363.     See  Moslems. 
Aragon,  Alfonso  de,  216. 
Aragon  (kingdom  and  province  of)  and  the 

Aragonese,  2,  44,  45,  54.  56.  58,  64-66, 

68,  71,  74,  75,  78-82,  96-101,  106,  109- 

III,  115,  117,  119,  120,  122,  124-134, 
146-150,  155,  166-173,  176-179,  187- 
193,  195,  203,  206,  208,  209,  211-215,  217, 
219,  221-224,  227,  229,  231,  234,  235, 
244,  252,  253,  263,  268,  272-277,  280, 
288-290,  296,  301,  311,  325,  411,  412,  422, 
427,  429,  431,  432,  435,  453,  460,  476. 

Aranda,  Count  of,  389,  393,  394,  402,  420, 

423,  428.  435.  436,  451,  472. 
Aranjuez,  408,  423,  450,  492. 
Archive  General  de  Indias,  476,  481. 


Argentina,  389,  523. 

Argote  y  Gongora.     See  G6ngora. 

Arian  creed,  27,  30,  31,  36. 

Aridtotle,  103,  184. 

Arjoua,  71. 

Arlegui,  482. 

Armada,  the  Spanish,  253,  255,  256,  287. 

Armada  de  Barlovento,  299. 

Armenteira.  164. 

Arniches,  Carlos.  515. 

Arriaga.  Cofradia  of,  135,  197. 

Arriaga,  Julidn  de,  436. 

Arricivita,  482. 

Arrieta,  Bartolom6  de,  300,  441. 

Arrieta,  the  composer,  515. 

Arteaga,  479. 

Arthur,  King,  of  England,  185. 

Artois,  235. 

Asia,  7,  252.     See  Asia  Minor. 

Asia  Minor,  8,  129.     See  Asia. 

Asiento,  the,  370,  371,  380,  381,  385,  456. 

Asso,  481. 

Assyria  and  the  Assyrians,  7,  10. 

Astorga,  20. 

Asturias.  Princes  of,  121,  426. 

Asturias  and  the  Asturians,   11,   53-57.   60- 

64.  135,  180,  327,  431,  434r-436,  460. 
Ataulf,  27,  28. 
Athanagild,  29. 
Athens,  129,  131,  190. 
Atlantic  Ocean,  1.  229.  260.  328,  385. 
Audiencias,    155,    156,   222,   292,   293,    311 

321,  429-433,  437. 
Augsburg,  Diets  of,  243. 
Augustinians,  312,  314. 
Augustus,  18,  20. 
Austerlitz,  battle  of,  407. 
Austria,  House  of.     See  Hapsburg. 
Austria  and  the  Austrians.  207.  235.  236, 

244.  368.  369,  372,  375-379,  381,  402.  407, 

496. 
Autos  de  fe,  223,  224. 
Avendano,  Francisco  de,  353. 
Averroes,  103,  110,  188. 
Avignon,  120.  131.  168. 
Avila,  23,  239,  464. 
Ayacucho,  battle  of,  488. 
Ayala,  Pedro  Lopez  de.     See  Lopez  de  Ayala. 
Ayala,  the  dramatist,  515. 
Ayala.  the  navigator.  479. 
Ayora.  Gonzalo  de.  226. 
Ayuntamientos,    159,    290,    413,    426,    429, 

432.  433. 


INDEX 


543 


Az-Zahra,  palace  of,  49. 
Azcdrate,  525. 
Azcoytia,  450. 
"Azorfn,"  515. 

Bacon,  Francis,  342. 

Badajoz,  city  and  province  of,  2,  20,  69-71, 
405. 

Baegert,  482. 

Bahama  Islands,  397,  398. 

Baja  California,  476. 

Balearic  Islands,  19,  69,  81,  100.  See  Ibiza, 
Majorca,  Minorca. 

Baltic  Sea,  189. 

Barba,  Alonso,  350. 

Barbarossa,  242. 

Barbary  Coast.  See  Africa,  Algiers, 
Morocco,  Tripoli,  Tunis. 

Barca  family,  12-14. 

Barcelona,  city  of,  12,  22,  28,  64,  99,  125, 
133,  147-149,  168-170,  172,  173,  177- 
179,  188,  215,  216,  221,  229,  263,  264, 
286,  329,  372,  417,  423,  429,  431,  451,  460, 
466,  484,  512 ;  counts  of,  56,  58,  65,  75, 
77,  78,  79,  133;  university  of,  188,  312, 
350. 

Barlovento.     See  Armada  de  Barlovento. 

Baroja,  Plo,  515. 

Barragania,  88,  96,  144,  164,  196,  216,  281, 
305,  315. 

Basle,  treaty  of,  403. 

Basque  provinces,  the,  and  the  Basques, 
8,  43,  55,  58,  134,  135,  175,  192,  196-200, 
213,  288,  423,  430,  432-434,  461,  465, 
518.     See  Alava,  Guipiizcoa,  Vizcaya. 

Bavaria,  Prince  of,  270. 

Bayeu,  485. 

Baylen,  battle  of,  490. 

Bayonne,  409,  489-491. 

Beaumarchais,  483. 

Beaumont,  482. 

Becquer,  515. 

Behetrias,  197-199. 

Belgium.  See  Catholic  Netherlands,  Low 
Countries. 

Benavente,  Jacinto,  515,  516. 

Benedict  XIII,  Pope,  131,  168. 

Benedict  XIV,  Pope,  453. 

Benedictines,  472. 

Benedito,  516. 

Beni-Casi  family,  44. 

Benimerines,  113,  114,  117,  131,  136. 

Benlliure,  516. 


Berbers,  the,  8,  14,  19,  32,  40-43,  45-47, 
49.  50,  69-71,  84,  200,  241.     See  Moslems. 

Berenguela,  Queen,  of  Castile,  76,  77,  90. 

Berruguete,  362. 

Beruete,  516. 

Bethencourt,  Juan  de,  122. 

Biblioteca  Nacional,  476. 

Bilbao,  city  of,  329,  468. 

Bilbao,  the  painter,  516. 

Biron,  388. 

Biscay,  Bay  of,  260. 

Black  Prince,  the,  120. 

Black  Sea,  27. 

Blanche  of  Bourbon,  118,  119. 

Blanche  of  Navarre,  123,  134. 

Blay,  516. 

"Blue  Lady."     See  Agreda. 

Boabdil,  204,  205. 

Bobastro,  44,  45. 

Boccaccio,  184,  185,  356. 

Bodega,  479. 

Bogota,  478. 

Bologna,  452. 

Bonaparte.     See  Joseph,  Napoleon. 

Bonilla,  Adolfo,  515. 

Borgia,  Alfonso.     See  Calixtus  III. 

Borja,  Cardinal,  318. 

Borja,  town  of,  450. 

Boston,  393. 

Bougainville,  388. 

Bourbon,  House  of,  118,  270,  284,  370,  384- 
386,  393,  397,  399,  404,  405,  407,  410,  421, 
425,  426,  429,  432,  434,  438,  443.  445, 
452,  454,  455,  469,  482,  497,  500,  503. 

Bracamonte,  Rubin  de,  122. 

Braciano,  Duke  of,  373. 

Braga,  20. 

Braganza,  House  of,  251,  265,  267. 

Bravo  Murillo,  500,  501. 

Brazil,  252,  392. 

Breton,  515. 

Bruges,  176,  326,  337. 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,  284. 

Bueno,  Manuel,  516. 

Buenos  Aires,  388. 

Burgos,  57,  329,  330,  409 ;  ordinances  of,  160. 

Burgoyne,  395. 

Burgundy,  235,  236,  244,  262. 

Burriel,  481,  482. 

Byngs,  376,  377. 

Byzantine  Greeks.     See  Byzantine  Romans. 

Byzantine  Romans,  29-31,  33,  36-38,  50, 
52, 129,  190. 


544 


INDEX 


Cahalleroa,  85,  86,  97,  137,  138,  141,  148, 

159,    166,   170,   185,   192,    194,   211,   273, 

433.* 
Cabezon,  366. 
Cdceres,  2,  244. 
Cddiz,  city  and  province  of,  2,  10,  32,  38, 

255,  328,  392,  423,  468-470,  484,  492,  493, 

496. 
CsBpio,  17. 
Caesar,  18,  185. 

Calatrava,  order  of,  75,  94,  139,  219,  220. 
Calderon,  Alfredo,  515. 
Calderon  de  la  Barca,  Pedro,  355. 
California.   156,  232,  349,  361,  481;    Gulf 

of,  349. 
Calixtus  III,  Pope,  190,  191. 
Cdmara  de  Castilla.  292,  321,  412,  431,  433. 
Camarilla,  the,  495,  501. 
Campillo,  434,  480. 
Campoamor,  515. 
Campomanes,  415,  418,  435,  450,  459,  461, 

480,  481. 
Canalejas,  509. 

Canary  Islands,  6,  122,  206,  293,  431,  453. 
Canellas,  97. 
Cangas  de  Onis,  53. 
Cano,  Alonso,  362,  366. 
Cano,  Melchor,  314,  316. 
Cdnovas  del  Castillo,  516. 
Canstadt  man,  6. 
Cantabrian  Mountains,  2,  491. 
Cantabrians,  8. 
Capmany,  481. 
Caribbean  Sea.  253.  385.  387. 
Carlism,  497-501,  503-505,  511. 
Carlos,  Don,  497,  498,  503. 
Carmona,  69. 
Carpetana     Mountains.     See     Carpeto-Ve- 

tonica  Mountains. 
Carpeto-Vetonica  Mountains,  2,  3,  54. 
Carpio.  Bernardo  del,  55. 
Carranza,  Bartolome,  307. 
Carreratge,  168,  169,  173,  199. 
Carrillo,  Alonso  de,  183. 
Cartagena  in  America,  380. 
Cartagena  in  Spain,  12,  13,  23,  27. 
Carthage  and  the  Carthaginians,  7,  10-15. 
Carvajal,  224. 
Casa  de  Contratacidn,   231,   328.   341,   348, 

349,  468. 
Castanos,  490. 
Castelar,  505. 
Ca8t«llanos,  Juan  de,  347. 


Castellon  de  Ampuriaa,  11. 

Castile  and  the  Castilians,  1-5,  38,  57,  58, 
60-64,  66,  68,  69,  71-78.  81.  82,  84-99, 
104-125,  129,  131-147,  149,  151-167, 
169-176,  180-190,  192.  197-199,  203-206, 
209-221,  223,  224,  226-231,  235,  237- 
240,    242,    249-253.    262-266,    274-277, 

280,  288-290,  292,  296,  301,  311,  325, 
327,  346,  364,  369,  372,  426,  427,  429-432, 
441,  453,  460,  464  ;  language  of,  106,  184, 
185,  189,  190,  197,  231,  308.  341,  346, 
351-353,  357,  358,  476,  481,  518.  -See 
New  Castile,  Old  Castile. 

Castro,  Americo,  515. 

Castro,  Juana  de,  119. 

Castro,  Rosalia  de,  515. 

"Catalan  vengeance,"  the,  129. 

Catalonia  and  the  Catalans,  2,  11,  13,  66, 
58,  59,  64-66,  77-82,  96-100,  109,  110. 
125.  127.  129-134.  146-150,  168-173, 
176-179,  184,  187,  189,  190,  192,  203. 
206.  210-212,  221,  227,  231,  258,  262-265, 
267,  272,  275,  276,  280,  288-290,  296, 
299,  301,  311,  328,  359,  370-374,  379,  380, 
422,  426,  427,  429-431,  432,  441,  453,  460, 
466,  511,  512,  518;  language  of,  110,  189, 
190,  231,  429,  511,  518. 

Catherine  of  Aragon,  207. 

Catholic  Kings.  See  Ferdinand  II  of 
Aragon,  Isabella  I  of  Castile. 

Catholic  Netherlands,  250.  262,  372,  378. 
See  Low  Countries. 

Catholic  Reaction.  See  Counter-Reforma- 
tion. 

Catholicism,  22,  27,  29-31,  36,  80,  216,  243, 
246-248,    250,    251,    253-255,    261,    264, 

281,  288.  302-304,  306,  308,  313,  315, 
316, 319,  343,  355,  359,  443,  445,  448,  455- 
457,  494,  501.  502,  512,  514,  621.  -See 
Arian  creed.  Church. 

Cavanilles,  478. 

Cavo,  482. 

Cejador,  515. 

Celtiberian  Mountains,  2. 

Celtiberians,  the,  8,  9. 

Celts,  the,  8.  9. 

Censos,  281.  416,  452. 

Cerda,  Fernando  de  la.     -See  Fernando. 

Cerdagne,  134,  206,  207,  235,  262. 

Cervantes  de  Salazar,  347. 

Cervantes  y  Saavedra,  Miguel  de,  334,  353, 

355-357,  359,  483. 
Ceuta,  268,  513. 


INDEX 


545 


Chaldea  and  the  Chaldeans,  7,  10 ;  language 
of,  230. 

Champagne,  Count  of,  82. 

Chancillerias.     See  Avdiencias. 

Chanson  de  Roland,  43. 

Chapf,  515. 

Chappe  d'Auteroche,  476. 

Charlemagne,  43,  55,  185. 

Charles,  Prince,  247,  256. 

Charles,  the  Archduke.  See  Charles  VI 
(the  Emperor). 

Charles  V,  the  Emperor.  See  Charles  I 
of  Spain. 

Charles  VI,  the  Emperor,  270,  369-372, 
376-381,  444. 

Charles  of  Anjou,  126. 

Charles  of  Valois,  127. 

Charles  of  Viana,  132-134. 

Charles  I  of  England,  284. 

Charles  IV  of  France,  134. 

Charles  VIII  of  France,  206,  207, 

Charles  I  of  Spain,  209,  216,  219,  234-250, 
256-258,  263,  275-277,  283-287,  289, 
293,  296,  298,  300,  306-308,  311,  314, 
316-320,  322,  326,  335,  339,  345,  346, 
352,  353,  363. 

Charles  II  of  Spain,  258,  268-271,  285, 
288,  289,  333,  369,  384. 

Charles  III  of  Spain,  376-380,  382-386,  389- 
392,  394-399,  403,  411,  412,  414,  415, 
419,  420,  422-424,  427,  431-433,  435,  436, 
438,  439,  445,  447,  449-454,  456, 461-465, 
467,  472-475,  478,  479,  481,  485,  486,  495. 

Charles  IV  of  Spain,  384,  399-404,  407- 
409,  412,  415,  419,  422,  423,  425,  427, 
435,  436,  439,  446,  447,  456,  463,  469, 
473,  477,  486,  488,  498. 

Charolais,  235. 

Charron,  343. 

Chatham,  Lord.     See  Pitt. 

Chicharro,  516. 

Chi^vres,  237. 

ChUe,  478. 

Chindaswinth,  31,  35. 

Chinese,  the,  353. 

Choiseul,  389. 

Christians,  22,  23,  39-41,  43-47,  49,  53- 
60,  67-73,  75-77,  84,  85,  87,  88,  97,  102, 
103,  105,  106,  108,  110,  124,  135,  136, 
142,  143,  147,  150,  172,  180,  182,  192,  193. 
195,  200,  201,  205,  213,  214,  236,  248, 
249,  266,  274-278,  280,  307,  338,  342,  362, 
421.     See  Church. 

2n 


Chueca,  515. 

Church,  the,  22,  23,  26,  27,  35-37,  41,  42, 
47,  49,  53-55,  60-63,  65,  66,  85-88,  90, 
91,  93-98,  100,  105,  111,  114,  117,  123, 
124,  127,  131,  137-141,  143,  144,  146, 
155-160,  163-165,  169,  172,  173,  182- 
184,  188,  197,  210,  212,  216,  217,  222,  225, 
227,  237,  239,  248,  249,  252,  266,  273- 
278,  283,  289,  293,  295,  297,  303-323, 
325,  334,  340-343,  347,  351-353,  365,  366, 
401,  412,  415,  416,  418,  422,  426-428, 
430,  437,  441,  443-460,  462,  464,  472, 
473,  476,  477,  479,  480,  485,  493,  494, 
496,  500,  501,  504,  505,  511-513,  522. 
See  Albigenses,  Alcdntara,  Augustinians, 
Benedictines,  Calatrava,  Catholicism, 
Christians,  Cistercians,  Cluny,  Counter- 
Reformation,  Dominicans,  Franciscans, 
Illuminism,  Inquisition,  Jesuits,  Limpieza 
de  sangre,  Mozdrabes,  Mysticism,  Nobles, 
Papal  States,  Priscillianism,  Protestant- 
ism, Quietism,  Reformation,  Santiago, 
Templars. 

Chm-riguera,  362. 

Cicero,  184. 

Cid,  the,  72-74,  106. 

Cieza  de  Le6n,  347. 

Cistercians,  75,  164. 

Cities.     See  Towns. 

Ciudad  Real,  town  and  province  of,   2,  450. 

Ciudadela,  195. 

Civita  Vecchia,  452. 

Clard,  516. 

"Clarln,"  515. 

Clavigero,  482. 

Clement  V,  Pope,  167. 

Clement  VII,  Pope,  167,  168. 

Clergy.     See  Chuj-ch, 

Clovis,  29. 

Cluny,  monks  of,  65,  66,  72,  86,  95,  96,  98, 
106.     See  Church. 

Cobos,  Bernab6,  347. 

CoeUo,  366. 

Cofradias,  144,  145,  182,  281,  417.  See 
Arriaga. 

Coimbra,  54. 

Colmeiro,  516. 

Colonna,  184. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  232,  522. 

Columbus,  Ferdinand,  347. 

Comenius,  343. 

Commons,  House  of,  493. 

Compilacidn  de  Canellas,  97. 


546 


INDEX 


Compostela,  Santiago  de,  55,  63,  74,  75, 
93,  95,  105,  106,  165,  174,  238,  263. 

Comunales,  93. 

Comunidades,  the,  239,  248,  250. 

Concejo.     See  Towns,  Villa. 

Cond6,  261. 

Consejo  de  Costilla.     See  Consejo  Real. 

Consejo  Real,  154,  203,  221,  264,  290-293, 
311,  317,  320,  321,  329,  331,  418,  425, 
426,  428,  431,  433,  435,  445,  450,  468. 
476. 

Consejos,  the,  292,  297,  430,  431,  433,  441, 
468.     iSee  Cdmara,  Consejo  Real. 

Consell,  the.     See  Barcelona. 

Conservatives,  the,  506,  509,  512.  See 
Moderates. 

Constance  of  Aragon,  130. 

Constance  of  Sicily,  126. 

Constantinople,  129,  132,  195,  249. 

Gonstanza,  Princess,  121. 

Constitutions,  493,  494,  496,  498-502,  504- 
506,  509,  510. 

Consulados,  109,  177,  178,  328,  329,  331, 
468,  469. 

Consumo,  the,  157. 

Convention,  the  French,  403. 

Conversos,  the.     .See  Marranos. 

Copernicus,  349. 

Cordoba,  Gonzalo  de,  208,  226. 

Cordova,  24,  43-45,  47,  49,  50,  53,  68,  69, 
77,  103,  224. 

Coria,  54. 

Corneille,  482. 

Cornejo,  481. 

Cornwall,  Earl  of,  112. 

Corregidores,  90,  159,  198,  199,  220,  238, 
290,  329,  429,  432,  466,  473. 

Corsica,  8,  128,  171,  452. 

Cort,  the,  93,  154,  155. 

Cortes,  the,  85,  89-93,  97,  99-101,  114, 
117,  123,  128,  133,  140,  141,  147,  148,  158, 
160,  161,  163,  165-168,  170,  171,  173, 
178,  209,  217,  220,  221,  226,  237-239, 
252,  263,  277,  288,  289,  294,  297,  299, 
301,  302,  305,  311,  320,  321,  413,  425- 
429,  473,  492-498,  501-505,  509. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  296,  347,  350. 

Corufia,  238,  255,  263.  450. 

Cosslo,  516. 

Costa,  525. 

Counter-Reformation,  306,  312,  342.  See 
Church,  Protestantism,  Reformation. 

Counts,  61,  62,  65,  90,  211,  221,  273. 


Covadonga,  battle  of,  53,  54. 

Cowley,  388. 

Cristina,  Queen,  of  Spain,  497-500. 

Cromagnon  man,  6,  7. 

Cromwell,  262,  393. 

Ouz,  Juan  de  la.  Saint,  310. 

Cruz,  Ramon  de  la,  484,  487. 

Cruzada,  the,  225,  292,  295,  444,  445. 

Cuba,  488,  500,  506. 

Cuenca.    town    and    province    of,    2,    450, 

460. 
Cueva,  Beltrdn  de  la,  123. 

Dante,  185. 

Danube  River,  27. 

Danvila  y  CoUado,  516. 

Daoiz,  Luis,  410. 

Dario,  Rub6n,  515. 

Daroca,  450. 

Daza,  Juan  de,  224. 

Denia,  69. 

Denmark,  189,  308,  330,  379. 

Deposito  Hidrogrdfico,  479. 

Deputation  of  the  Cortes.     See  Generalitat. 

Descartes,  343. 

Dfaz,  Juan,  308. 

Diaz,  Rodrigo,  or  Ruy.     See  Cid. 

Diaz  de  Montalvo,  Alfonso,  226,  300,  301, 

441. 
Dfaz  del  Castillo,  Bernal,  347. 
Dicenta,  515. 
Diderot,  428. 
Diez  Canedo,  515. 
Diezmos,  140,  225,  295,  452. 
Diocletian,  19,  22. 
Directory,  the  French,  404. 
Dominic,  Saint,  80,  96. 
Dominicans,    80,    96,    173,    304,    314,    316, 

358.     .See  Church. 
Don  Quixote,  355-357. 
Donativos,  295. 
Dorantes  de  Carranza,  347. 
Dos  de  Mayo,  the,  399,  410,  486,  489,  513. 
Dos  novenas,  140. 
Douro  River,  2,  17,  54,  58. 
Doz,  476. 

Drake,  Francis,  253,  256. 
Dukes,  211,  221,  273. 
Dupont,  490. 
Dutch,  the.     .See  Protestant  Netherlands. 

East  Indies,  262. 

Ebro  River,  2,  3,  7.  408.  490. 


INDEX 


547 


Echegaray,  515. 

Edward,  Prince.     See  Black  Prince. 

Edward  I  of  England,  112. 

Edward  III  of  England,  120,  121. 

Egmont,  Port,  388,  389. 

Egypt  and  the  Egyptians,  8,  39,  42,  43. 
iSee  Gypsies. 

El  Greco,  364,  366,  485,  516. 

El  Zagal,  204. 

Elche,  169. 

Elhuyar  brothers,  478. 

Elisa,  479. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  of  England,  253-255. 

Elvira,  22,  45. 

Emporium,  11. 

Encomienda,  60,  138. 

Encyclopedia,  the,  428. 

England  and  the  English,  92,  105,  112,  113, 
120,  121,  134,  158,  175,  176,  203,  207, 
209,  235,  236,  241,  244,  246,  247,  253- 
256,  259,  260,  262,  267,  269,  270,  299, 
330,  337,  342,  346,  359,  368-372,  376, 
377,  379-401,  403-407,  425,  429,  435, 
440,  450,  451,  456,  458,  459,  469-471, 
483,  489,  491,  499,  508,  514,  518,  519. 

Engracia,  Saint,  22. 

Ensenada,  Marquis  of,  434-436,  439,  440, 
480. 

Enzina,  Juan  del,  232,  353. 

Epila,  battle  of,  130. 

Erasmus,  342. 

Escarano,  393,  396. 

Escoiquiz,  406,  409. 

Escorial,  the,  255,  362. 

Espagnoletto.     See  Ribera  (the  painter). 

Espartero,  499,  502. 

Especulo,  the,  162. 

Espinosa,  482. 

Esquivel,  350. 

Estudios  Reales  de  San  Isidro,  341. 

Etruria,  405,  407,  410. 

Etruscans,  the  ancient,  24. 

Eulalia,  Saint,  22. 

Euric,  28,  29,  34. 

Europe  and  Europeans,  1,  3,  6,  21,  28, 
38,  44,  45,  49-51,  60-62,  64,  67,  86,  91, 
94,  102,  103,  105-108,  110,  112,  139,  148, 
165,  181,  182,  186,  188,  195,  202,  203, 
206,  209,  219,  230,  234,  236,  240-246, 
248-251,  254,  257-262,  265,  266,  269, 
270,  284,  286,  298,  300,  303,  306,  315, 
324,  328,  330,  334,  336-338,  350,  352, 
365,   356,   358-360,   368-370,    376,   380- 


384,   391,   392,   894,   401-403,   407,   415. 

419,    426,   449,   466,   471,    478,   480-482, 
,  492,  495,  496,  500,  513.  520. 
Evora,  266. 
Evreux,  House  of,  134. 
Expolios,  319,  321. 
Extremadura,   1,  2.  44.  45,  212,  228,  280, 

431,  460,  464. 

Fachenetti  concordat,  320. 

Fadrique  of  Sicily,  128,  129. 

Falkland  Islands,  388,  389,  400. 

Falla,  516. 

Family  Compact,  the,  379,  383,  386.  389, 

390,  395,  400. 
Far  East,  the,  265,  353,  488. 
Farnese,  Alexander,  251. 
Farnesio,    Isabel,    374-382.   404.   418.   445, 

449,  451. 
Ferdinand  I.  the  Emperor.  235,  244. 
Ferdinand  II,  the  Emperor,  260. 
Ferdinand  of  Antequera.     See  Ferdinand  I 

of  Aragon. 
Ferdinand    of   Aragon.     See   Ferdinand    II 

of  Aragon. 
Ferdinand  I  of  Aragon,  122,  131,  132,  168, 

170,  189. 
Ferdinand  II  of  Aragon,  111,  124,  133,  134, 

148,    154,    191,    202-215,    217-230,    234. 

235.    272,    276,    277.   287,    290,    292-294. 

300,  306.  316,  325,  332,  335,  350. 
Ferdinand  of  Bourbon,   Prince,   382. 
Ferdinand  I  of  Castile,  71,  73,  75. 
Ferdinand      II      of      Leon      (1157-1188). 

Omitted. 
Ferdinand  III  of  Castile   (and  Leon),  68, 

76,  77,  80,  81,  91,  95,  111,  158,  162. 
Ferdinand  IV  of  Castile  (and  Leon).  115- 

117. 
Ferdinand  V  of  Spain.     See  Ferdinand  II 

of  Aragon. 
Ferdinand  VI  of  Spain,  378,  381,  382.  391, 

412.   418,  422,   431,  435.  439.  445.   449, 

474,  478,  484.     ^ 
Ferdinand  VII  of  Spain,  406-409,  477,  486, 

488,  492-498. 
Ferdinand  of  Naples,  132. 
Ferndn  Gonzdlez,  57. 
Ferndn-Ndnez,  Count  of,  472,  481. 
Ferndndez.     See  Moratin. 
Ferndndez  Caballero,  515. 
Ferndndez  de  Oviedo,  347. 
Ferndndez  Dure,  516. 


548 


INDEX 


Ferndndez  Guerra,  616, 

Fernando  de  le  Cerda,  113,  116. 

Ferran,  515. 

Ferrara,  452. 

Ferrer,  Francisco,  511,  512. 

Ferrer,  Jaime,  189. 

Feudalism.     See  Church,  Nobles,  Towns. 

Feyj6o,  472,  483. 

Fidalgo,  479. 

Figueras,  President,  604. 

Fiscal,  the,  156. 

Fita,  Fidel,  516. 

Flanders,  the  Flemings,  and  Flemish  influ- 
ences, 105.  176,  187,  190,  195,  209,  233, 
235,  237,  239,  247,  250,  270,  286,  294, 
297,  323,  328,  342,  462. 

Flor,  Roger  de,  129. 

Florence,  209,  363. 

Florencia,  347. 

Florez,  477. 

Florida,  387,  395,  397,  398,  488. 

Floridablanca,  Count  of,  395,  396,  400-402, 
415,  428,  435,  436,  452,  463,  480. 

Foix,  Count  of,   134. 

France,  the  French,  and  French  influences, 
1,  8,  27-30,  34,  40,  42,  43,  58,  59,  64-66, 
74,  75,  78-81,  83,  86,  89,  92,  105-107, 
110,  115,  118,  120,  126,  127,  131,  134,  139, 
161,  172,  181,  185,  188,  190,  196,  197, 
200,  206-209,  214,  229,  235,  236,  240-244, 
246-248,  251,  254,  255,  258,  260-265, 
267-271,  280,  299,  300,  308,  312,  327, 
330,  333,  351,  359,  360,  368-390,  392- 
397,  399-411,  419-421,  425,  427-429, 
434,  440,  445,  449,  452,  454,  457,  459, 
461.  468-472,  476,  482-485,  489-493. 
496,  497,  500,  503,  508,  513,  514,  518, 
524.  See  French  Revolution,  Provencal 
influences. 

Franche-Comte,  235. 

Francis  I  of  France,  209,  235,  240,  241. 

Franciscans,  96,  173,  216,  217,  304,  314. 
See  Church. 

Franks,  the,  19,  29,  30,  42,  43,  55,  56,  64. 

Freemasons,  495,  512. 

French  Revolution,  161,  384,  399-402, 
428,  429,  457,  477,  496. 

Fuero  Juzgo,  31,  37,  63,  65,  91,  98,  99,  162, 
163. 

Fuero  Real,  162,' 163,  441. 

Fuerza,  recourse  of,  156,  164,  291,  311,  321, 
322,  446. 

Furfooz  man,  6. 


Galba,  16. 

Galeras,  the,  295. 

Gal6s,  Pedro,  308. 

Galicia  and  the  Galicians,  2,  4,  8-10,  11, 

27,  28,  56-58,  71,  74,  106,  180,  184,  185, 

203,  238,  327,  431,  434,  460,  478,  511. 
Galvdn,  350. 

Gdlvez,  Bernardo  de,  397. 
Gdlvez,  Jos6  de,  436. 
Gdndara,  516. 
Ganivet,  515. 
Garcia  de  la  Huerta,  484. 
Garnier,  393. 
Gascony,  112,  113. 
Gastambide,  515. 
Gaudl,  516. 

Gelmlrez,  Diego,  74,  75,  95. 
General  Privilege,  the,  126,  130,  167. 
Generalitat,  the,  148,  170-172,  178,  299. 
Genoa,  109,  129,  131,  297,  470. 
Germanic  tribes,    26-29,    33,    59,    63,    75. 

See  Alans,  Germans,  Ostrogoths,  Suevians, 

Vandals,  Visigoths. 
Germany    and    the    Germans,     105,     112, 

113,    229,    235,    236,    238,    240-244,    246, 

247,   260,   269,   285,   297,   308,   350,  359, 

366,  371,  448,  462,  483,  485,  508,  513,  514. 

See  Prussia. 
Gerona,   city  and  province  of,   11,   64,  65, 

77,  82,  172,  173,  212,  430,  491. 
Gibbon,  346. 
Gibraltar,  32,  71,  371,  376,  377,  379,  381, 

382,  385,  396,  397,  407,  514. 
Gilbert,  Himiphrey,  253. 
Giner  de  los  Rlos,  516,  525. 
Giotto,  187,  190. 
Godoy,    Manuel,    402-409,    419,    422,    423, 

436,  447,   448,   455,  472,  474,  475,  477, 

516. 
Gomez  de  Baquero,  516. 
Gongora,  Luis  de  Argote  y,  358. 
Gongora,  the  historian,    347. 
Gonzdlez  Blanco,  515. 
GonzAlez  Bravo,  500,  503. 
Gonzalez  Ddvila,  GU,  350. 
Gonzdlez  del  Castillo,  484. 
Gothic  art,    107,   108,    110,    186,   187,    190, 

197,  2.33,  361,  362. 
Gothic  rite,  36,  95,  98,  100. 
Goya,   Francisco  Jos6,  366,  421,  422,  471, 

485,  486,  516. 
Granada,  city  of,  2,  53,  71,  201,  205,  293, 

423,  431 ;    kingdom  and  province  of,  2, 


INDEX 


549 


3,  50,  68.  69.  71,  77.  82,  111,  113,  115, 
117,  121-123,  135,  136,  142,  192.  200- 
202,  204-206,  211,  213,  219,  221,  225- 
227,  248,  277,  280,  327,  431,  460. 

Granados,  516. 

Grandees,  211,  273,  373,  379,  411-413, 
447,  501,  505. 

Great  Schism,  131,  164,  167,  168,  317. 

Greece,  the  Greeks,  and  Greek  influences, 
6,  7,  11-14,  18,  24,  36,  37,  51,  102,  103, 
105,  190,  230,  242,  342,  350-353,  361, 
362,  364,  484.     See  Byzantine  Romans. 

Gregory  VII,  Pope,  95,  164. 

Gregory  XIII,  Pope,  322,  349. 

Gregory  XIV,  Pope,  317. 

Grimaldi,  394,  395. 

Grotius,  344. 

Guadalajara,  54,  450. 

Guadalquivir  River,  1-3,  5,  49. 

Guadalupe,  Sentence  of,  212. 

Guadarrama  Mountains.  See  Carpeto- 
Vetonica  Mountains. 

Guadiana  River,  2. 

Guastalla,  381. 

Guatemala,  478. 

Guerrero,  366. 

Guesclin,  Bertrand  du,  120. 

Guimerd,  515. 

Guipuzcoa,  134,  135,  197-200,  274,  284, 
301,  429,  460. 

Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  347. 

Guzmdn,  Domingo  de.     <See  Dominic. 

Guzmdn,  Leonor  de,  118. 

Guzmdn  el  Bueno,  114,  115. 

Guzmdn  family,  138,  152. 

Gypsies,  the,  275,  276,  414. 

Hadrian,  20. 

Hakem  I,  43,  44. 

Hakem  II,  45,  57. 

Hamilcar,  12. 

Hannibal,  12-14. 

Hapsbiarg,  House  of,  113,  207,  234-236, 
241,  243,  244,  246,  260,  268-271,  276, 
284.  287,  293,  303,  316,  331,  332,  368, 
374,  411,  426,  432,  443,  446,  452,  454,  455, 
473,  506. 

Harcourt,  270. 

Harrach,  270. 

Hasdrubal,  the  elder,  12-13. 

Hasdrubal,  the  younger,  13. 

Havana,  386,  387,  395. 

Hawkins,  John,  253. 


Hayti,  403. 

Hebrew     literature,     188,     230,     352.     See 

Jews. 
Heceta,  479. 

Henry,  Prince,  of  Portugal,  189. 
Henry  I  of  Castile,  76. 
Henry  II  of  Castile  (and  Leon),   118-121, 

138,  140,  186. 
Henry  III  of  Castile  (and  Leon),  121,  122. 

135.  138,  186. 
Henry  IV  of  Castile  (and  Leon),  122-124, 

134,  138,  139,  143,  164,  204,  210. 
Henry  VIII  of  England,  207,  208,  235. 
Henry  IV  of  France,  248,  260. 
Henry  of  Lorraine,  74. 
Henry  I  of  Portugal,  251,  252. 
Henry   of    Trastamara.     <See   Henry    II    of 

Castile  (and  Leon). 
Hermandades,  92,  141,  155,  158,  220,  223. 
Hermenegild,  30. 
Herrera,  Juan  de,  361,  362. 
Herrera,  the  historian,  347. 
Herrera,  the  painter,  366. 
Hevla,  347. 
Hidalgos,  211,  273,  274,  295,  298,  411-414, 

419,  434. 
Hillo,  Pepe,  422. 
Hinojosa,  516. 
Hippocrates,  350. 
Hisham  I,  43. 
Hisham  II,  45,  46.  69. 
Hisham  III,  46,  68. 
Hispano-Romans,     18-21,    24,    25,    28-31, 

33-36,  47,  50. 
Hittites,  the,  8. 
Hobbes.  428. 

Hohenstaufen,  House  of,  126. 
Holland.     See   Low    Countries,    Protestant 

Netherlands. 
Holy  Roman  Emperors.     See  Holy  Roman 

Empire. 
Holy   Roman  Empire,   75,    112,    113,    126, 

153,  207,  209,  235,  244,  269,  270,  369,  371. 
Homer,  185,  356. 

Honduras,  385-387,  395,  397,  398. 
Honor  es,  138. 
Honrats,  169,  170. 
Hoyos,  356. 
Huesca,  450. 
Humanism,   230,   231,   343,   347,   351-353, 

356. 
Humboldt,  Alexander  von,  448,  478,  483. 
Hume,  345,  428. 


550 


INDEX 


Hungary,  26,  242. 
Huns,  27. 

Ibdnez,  Blasco,  515,  516. 

Iberian  Mountains,  2. 

Iberian  Peninsula,  1,  5-7. 

Iberians,  the,  7-10,  12,  14. 

Ibiza.  10,  81. 

Iglesias,  515. 

Ignatius,  Saint.     See  Loyola. 

Ilerda,  battle  of,  18. 

Iliberis,  22. 

lUo,  Pepe.     See  Hillo. 

Illuminism,  308,  309,  314,  457.     See  Church. 

Incas,  the,  281. 

Index,  the.  307.  311,  319,  428,  455. 

India,  50,  229. 

Indians,  60,  272,  275,  296,  353,  391,  449, 
518. 

Ifiigo  Arista,  56. 

Innocent  III,  Pope,  76,  80. 

Inquisition,  the,  202,  206,  210,  214-216, 
221-224,  231,  248-250,  263,  276-278, 
293,  304,  305,  307,  309-312,  314,  315, 
319,  360,  428,  439,  444-449,  455-457,  494. 
See  Church. 

Inslia,  Alberto,  515. 

Irish,  the,  264,  315. 

Isabel,  Princess,  121. 

Isabella  I  of  Castile  (and  Leon),  111,  123, 
124,  133,  134,  139,  154,  202-230,  242, 
272,  276,  287,  290,  292-294,  300,  306, 
316,  325,  332,  350,  383. 

Isabella  II  of  Spain,  498-503,  506. 

Isidore,  Saint,  37,  107. 

Isla,  483. 

Islam,  43.     See  Mohammedanism. 

Itd.lica,  20. 

Italy,  the  Italians,  and  Italian  influences, 
6,  8,  13,  17,  27,  78,  100,  105,  109,  110, 
125-127,  132,  167,  172,  177,  178,  181, 
182,  184,  185,  187,  188,  190,  191,  195, 
202,  203,  207-209,  214,  218,  219,  229- 
231,  233-236,  241-244,  247,  258,  260, 
261,  264,  268,  297,  300,  308,  312,  316, 
318,  320,  339,  351-353,  355-357,  359, 
362-364,  366,  374-382,  434,  444,  470, 
471,  482-485,  487,  518. 

Ja6n,  114. 

Jaime  I  of  Aragon,  68,  80-82,  97-100,  109- 

112,  125,  150,  167,  173,  192. 
Jaime  II  of  Aragon,  127,  128,  167, 


Jaime  II  of  Majorca,  82,  126,  127,  192. 
Jaime  of  Urgel,  131,  132,  168. 
Jamaica,  385. 
James,  Saint,  55. 
James  I  of  England,  254,  259. 
Janda,  battle  of,  32. 
Jansenists,  443,  456. 
Japanese,  the,  353. 
Jay,  John,  397. 
Jena,  battle  of,  407. 
Jenkins,  380. 
Jerez,  347. 
Jerusalem,  55,  312. 

Jesuits,  266,  304,  310,  312-315,  323,  341, 
359,    391,    443,    444,    448-453,    456,    473, 

474,  478,  480,  483.     See  Church. 

Jews,  the,  31,  32,  36,  39,  41,  42,  47,  84,  86, 
87,  96,  98,  102-105,  143,  147,  149,  150, 
158,  160,  175,  176,  182,  183,  188,  193-196, 
210,  213-216,  221,  229,  266,  280,  304, 
308,  315,  332,  414,  456,  457.  See  Mar- 
ranos. 

Jimenez  de  Cisneros.     See  Ximenez. 

Jimenez  de  Rada,  Rodrigo,  107. 

Jimenez  de  Urrea,  Miguel,  189. 

Joao  IV  of  Portugal,  267.     See  Braganza. 

John,  Don,  of  Austria.     See  Juan  of  Austria. 

John  of  Gaunt,  121. 

Joseph,  King,  of  Spain,  409,  488,  490. 

Jovellanos,    415,    436,    447,    459,    472,    474, 

475,  480,  481. 
Juan,  Jorge,  476,  478. 

Juan,  Prince,  of  Castile,  114-116. 
Juan  I  of  Aragon,  131,  148.  167,  188,  189. 
Juan  II  of  Aragon,  132-134,  148,  170,  171, 

195,  206,  212. 
Juan  of  Austria,  249-251,  254. 
Juan  of  Austria  (another),  268,  269. 
Juan  I  of  Castile  (and  Leon),  121,  140,  154, 

167,  186. 
Juan  II  of  Castile   (and  Le6n),   122,   123, 

139.  154,  156,  161,  181. 
Juana  Enrlquez  of  Castile,  132-134. 
Juana  la  Beltraneja,  123,  124,  203. 
Juana  la  Loca.  207-209,  235,  244. 
Judaizantes,  215.     See  Marranos. 
Jumilla,  450. 
Junot,  407. 
Junta  Central,  492. 

Junta  de  Comercio  y  Moneda,  330,  468. 
Junta  de  Moneda.     See  Junta  de  Comercio 

y  Moneda. 
Justicia,  the,  97,  125,  126,  128,  130,  166. 


INDEX 


551 


Justinian,  29,  97,  163,  184.  301,  441. 
Juzgado  de  Imprenta,  428. 

Kino,  Eusebio,  482. 
Koran,  the,  48,  49. 

La  Bisbal,  177. 

La  Celestina,  232,  356. 

La  Mancha,  2,  3,  228,  280,  460. 

Labrit  family,  240. 

Lafita,  Juan,  516. 

Lancaster,  Duke  of.     See  John  of  Gaunt. 

Lanza,  Silverio,  515. 

Lanzas,  295. 

Las  Casas,  Bartolome  de,  347,  358,  618. 

Las  Mesas,  450. 

Latifundia,  138,  144,  281,  325,  327,  336,  464, 

522. 
Latin  language,  36,  50,  63,   106,  107,  184, 

185,    189,    197,    230-232,    307,   341,    346, 

350-353,  359.     See  Rome. 
Latins,  15.     »See  Rome. 
Lauria,  Roger  de,  127. 
Lee,  Arthur,  395. 
Leocadia,  Saint,  22. 
Leon,  city  of,  20,  56,  57,  361. 
Leon,  Ricardo,  515. 
Leon  (kingdom  and  province  of)   and   the 

Leonese,    56-58,    60-64,    69-77,    85-97, 

104-110,  161,  162,  180,  491. 
Leon  Pinelo,  347. 
Leonor  of  Navarre,  134. 
Leopold  of  Hohenzollern,  503. 
Leovgild,  29,  30,  35. 
Lepanto,  battle  of,  249,  356. 
Lerida,  18,  78,  110. 
Lerma,  Duke  of,  259,  266. 
Lesage,  483. 

Letrados,  154,  156,  221,  272,  274,  300. 
Leyes  de  Toro,  217,  227,  281,  301,  441. 
Liberalism,  489,  495-503,  506,  508,  509,  514. 
Limosna  al  rey,  295. 
Limpieza  de  sangre,  216,  315,  417. 
Linares  Rivas,  515. 
Lisbon,  255,  265. 
Lh-y,  185,  186,  347. 
Llorente,  481. 

Lobeira,  Vasco  de,  185,  232. 
Locke,  428. 
Loire  River,  28. 
London,  365,  389,  393,  403. 
Lope  de  Vega.     See  Vega. 
Lopez  de  Ayala,  Pedro,  139,  152,  186. 


Lopez  de  Chinchilla,  Garcf,  203, 

Lopez  de  Gomara,  347,  350. 

Lopez  de  Haro,  479. 

Lopez  de  Velasco,  Juan,  347,  348. 

Lords.     See  Church,  Nobles. 

Loreto,  55. 

Louis  IX  of  France,  77. 

Louis  XII  of  France,  208. 

Louis  XIV  of  France,  262,  269-271,  369, 
371,  373-375,  425. 

Louis  XV  of  France,  375,  377,  378,  389. 

Louis  XVI  of  France,  396,  401-403,  496. 

Louis  the  Pious,  55. 

Louisiana,  387,  405,  406. 

Low  Countries,  the,  209,  234,  235,  244, 
247,  250-252,  254-256,  258,  259,  261, 
267,  269,  296,  312,  374,  376,  455.  See 
Catholic  Netherlands,  Flanders,  Protes- 
tant Netherlands. 

Loyola,  Ignacio  de,  311,  312. 

Lucan,  24,  185. 

Lucas  of  Tuy,  107. 

Lucero,  224. 

Lucian,  356. 

Lugo,  20. 

Luis  I  of  Spain,  377,  378,  426. 

Lull,  Raymond,  110,  188,  309. 

Luna,  Alvaro  de,  122,  123,  139. 

Luna,  Pedro  de.     .See  Benedict  XIII. 

Lusitania  and  the  Lusitanians,  8,  9,  16,  17, 
57. 

Luther,  Martin,  307,  309. 

Luxembourg,  235. 

Luzdn,  Ignacio  de,  482. 

Machado  (two),  515. 

Madrid,    255,     263,    270,    283,    286,    291, 

329,   331,    341,   354,   365,   370,   408-410. 

421-423,    435,   450,   451,   455,   460,   468, 

469,  473,  478,  479,  484.  490,  491,  508; 

ordinance  of,  160. 
Maeztu,  515. 

Magellan,  Strait  of,  388.  ^ 

Mahomet,  39. 
Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir.  See 

Almansor. 
Mah6n,  Port,  381. 
Maimonides,  103. 
Majismo,  421,  424,  486. 
Majorca  and  the   Majorcans,   81,   82,   109, 

126,    131,    172,    187,    189,    190,    192-196, 

240,  274,  275,  290,  293,  359,  427,  430-432i 

437. 


552 


INDEX 


Malaga,  city  and  province  of,  2,  10,  68,  69. 

Malaspina,  476. 

Malouines   Islands.     See   Falkland   Islands. 

Malta,  249  ;    knights  of,  404. 

Maluinas  Islands.     See  Falkland  Islands. 

Manfred  of  Athens,  129. 

Manfred  of  Sicily,  126. 

Manila,  386-388. 

Manuel  I  of  Portugal,  252. 

Maragall,  515,  516. 

Marcus  A'^elius,  20. 

Maria  Ana  of  Austria.  269,  284. 

Maria  Cristina,  Queen,  of  Spain,  506. 

Maria    Cristina    of    Naples.     <See    Cristina 

(Queen) . 
Maria  Luisa,   Queen,   402,   404,  405,   407- 

409,  412,  424,  448,  455. 
Maria  Luisa  of  Savoy,  374. 
Maria  of  Aragon,  148,  149. 
Maria  of  Portugal,  247. 
Maria  Teresa  of  Spain,  262,  270. 
Maria  Victoria  of  Portugal,  392. 
Mariana,  345-347. 
Mariilnica  Mountains,  2. 
Marie  de  Medici,  260. 
Marinas,  516. 
Marius,  17. 
Marmontel,  482. 
Marquina,  515. 
Marquises,  211,  221,  273. 
Marranos,    143,    158,    189,    193,    214,    215. 

See  Jews,  Judaizantes. 
Marseilles,  11. 
Martel,  Charles,  42. 
Martial,  24. 

Martin  I  of  Aragon,  131,  148,  167. 
Martinez  de  la  Mata,  344. 
Martinez  Marina,  481. 
Martinez  Sierra,  515,  516. 
Martyr,  Peter,  230,  232. 
Mary,   Queen,   of  England,   244,   247,   253, 

342. 
Mary  Stuart,  254. 
Masdeu,  480,  481. 
Mathei,  388. 

Maura,  Antonio,  511,  512. 
Mauretania,  19. 
Maurice  of  Saxony,  243. 
Maximilian  I,  the  Emperor,  235,  237. 
Mayans,  Gregorio,  480. 
Media  anala,  the,  295,  413. 
Medici,  Marie  de.     .See  Marie. 
Medina,  476. 


Medina  del  Campo,  328,  329. 

Medina  SidOnia,   dukes  of,    138,   211,   255, 

267,  268. 
Mediterranean  Sea,   1,  2,  6,  8.   10,   12,  45, 

66,    81,    102,    105,    109,    129-132,    158, 

170-172,    177,    178,    195,    206,    229,    249, 

260,  325,  328. 
Mel6ndez  Valdes,  483. 
Melilla,  206,  390. 
Melon,  164. 
Mendieta,  347. 

Mendoza,  Pedro  de,  216,  227. 
Men6ndez,  the  painter,  485. 
Menendez  Pidal,  515. 
Mon^ndez  y  Pelayo,  515,  516. 
Mengs,  485. 
Mercado,  350. 
Mercator,  348. 
Merida,  20,  22,  32,  40,  44. 
Merinos,  90,  92,  93,  154-156,  199. 
Merlin,  185. 
Mesa,  515. 
Mesenghi,  445,  447. 
Mcsta,    the,    104,    105,    155,    174,    227-229, 

282,  325,  327,  416,  463,  465. 
Metaurus,  battle  of  the,  13. 
Mexico,  296,  478,  500,  523.     See  New  Spain. 
Meyra,  164. 
Mild  Fontanals,  515. 
Milan,  207,  209,  241,  267,  372. 
Milicias,  the,  453. 
Military  orders.     See  Alcdntara,  Calatrava, 

Church,     Malta,     Nobles,     Saint     John, 

Santiago,  Templars. 
Millonea,  the,  294,  297. 
Milton,  482. 
Mina,  491. 
Minorca,  81,  195,  371,  376,  379,  381,  382, 

386,  396-398,  406. 
Mirabeau,  428. 
Miralles,  397. 
Miranda,  Marquis  of,  428. 
Mississippi  River,  387,  398. 
Mocino,  477. 

Moderates,  the,  496,  498,  499. 
Moguls,  the,  121. 
Mohammedanism,    39-41,    43,    47-49,    51, 

59,  69-72,  217,  248,  277.     See  Moslems. 
Molina,  Maria  de,  115,  116. 
Molina,   the  botanist,  477. 
Molinism.     <See    Quietism. 
Molinos,  Miguel  de,  309. 
Mombeltrdn,  450. 


INDEX 


553 


Mondonedo,  164. 

Monino,  Jose.     See  Floridablanca. 

Montaigne,  343,  482. 

Montalvo,  Alfonso  Diaz  de.     See  Diaz. 

Montalvo,  Garcl  Ordonez  de.     See  Ordonez. 

Montanes,  362. 

Montano,  Arias,  314,  352. 

Montepios,  417,  463. 

Montesquieu,  428. 

Montfort,  Simon  de,  80,  81. 

Montiel,  battle  of,  120. 

Moors.     See  Almohades,  Moslems. 

Morales,  Ambrosio  de,  346,  347. 

Morales,  the  composer,  366. 

Morales,  the  treasurer,  224. 

Moratin,  Leandro  Fernandez  de,  483,  484. 

Moratin,  Nicolds  Ferndndez  de,  483. 

Moreno  Carbonero,  516. 

Moriscos,  205,  213,  242,  248,  249,  272, 
275-280,  304,  308,  327,  334,  336. 

Morocco,  70,  82,  113.  117,  383,  390,  414, 
456,  500,  511,  513.     See  Africa. 

Morote,  515. 

Moslems,  the,  5,  19,  26,  32,  33,  38-59, 
63,  64,  66-73,  75-79,  81,  84,  85,  87,  88, 
92,  94,  96,  98,  102-105,  111-113,  115- 
117,  123,  126,  135,  136,  138,  142,  158, 
172,  174,  178-183,  188,  195,  196,  200, 
201,  204-206,  213,  216,  225,  229,  241, 
242,  247-249,  275,  279,  280,  284,  285, 
295,  299,  315,  324,  332,  334,  338,  363, 
366,  390,  414,  456,  513,  518,  520,  522. 
See  Almohades,  Almoravides,  Arabs, 
Benimerines,  Berbers,  Granada,  Islam, 
Mohammedanism,  Moriscos,  Morocco, 
Mudejares,  Muladles,  Renegados,  Shiites, 
Sunnites,  Syrians. 

Mota  Padilla,  482. 

Moura,  Cristobal  de,  252. 

Mozarabes,  47,  49,  50,  55,  59,  79,  84,  86,  87, 
96,  98,  105.     See  Gothic  rite. 

Mozart,  487. 

Mudarites.     See  Shiites. 

Mudejar  architecture,  108,  109,  187. 

Mud6jares,  the,  86,  87,  96-98,  100,  102, 
105,  142,  143,  147,  149,  150,  158,  160, 
175,  183,  193,  196,  200,  205,  210,  213,  214, 
272,  276,  277,  304,  308. 

Miihlberg,  battle  of,  243. 

Muladles,  41.     See  Renegadoa. 

Munda,  battle  of,  18. 

Murioz,  Gil,  168. 

Munoz,  the  historian,  481. 


Munoz  Degrain,  515. 

Mxmoz  San  Romdn,  515. 

Murat,  408,  409. 

Murcia,  city  of,  77,  437,  450;   province  of, 

2,  44,  50,  79,  81,  280,  435. 
Murillo,  365,  366,  485. 
Musa,  32,  33. 
Mutis,  477. 
Mysticism,  309,  310,  343,  359.     See  Church. 

Ndjera,  91. 

Naples,  city  of,  132,  188,  231 ;  kingdom  of, 
126,  132,  171,  189,  191,  195,  207,  208. 
235,  268,  364.  372.  379,  380,  384,  447, 
449,  452,  456,  472,  497. 

Napoleon  I  of  France,  399.  400.  404-410, 
439.  488-492,  494,  497. 

Narbonne,  29. 

Narvdez.  500-502. 

National  Assembly,  the  French,  400.  401, 
493. 

Navalcarnero.  450. 

Navarre.  55-59.  64-66.  71.  73.  75.  76.  79, 
82,  83,  101,  110,  112,  120,  132-135,  192, 
196,  197.  199.  207-209.  213.  214.  219, 
235,  240,  288-290,  427,  430-433,  441, 
460,  461,  491. 

Navas  de  Tolosa,  battle  of,  71,  76. 

Neanderthal  man,  6. 

Nebrija,  Antonio  de,  231. 

Nelson,  406. 

New  Castile,  2,  431.     See  Castile. 

New  Orleans,  395,  397. 

New  Spain,  394,  448,  450,  482.     See  Mexico. 

Newfoundland,  325,  385-387,  397. 

Nicene  creed.     See  Catholicism. 

Nieto,  516. 

Nino,  Pero,  158. 

Nobles,  the.  30-35.  40.  41.  53-57.  60-65, 
67,  73,  74,  76-82,  85.  86.  89-94.  96-101. 
104.  111.  113-128.  130,  132,  133,  137- 
142,  144-157,  159,  160,  163,  166-172, 
177,  192,  196-200,  202-204,  210-213, 
217,  219-221,  225,  237-240,  252,  253, 
263,  266,  267,  272-281,  288-290,  294, 
295,  298.  307.  325.  334-336.  339.  341. 
352.  402.  411^15.  419.  421.  422,  424, 
426-428,  430,  433,  437,  447,  448.  459,  460, 
462,  464,  468,  472-474,  490,  494,  501,  505, 
511,  518,  522.  See  Caballeros,  Church, 
Counts,  Dukes,  Grandees.  Hidalgos,  Mar- 
quises,   Military  orders,   Ricoshombrea. 

Nootka  affair,  the,  400,  401. 


554 


INDEX 


Normans,  44,  64. 

North  Africa.     See  Africa. 

North     America.     See     Spanish     America, 

United  States. 
Norway,  189. 

Novisima  Recopilacidn,  425,  441. 
Nueva  RecopilaciM,  300,  301,  425,  441. 
Numantia,  16,  17. 
Numidians,  14. 
Nunez  de  Arce,  515. 

Ocampo,  Florian  de,  345,  346. 

Octavius.     iSee  Augustus. 

O'Donnell,  500-502. 

Oidores,  154. 

Old  Castile.  2,  431,  4G0.     ,See  Castile. 

Olivares,    Count-Duke    of,    261,    263-268, 

284,  288. 
Oman,  489,  491. 
Omar-ben  Hafsun,  44,  45. 
Ommayad  family,  42,  46. 
Ordenanzas  Reales,  the,  226,  301. 
Ordonez  de  Montalvo,  Garcl,  232. 
O'ReUly,  Alejandro,  390. 
Oretana  Mountains,  2. 
Orleans,  Duke  of,  375. 
Orosius,  36. 
Orry,  374,  434,  439. 
Ortega,  the  historian,  482. 
Ortega  Gasset,  515. 
Ostend  Company,  the,  378. 
Ostrogoths,  27. 
Ovid,  185. 
Oviedo,  55-57. 

Pacheco,  366. 

Pacific  Ocean,  310,  3.50,  381,  388. 
Padilla,  Maria  de,  118,  119,  121. 
Padilla  family,  119. 
Paez  de  Castro,  345,  346. 
Palacio  Valdes,  515. 
Palacios,  516. 
Palafox,  General,  491. 
Palafox,  Juan  de,  449,  450. 
Palatinate,  the,  260. 
Palencia,  106,  450. 
Palestine,  82. 
Palma,  192-195,  430,  437. 
Palou,  482. 
Pamplona,  54,  312. 
Panamd,  Isthmus  of,  350. 
Papal  States,  126-128,  241,  247,  260,  316- 
320,  451,  504.     .Sec  Church,  Rome. 


Paraguay,  391,  392,  435,  449. 

Pardo  Bazdn,  515. 

Paris,    city  of,    247,    369,    512;     treaty   of, 

387;   university  of,  312. 
Parlement  of  Paris,  369. 
Parliament,  the  British,  388. 
Parma,  374,  376,  381,  404,  405,  445. 
Partidas,     the,     162-165,     171,     175,     181, 

184,  185,  226,  281,  301,  441. 
Pose  Regio,  the,  95,  164,  167,  317,  318,  320, 

322,  444-447. 
Passau,  243. 
Patino,  434,  436,  439. 
Patronato  Real,  227,  292,  322,  443,  445. 
Paul  IV,  Pope,  247,  316-318. 
Paul,  Saint,  22. 
Paula,  Francisco  de,  410. 
Pavon,  477. 

Peace,  Prince  of  the,  403.     See  Godoy. 
Pedrell,  516. 

Pedro  I  of  Aragon  (1094-1104).     Omitted. 
Pedro  II  of  Aragon,  79,   80,  98,  126.   127, 

167. 
Pedro  III  of  Aragon,  82,  125-127,  192. 
Pedro    IV    of   Aragon,    119,    120,    129-131, 

146,  148,  150,  166-168,  171,  173,  188,  192. 
Pedro   I   of  Castile    (and   Leon),    117-121, 

129,  138,  186. 
Pelayo,  53,  54. 
Penibetica  Mountains,  2. 
Peninsula  War,  491,  492. 
Peniscola,  168. 
Pereda,  515. 
Peres,  Ramon  D.,  515. 
Perez,   the  navigator,   479. 
Perez  de  Ayala,  515. 
Perez  de  Guzmdn,  186,  345. 
Perez  de  Ribas,  347. 
Perez  Galdos,  515,  516. 
Persia,  121. 
Peru,  281,  296,  478. 
Pesquisa,  the,  156,  157,  273. 
Pesquisidores,  220. 
Pestalozzi,  474. 
Petrarch,  184,  185. 
Petronilla,  79. 

Philip  of  Bourbon,  Prince,  378,  381. 
Phihp  I  of  Castile  (and  Leon),  207,   208, 

211,  235,  244. 
Philip  II  of  Spain,  244-259,  265,  267,  283- 

287,    292.    294,    296,    297,    303,    306-308, 

311,    314-322,    325,    326,    331.    332,    340. 

342,  346,  348,  352.  362-364.  455. 


INDEX 


555 


Philip  III  of  Spain.  256,  258-260,  266, 
285,  288,  294,  296,  340,  365. 

Philip  IV  of  Spain,  258,  260-268, 
284,  288,  295,  308,  310,  318,  320, 
333,  340,  352,  362,  365,  372. 

Philip  V  of  Spain,  270,  271,  369-378, 
412,  418,  419,  422,  425-427,  429, 
444,  449,  478,  485,  498. 

Philip  IV  of  France,  83. 

Philip    the    Handsome.     See    Philip 
Castile  (and  Leon). 

Philippine  Islands,  450,  488,  506. 

Phocians,  11. 

Phoenicians,  7-11,  14. 

Pi  y  Margall,  504. 

Picavea,  515. 

Picon,  515. 

Piquer,  Andres,  480. 

Pisa,  78,  109,  129. 

Pitt,  William,  380,  385,  393. 

Pius  IV,  Pope,  247,  308,  317. 

Pius  V,  Pope,  318. 

Pizarro,  296,  347. 

Plasencia,  376,  381. 

Plata,  Rio  de  la,  386,  391. 

Plato,  103,  184. 

Plutarch,  185. 

Plymouth,  256. 

Poitiers,  42. 

Poland,  379. 

Pombal,  Marquis  of,  391,  392. 

Pompey,  18. 

Ponce  de  la  Fuente,  Constantino,  307, 

Ponoe  family,  138,  152. 

Porlier,  491. 

Porto  Rico,  506. 

Portocarrero,  270. 

Portugal  and  the  Portuguese,  1,  2,  5, 
11,  19,  27,  58,  74-76,  113,  115,  117, 
120-122,  124,  155,  184,  185,  189, 
207,  214,  229,  231,  246,  247,  251- 
258,  259,  262,  265-268,  288,  322,  330, 
383,  386,  387,  390-392,  394,  397, 
408,  435,  449,  452,  490,  491. 

Posada,  525. 

Pradilla,  515. 

Prado,  the,  365,  484. 

Pragmatic  Sanction,  378,  381. 

Prim,  500,  502-504,  506. 

Primicias,  452. 

Princes,  273. 

PriscilUan,  23. 

Priscillianism,  23. 


284, 

283, 
326, 

381, 
434, 


I    of 


8,  9, 
118, 
195, 

-253, 
370, 

404- 


Privilege  of  the  Union,  128,  130,  166. 

Progressives,  the,  496,  498,  499. 

Propios,  93,  415. 

Protestant  Netherlands,  the,  and  the  Dutch, 
246,  250,  251,  253,  254,  259-262,  265, 
267-269,  299,  330,  344,  369,  370,  376, 
378,  379,  434,  456.     See  Low  Countries. 

Protestantism,  241-243,  248,  250,  251, 
253,  261,  302-304,  306-309,  315,  318, 
455,  456,  472.  See  Church,  Counter- 
Reformation,  Reformation. 

Provencal  influences,  79,  106,  110,  184, 
188-190.     See  France. 

Prussia,  379,  381,  402,  407,  496,  503. 

Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  450. 

Puig,  516. 

Pulgar,  Hernando  del,  232,  345. 

Punic  Wars,  12-14. 

Puritans,  393. 

Pyrenees  Mountains,  1,  2,  8,  28,  40,  43, 
64,  127,  190,  208,  235,  240,  262,  369,  403, 
428,  482. 

Quadrimum,  181. 

Quero,  450. 

Quevedo,  Francisco  de,  358. 

Quietism,  309. 

Quintana,  483. 

Quintilian,  24. 

Racine,  482. 

Radicals,  the.     See  Progressives. 

Raleigh,  Walter,  253. 

Ramiro  I  of  Aragon  (1035-1063).     Omitted. 

Ramiro  II  of  Aragon,  79. 

Ramiro  I  of  Asturias  and  Leon  (842-850). 

Omitted. 
Ramiro  II  of  Asturias  and  Leon,  57. 
Ramon  Berenguer  I  of  Barcelona,  58,   77, 

99,  100. 
Ramon  Berenguer  II  of  Barcelona   (1076- 

1082).     Omitted. 
Ramon    Berenguer    III    of    Barcelona,    73, 

78. 
Ram6n    Berenguer    FV    of    Barcelona,    78, 

79,  100. 
Ram6n  y  Cajal,  Santiago,  517. 
Raphael,  363. 
Real    Academia    de    Bellas    Artes    de    San 

Fernando,  484,  485. 
Real  Academia  de  la  Historia,  476,  481. 
Real  Academia  Espanola,  476,  481. 
Reales,  225. 


556 


INDEX 


Reccared,  30,  31,  36. 

Recceswinth,  31,  35. 

Recopilacidn  de  las  Leyes  de  Indias,  301. 

Reformation,  the,  207,  236,  240,  304, 
306,  342.  .See  Church,  Counter-Reforma- 
tion, Protestantism. 

Regency,  the.  492,  493. 

Regidores,  429,  432,  433. 

Reguera,  Juan  de  la,  441. 

Reid,  343. 

Renaissance,  103,  125,  149,  184,  185,  188, 
189,  231,  233,  285,  338,  341,  351,  361, 
363. 

Rendon,  397. 

Renegados,  the,  41,  43-45,  47,  59,  71, 
84,  200.     See  Moslems. 

Republicans,  the,  503-505,  510,  511. 

Requesens,  251. 

Residencia,  the,  220,  306,  433. 

Revilla  Gigedo,  482. 

Rhine  River,  26. 

Rhodes,  195. 

Ribera,  Juan  de,  279. 

Ribera,  the  painter,  364-366. 

Richelieu,  261. 

Ricoshombres,  128,  211,  273. 

Riego,  496. 

Riepto,  the,  157,  170,  222. 

Ripperdd,  Baron  of,  378,  379,  434. 

Rochford,  Lord,  393. 

Rocroy,  battle  of,  261,  262. 

Roderic,  32,  33,  53. 

Rodriguez  Marin,  515. 

Roelas,  366. 

Rojas,  Fernando  de,  232,  356. 

Roland,  43. 

Romans,  12-28,  34,  36,  37,  51,  52,  64,  88, 
362,  484.     See  Rome. 

Rome,  city  of,  27,  55,  79,  168,  308,  311, 
312,  316,  318,  319,  322,  342,  349,  356, 
424,  443,  451,  452;  law  of,  20-22,  24, 
26,  33,  35,  63,  97,  99,  105,  106,  113,  138, 
143,  144,  147,  149-151,  156,  163,  171, 
181,  184,  189,  210,  217,  281,  301,  305,  344, 
415—417,  441,  450;  republic  and  empire 
of,  12  -28,  33,  36.  See  Byzantine  Romans, 
Hispano-Romans,  Latin  language,  Latins, 
Papal  States,  Romans. 

Romanesque  architecture,  107,  110. 

Roncesvalles,  43. 

Ronda.  18. 

Ronsard,  482. 

Rooke,  371. 


Rossini,  487. 

Rousseau,  428,  474. 

Roussillon,  the,  82,  134,  192,  206,  207,  235, 

262,  264. 
Rudolph  of  Hapsburg,  Count,  113. 
Rueda,  Lope  de,  353,  356. 
Rueda,  Salvador,  515. 
Rueda,  town  of,  70. 
Ruiz,  Lieutenant,  410. 
Ruiz,  the  botanist,  477. 
Ruiz  de  Luzuriaga,  478. 
Rusiiiol,  515,  516. 
Russia,  496. 

Saavedra,  Diego  de,  350. 

Saavedra,  the  minister,  436. 

Sacramento,  386,  387,  391,  392,  435,  449. 

Saguntum,  12,  13. 

Sahaglin,  the  historian,  347. 

Sahagun,  town  of,  86. 

Sahara  Desert,  69. 

Said  Armesto,  515. 

Saint  John,  order  of,  170. 

Salado,  battle  of  the,  117,  131,  136. 

Salamanca,  city  of,  95,  450;    university  of, 

106,  181,  312,  340,  350,  428. 
Salcedo,  350. 
Salcillo,  485. 
Salic  law,  427,  498. 
Salmeron,  504,  505. 
SaUust,  185. 
Salvd,  478. 
San  Ildefonso,  450. 
San  Lucar,  450. 
San  Marcos  of  Leon,  361. 
San  Onofre,  318. 
San  Pablo  of  Valladolid,  233. 
San  Sebastidn,  284. 
San  Telmo  of  Seville.  362. 
Sdnchez,  Julidn,  491. 
Sancho  Garcia  of  Navarre,  56. 
Sancho  I  of  Asturias  and  Le6n,  57. 
Sancho  II  of  Castile,  73. 
Sancho      III      of      Castile      (1157-1158). 

Omitted. 
Sancho    IV    of    Castile    (and    Le6n),    114, 

115,  138,  154. 
Sancho  the  Fat.     See  Sancho  I  of  Asturias 

and  Le6n. 
Sancho  the  Great  of  Navarre,  68,  66,  71, 

78.  135. 
Santa  Fe,  205. 
Santa  Tecla,  392. 


INDEX 


557 


Santiago.     See  Compostela. 

Santiago,  order  of,  94,  219,  220. 

Santo  Domingo,  403. 

Saragossa,  20,  22,  23,  43,  69,  70,  73,  78,  167, 
177,  216,  329,  431,  450,  491. 

Saratoga,  395. 

Sardinia,  island  and  kingdom  of,  128,  129, 
131,  132,  171,  235,  262,  372,  376,  402. 

Sarmiento,  478. 

Savary,  409. 

Savoy,  370,  372,  374,  376,  503,  504 ;  Duke 
of,  374. 

Scandinavia,  27,  177. 

Scipio,  Gnaeus,  13. 

Scipio,  Publius  Cornelius,  13. 

Scipio  ^milianus,  17. 

Scipio  Africanus,  Publius  Cornelius,  13,  14. 

Scotland  and  the  Scotch,  254,  255. 

Scylax,  7. 

Sebastian  I  of  Portugal,  251,  252 

Segovia,  156. 

Segoyuela,  battle  of,  33. 

Segundones,  138,  220,  273. 

Seneca,  24,  184. 

Serrano,  General,  503. 

Serrano,  the  composer,  516. 

Sertorius,  17,  18. 

Servet,  Miguel,  308. 

Servilianus,  16,  17. 

Sesse,  477. 

Setenario,  the,  162. 

Seven  Years  War,  382,  386-388. 

Severo,  Saint,  22. 

Seville,  10,  20,  36-38,  45,  50,  68,  69,  73,  77, 
81,  95,  105,  138,  143,  149,  152,  164,  174, 
180,  187,  215,  223,  265,  284,  286,  307, 
325,  328,  329,  353,  361,  362,  366,  423, 
431,  460,  466,  476,  492,  521,  524. 

Shiites,  40,  42,  44. 

"Sicilian  vespers,"  the,  126,  129. 

Sicily,  6,  7,  12,  126-129,  131,  132,  171, 
189,  235,  268,  372,  376,  377,  379. 

Sierra  Morena,  462.  See  Maridnica  Moun- 
tains. 

Sierra  Nevada.     See  Penib6tica  Mountains. 

Siete  Partidas.     See  Partidas. 

Sigiienza,  164. 

Siliceo,  314. 

Simancas,  342,  476. 

Sisebut,  31. 

Sixtus  V,  Pope,  318. 

Smith,  Adam,  344. 

Solar iegos,  212. 


Soils,  347. 

Sol6rzano,  344,  347,  358. 

Somodevilla.     See  Ensenada. 

Soria,  ordinance  of,  160 ;   town  of,  17. 

Sorolla,  516. 

Sotomayor,  516. 

South  America,  370,  390-392,  476,  479. 
See  Spanish  America. 

"Span,"  10. 

"Spania,"  10. 

Spanish  America,  5,  38,  39,  99,  112,  140, 
151,  155,  156,  202,  203,  206,  210,  219-223, 
227,  229-231,  234-236,  241,  244-246, 
251,  253,  257-259,  262,  272,  274,  275, 
279,  284,  285,  293,  296-299,  301,  303- 
306,  312,  313,  322,  324,  325,  327,  328, 
330-332,  334,  336-339,  341,  343,  344, 
347-350,  352,  353,  358-361,  368-372, 
378,  380,  381,  384-387,  390-395,  397- 
401,  403,  406,  408,  414,  424,  431,  435, 
442,  443,  451-453,  458,  466-471,  476- 
479,  481,  482,  485,  486,  488,  489,  492- 
497,  506,  508,  510,  513,  523. 

Spanish  Main,  the,  253. 

Spanish  Mark,  the,  56. 

Spencer,  344. 

Splnola,  Ambrosio,  259-261. 

Spires,  Diets  of,  243. 

Squillace,  420,  450. 

Stanhope,  270. 

Stuart,  Mary.     See  Mary  Stuart. 

Suarez  de  Peralta,  347. 

Suevians,  the,  27-30,  34,  37. 

Sulla,  17,  18. 

Sunnites,  40,  42-44. 

Sweden,  189,  269,  379. 

Swinthila,  31. 

Switzerland  and  the  Swiss,  3,  209,  285. 

Syria  and  the  Syrians,  39,  42.     See  Moslems. 

Tagus  River,  2,  332. 

Taifas,  68-72,  75,  84,  102,  504. 

Talavera,  Hernando  de,  214,  227. 

Talavera,  town  of,  54,  155. 

Tamayo,  515. 

Tamerlane,  121. 

Tanucci,  472. 

Tarazona,  189. 

Tarifa,  2,  32,  72,  114,  115,  117. 

Tarik,  32,  33. 

Tavera,  246. 

Taverner,  430. 

T611ez,  Gabriel,  354. 


558 


INDEX 


T611ez  Gir6n,  Pedro,  139. 

Tello.  347. 

Templars,  order  of  the,  94,  139. 

Tenreiro,  515. 

Tercias  r coles,  140. 

Teresa  de  Jesus,  Saint,  310,  Sll. 

Teresa  of  Portugal,  74,  75. 

Theodoric.  28,  29. 

Theodosius,  20. 

Theotocopuli,  Domenico.     See  El  Greco. 

Thirty  Years  War,  260-262. 

Tierras,  138. 

Tirso  de  Molina.     See  T^llez  (Gabriel). 

Titian,  363. 

Tobarra,  450. 

Toledo,  archbishops  of,  124,  164,  167,  205, 
216,  307,  314,  322;  city  and  province 
of,  2,  22,  29.  30,  32,  33,  43-45,  54,  69,  72, 
78,  95,  107,  155,  164,  187,  217,  223,  237- 
239,  364. 

Tolstoy,  344. 

Tordesillas,  town  of,  239;  treaty  of,  253, 
391. 

Tories,  393. 

Toro,  Laws  of  (iSee  Leyes  de  Toro)  ;  ordi- 
nances of,  160. 

Torquemada,  Juan  de,  215. 

Torquemada,  the  historian,  347. 

Torres  Lanzas,  516. 

Torres  Naharro,  353. 

Torrigiani,  452. 

Tortosa,  69,  78. 

Toulouse,  28,  75,  81. 

Tours,  battle  of,  42. 

Towns,  62-64,  87,  89,  91-93,  97-100,  104, 
105,  108,  111,  114,  115,  117,  119,  123- 
127,  1.30,  134,  1.37,  138,  140-142,  144-149, 
151,  152,  155-163,  168-179,  192-200, 
203,  220,  221,  228,  229,  237-239,  253, 
263,  272,  276,  282-284,  289,  290,  293, 
295,  325,  329,  331,  332,  354,  412-419, 
423,  424,  426,  427,  430,  432-434,  458. 
462,  468,  469,  473,  474,  478,  493,  496, 
505,  508,  510,  511,  521,  523. 

Trafalgar,  battle  of,  406,  440. 

Trajan,  20. 

Trent.  Council  of.  281,  306,  311,  319,  321. 

Trinidad  Island,  406,  407. 

Tripoli,  456. 

Trivium,  181. 

Tunis.  126,  242,  250,  300,  456. 

Turdetanians,  8. 

Turina,  516. 


Turkey  and  the  Turks,  129,  132,  139,  195, 
229,  241-243,  247,  249,  250,  260,  321,  456. 

Tuscany,  376,  381,  405. 

Two  SicUies,  235,  380,  382.  See  Naples 
(kingdom  of),  Sicily. 

Ulloa,  Antonio  de,  476,  478. 

Unamuno,  515,  525. 

Union,  the,  127,  128,  130,  131,  173.  See 
Privilege  of  the  Union. 

United  States,  the,  and  the  Americans, 
196,  310,  369,  385,  392-398.  406,  410, 
435,  488,  500,  506,  514,  518,  520,  521, 
523.     See  American  Revolution. 

Urban  VI,  Pope,  317. 

Urban  VII,  Pope,  317. 

Urquijo.  405.  447,  456. 

Urraca,  Queen,  of  Castile  and  Leon,  73- 
75,  78. 

Ursins,  Madame  des,  373-375. 

Usatges,  78,  99. 

Utrecht,  treaty  of.  371,  376. 

Vacantes,  320,  321,  444. 

Valdes,  Juan  de,  308. 

Valdes  Leal,  366. 

Valencia,  city  of,  22,  72,  73,  81,  110,  170, 
173,  177-179,  188,  279,  284,  329,  431, 
460,  484  ;    university  of,  350. 

Valencia  (kingdom  and  province  of)  and 
the  Valencians,  2,  3,  11,  13,  50,  69,  81, 
82,  97,  100,  109,  110,  127,  128,  130,  132, 
146,  147,  149,  150,  166.  169,  173,  176- 
179,  187,  189,  190,  221,  227,  231,  239, 
240,  272,  275,  276,  279,  288-290,  296, 
325,  327,  359,  422,  427,  429,  431,  432, 
453,  460,  461,  465,  478,  516,  520. 

Valera,  515. 

Valladolid,  city  of,  114,  2.33,  239,  293, 
307,  431  ;  ordinances  of,  141,  142,  160, 
237;    university  of,  340. 

Valle  Inclan,  515. 

Valverde,  Quinito,  516. 

Van  Eyck,  187. 

Vancouver  Island,  400. 

Vandals,  the,  26-28,  37. 

Varela,  456. 

Vaulgrenant,  470. 

Vazquez,  344. 

Veedores,  220,  222. 

Vega,  Garcilaso  de  la.  347,  358. 

Vega,  Lope  de,  354,  355,  367. 

Velarde,  Pedro,  410. 


INDEX 


559 


Veldzquez,  the  architect,  516. 

Velazquez   de  Silva,   Diego,   364-366,   485, 

516. 
Venice,  207,  208,  363,  364,  366. 
Veragua,  Duke  of,  522. 
Vergennes,  389,  390,  393-395. 
Vernon,  380. 
Versailles,  369,  425. 
Vetancurt,  347. 
Vicente,  Gil,  353. 
Vicente,  Saint,  22. 
Victoria,  Queen,  of  England,  510. 
Victoria,  the  composer,  366. 
Vienna,  378. 
Vigo,  467. 
Villa,  62,  63,  85,  86,  89,  91,  290,  412,  474. 

See  Towns. 
Villa-Senor,  482. 
Villaespesa,  515. 
Villalar,  battle  of,  239. 
Villanueva,  Juan,  484. 
ViUareal,  155. 
Villaviciosa,  battle  of,  268. 
Villegas,  516. 
Villena,  Enrique  de,  183. 
Villena,  town  of,  450. 
Virgil,  185. 
Viriatus,  16-18. 

Visigothic  rite.     See  Gothic  rite. 
Visigoths,    the,    26-37,    40-42,   44,   47,   48, 

53,  54,  59,  63,  104,  146,  162,  163. 
Visitadores,  220,  222,  293,  340. 
Vitoria,  battle  of,  135 ;   town  of,  409. 
Vitoria,  the  jurist,  344. 
Vivar,  72. 

Vives,  Luis,  281,  342-346,  473. 
Vives,  the  composer,  516. 
Vizcaya,  134,  135,  197-199,  268,  301,  412, 

460. 
Voltaire,  345,  428,  482. 


Wallace,  344. 

Wallia,  28. 

Wamba,  32. 

War  of  Independence,  488-492,  513. 

War  of  Jenkins'  Ear,  380. 

War  of  the  Austrian  Succession,  381. 

War   of   the   Spanish   Succession,   370-374, 

376,  429,  430,  432,  434,  439,  441. 
Ward,  480. 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  491,  492. 
West  Indies,  380,  387,  393,  395,  397,  488. 
Westphalia,  treaties  of,  262,  455. 
Weymouth,  Lord,  396. 
Whigs,  393. 

White  companies,  120,  158. 
Wifredo,  56. 

William  of  Orange  (two),  251. 
Windward  Islands.     See  Armada  de  Barlo- 

vento. 
Witiza,  32. 

Ximenez  de  Cisneros,   205,  208,   209,  216, 
223,  227,  230,  231,  242,  306,  317. 

Yacub,  71. 

Yemenites.     See  Sunnites, 

Young,  482. 

Yuste,  244. 

Yusuf,  70. 

Zalaca,   battle  of,  70. 

Zama,  battle  of,  14. 

Zamora,  57. 

Zarate,  347. 

Zoraya,  204. 

Zubiaurre,  the  brothers,  516. 

Zuloaga,  516. 

Zulueta,  516. 

Zurbardn,  365. 

Zurita,  Jeronimo,  346,  347. 


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AA    001  247  544   8 


DP68 
C36 
Cop.  9 


Geology 
Library 


